Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2016  with  funding  from 
Boston  Library  Consortium  Member  Libraries 


https://archive.org/details/historyoftexasfrOOyoak 


Mission  of  San  Jose 

Uedfield  Eubbsher 
Xewlark 


A FACSIMILE  REPRODUCTION  IN  ONE  VOLUME  OF 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS 


FROM 


ITS  FIRST  SETTLEMENT  IN  1685 


ITS  ANNEXATION  TO  THE  UNITED  STATES  IN  1846 


By  H.  YOAKUM,  Esq. 


IN  TWO  VOLUMES 
VOL.  I 

WITH  AN  EXTENDED  APPENDIX 


REDFIELD 

34  BEEKMAN  STREET,  NEW  YORK 

1855 


Facsimile  by  Steck-Vaughn  Company  • Austin , Texas 


F 

.V56 


A FACSIMILE  REPRODUCTION  OF  THE  FIRST  EDITION  BY 

Steck- Vaughn  Company  • Publishers  • Austin,  Texas 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1855, 

By  J.  S.  REDFIELD, 

in  the  Clerk’s  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States,  in  and  for  the  Southern 
District  of  New  York. 


library 


J4A/29  1867] 


STEREOTYPED  BY  C.  C.  SAVAGE, 
13  Chambers  Street,  N.  Y- 


388307 


DEDICATION. 


To  Peter  W.  Gray,  Esq. 

Dear  Sir  : I present  you  with  the  first  volume  of  my  His- 
tory of  Texas.  It  doubtless  has  many  defects,  and  I can 
only  regret  that  I have  nothing  better  to  offer.  It  is  the  fruit 
of  days  and  nights  stolen  from  other  pursuits. 

I am  greatly  indebted  to  you  for  papers  and  suggestions.  I 
owe  a like  debt  to  Jesse  Grimes,  Esq.,  Dr.  B.  B.  Goodrich, 
General  H.  H.  Edwards,  Colonel  J.  C.  Harrison,  Colonel  S. 
A.  Miller,  and  several  other  gentlemen ; but,  especially,  to  F. 
Giraud,  Esq.,  and  Colonel  John  Forbes. 

The  materials  for  the  history  of  Texas  during  the  last  cen- 
tury are  very  slender ; yet  it  is  believed  there  are  more  in 
existence.  For  instance  — 1.  The  correspondence  of  the  Fran- 
ciscan friars  from  1716  to  1794  is  believed  to  be  in  the  parent- 
convents  of  Queretaro  and  Zacatecas.  This  would  throw  a 
flood  of  light  upon  that  period.  2.  The  thirty  folio  volumes, 
covering  the  transactions  in  Texas  for  the  first  half-century  of 
its  history,  were  forwarded  to  the  king  of  Spain  in  1744,  and 
are  probably  in  the  archives  of  Salmanca,  in  Spain.  3.  The 
Berlandier  manuscripts.  Dr.  Berlandier,  a Swiss  geographer, 


4 


DEDICATION. 


was  engaged  in  Mexico  and  Texas  from  1826  to  1850  in  col- 
lecting documents  and  facts,  historical,  geographical,  <fcc.,  and 
died  in  Matamoras  in  the  lastrnamed  year,  leaving  his  exten- 
sive manuscripts  in  the  hands  of  his  widow.  These  she  sold  to 
an  officer  of  the  United  States  navy.  He  has  deposited  them 
in  the  Smithsonian  Institution  for  safekeeping,  desirous  to  dis- 
pose of  them  to  the  government.  When  accessible,  they  will 
doubtless  throw  light  upon  the  history  of  our  state.  4.  Don 
Ramon  Arispe,  curate  of  Bourbon,  in  Tamaulipas,  promised 
the  king  of  Spain,  in  his  memorial  of  1811,  to  write  a history 
of  the  eastern  internal  provinces.  If  he  did  so,  I have  not 
seen  it. 

Besides  these  materials,  of  which  I have  not  had  the  benefit, 
there  are  doubtless  in  the  archives  of  Mexico,  Chihuahua,  Sal- 
tillo, and  Monclova,  many  valuable  historical  papers.  In  Bexar 
there  are  some  yet  unpublished.  Our  legislature  directed  the 
appointment  of  a person  to  arrange  and  translate  these  last- 
named  papers,  and  made  an  appropriation  for  that  purpose ; 
but  the  gentleman  appointed  has  made  no  report  to  my  knowl- 
edge. The  want  of  these  materials  must  be  my  excuse  for  not 
furnishing  something  more  worthy  of  your  consideration. 

The  materials  for  the  second  volume,  which  will  close  with 
our  annexation,  will  be  more  ample.  In  the  meantime,  if  the 
perusal  of  this  volume  shall  afford  you  half  the  pleasure  I had 
in  its  compilation,  I shall  be  more  than  gratified. 

Very  truly  your  friend, 

H.  Yoakum. 

Shepherd’s  Valley,  Texas,  July  3,  1854. 


INTRODUCTION. 


The  gulf  of  Mexico  is  somewhat  in  the  shape  of  a horseshoe, 
having  at  the  two  heels  Capes  Florida  and  Catorce,  and  a per- 
imeter of  three  thousand  miles.  Its  opening  is  defended  and 
adorned  by  the  island  of  Cuba,  possessing  some  of  the  finest 
harbors  in  the  world.  Commencing  at  Cape  Florida,  we  find 
the  ports  and  harbors  are  as  numerous  as  could  be  desired. 
They  are — Tampa,  Apalachic,  Mobile,  New  Orleans,  Achafa- 
laya,  Calcasieu,  Sabine,  Galveston,  Matagorda,  Corpus  Christi, 
Brasos  Santiago,  Soto  la  Marina,  Tampico,  Vera  Cruz,  Tehuan- 
tepec, Campeachy,  Sisal,  and  Sagartos.  True,  some  of  them 
are  of  small  capacity  ; yet  they  are  sufficient  for  the  vast  com- 
merce of  this  great  inland  sea,  and  the  rich  territories  that 
border  it. 

At  the  toe  of  this  great  shoe  lies  the  territory  of  Texas,  ex- 
tending from  the  twenty-sixth  nearly  to  the  thirtieth  parallel 
of  north  latitude,  a distance  of  380  miles  along  the  coast. 
It  extends  into  the  interior  to  the  parallel  of  thirty-six  and  a 
half  degrees  north,  and  lies  between  the  ninety-fourth  and  the 
one  hundred  and  fifth  degrees  of  longitude  west  from  Green- 
wich— embracing  an  area  of  two  hundred  and  thirty-seven 
thousand  square  miles,  or  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  millions 
of  acres.  The  country  along,  the  coast  is  a level  prairie  : but, 


6 


INTRODUCTION. 


as  you  pass  to  the  interior,  the  surface  gradually  rises  and  be- 
comes more  undulating — and,  still  farther  inland,  hilly,  and 
then  mountainous.  Timber  also  begins  to  appear  as  the  coun- 
try becomes  more  undulating,  especially  in  the  eastern  portion 
of  the  state.  Yet,  after  crossing  an  extensive  belt  of  timber, 
and  reaching  more  than  a hundred  miles  from  the  coast,  you 
find  the  high,  rolling  prairies  — composed  of  the  richest  soil  in 
the  world,  covered  with  musquit-grass,  and  having,  along  the 
streams  and  valleys,  sufficient  timber  for  ordinary  purposes. 

Texas  is  an  alluvial  country,  having  very  little  rock  on  its 
surface.  Everywhere  is  to  be  found  unmistakeable  evidence 
of  its  having  been  submerged.  In  the  extreme  northern  part 
primitive  rocks  may  be  found,  though  in  the  inhabited  portion 
they  are  never  seen.  The  variety  of  her  latitude  and  eleva- 
tion gives  to  her  citizens  a like  variety  of  climate  and  produc- 
tions. In  the  south,  they  grow  oranges  and  sugar-cane ; in 
the  middle  region,  cotton  ; farther  north,  wheat;  and  potatoes, 
corn,  and  vegetables,  everywhere.  In  fact,  there  is  no  coun- 
try of  like  extent  where  a greater  variety  and  quantity  of 
agricultural  productions  can  be  raised ; nor  is  there  any  coun- 
try where  the  laborer  can  find  a more  certain  and  better  re- 
ward for  his  toil. 

Circumstances  alone  have  postponed  to  these  latter  days 
the  development  of  the  vast  resources  of  Texas.  Galveston, 
her  principal  harbor — situated  about  four  hundred  miles  from 
New  Orleans,  seven  hundred  from  Vera  Cruz,  and  eight  hun- 
dred from  Cuba  — affords  her  a commercial  outlet  sufficient 
for  her  growing  purposes.  When  her  interior  shall  be  sup- 
plied with  railroad  facilities  — and  in  no  country  can  they  be 
more  cheaply  built — she  will  have  nothing  further  to  desire. 


CONTENTS  OF  VOLUME  I. 


CHAPTER  L 

First  European  Emigrants  to  Texas — La  Salle — Discovery  of  the  Mouth  of  the 
Mississippi — Voyage  of  La  Salle — Beaujeu — Vessels  wrecked — Put  in  at  Petit 
Gouave — Again  set  sail — Coast  along  the  Shore  of  Texas — Return  to  Mata- 
gorda Bay — Put  in  there — Land  and  Encamp — Loss  of  the  Aimable — La  Salle 
in  Search  of  the  Mouth  of  the  Mississippi — Trouble  with  the  Indians — Depart- 
ure of  Beaujeu — La  Salle’s  Colonists — Tour  of  Discovery  in  the  Interior  of 
Texas — Return — Bad  Condition  of  the  Colony — New  Location  on  the  Lavaca 
— Fort  St  Louis page  13 


CHAPTER  II. 

Nearest  Spanish  Settlements  to  La  Salle — Other  Settlements  in  North  America 
— The  Early  Texan  Indians : Lipans,  Oarankawaes,  Cenis,  Nassonis,  Camanches 
— Ownership  of  Texas — Pretensions  of  Spain — Origin  of  Dispute  as  to  the 
Title page  26 


CHAPTER  III. 

Further  Exploration  by  La  Salle — Loss  of  the  Belle — Journey  to  the  Illinois — 
Its  Failure — Return  of  the  Party — Preparations  for  a Second  Journey — La 
Salle  and  Twenty  of  his  Party  again  set  out — Reach  the  town  of  Texas,  on  the 
Neches — Mutiny — Death  of  La  Salle — Mutineers  kill  Each  Other — Heins  left 
with  the  Cenis  Indians — Joutel  and  Six  Others  set  out  for  France — Destruc- 
tion of  the  Remnant  of  Fort  St.  Louis — March  of  De  Tonti  from  the  Illinois  to 
relieve  La  Salle page  33 


CHAPTER  IV. 

News  of  La  Salle’s  Colony  reaches  Mexico — Captain  Alonzo  De  Leon  sent  against 
it — Found  the  Post  abandoned — De  Leon’s  Second  Visit — Don  Domingo  Teran 
first  Governor — Makes  Settlements — Mission  of  San  Francisco  on  Bernard  Bay 
— St.  John,  at  the  Presidio  on  the  Rio  Grande — Settlements  and  Missions  aban- 
doned in  1693 — Discovery  of  the  Rio  Grande — Movements  in  Louisiana — Cro- 
zat — Huchereau  St.  Denis — His  Visit  to  the  Presidio  on  the  Rio  Grande,  in 
1714 — Arrested — Sent  to  Mexico — Released — New  Steps  taken  by  the  Span- 
iards to  occupy  Texas — Mission  at  San  Bernard  Bay — Adaes — Dolores — San 
Antonio  de  Valero — Domingo  Ramon — Nacogdoches — Aes — First  Buildings — 
Indians — Name  of  Texas page  44 


8 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  V. 

Missionaries — Jesuits — Dominicans — Franciscans — Labors  of  the  Latter  in  Texas 
— Presidios — Missions — Troops — Forts — Rules  in  the  Missions — Neophytes — 
Reports  of  the  Missionaries — Mode  of  bringing  in  Wild  Indians — Missions  of 
Catholics  and  Protestants — Missionary  Regulations  of  Government — Council 
of  the  Indies — Encomiendas — Peonage — Taxes — Clergy  of  New  Spain — Right 
of  Patronage — Mission  Buildings page  63 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Second  Expedition  of  St.  Denis,  1716 — Seizure  of  his  Goods  at  the  Presidio — His 
Journey  to  Mexico — Imprisonment — Release — Escape  of  his  Company — Crozat 
surrenders  his  Charter — War  between  France  and  Spain,  1718 — Campaign  of 
La  Harpe  and  St.  Denis  against  Texan  Missions — Repelled  by  De  Aguayo — 
De  Alarconne  new  Governor  of  Texas — He  demands  more  Men  and  Money — 
Correspondence  with  La  Harpe — His  Demand  refused,  and  he  resigns — Belle- 
isle — His  Wanderings  in  Texas — His  Escape  from  the  Indians — Spanish  Expe- 
dition from  Santa  Fe,  1720 — Its  Destruction — The ‘French  reoccupy  Fort  St. 
Louis  on  Matagorda  Bay — Abandon  it page  66 

CHAPTER  VII. 

New  Efforts  of  the  Spaniards  to  occupy  Texas — New  Posts  and  Missions — Colo- 
nists recommended  by  Aguayo — Spanish  Forces  in  Texas — Description  of  the 
Troops — St.  Denis  gets  up  a Contraband  Trade — War  between  Spain  and  Eng- 
land, 1726 — Western  Limit  of  Texas — Order  for  New  Colouists  from  the  Ca- 
naries— Reduction  of  the  Forces  in  Texas — Attack  of  the  Natchez  on  Natchi- 
toches, of  the  Apaches  on  the  Spaniards — Arrival  of  Colonists — Victory  over 
the  Indians — Governor  Sandoval,  173-1 — His  Zeal — Dispute  with  St  Denis 
about  the  Eastern  Limit  of  Texas — Their  Correspondence — Governor  Franquis 
supersedes  Sandoval — Throws  him  into  Prison,  1736 — Tyranny  of  Franquis — 
Lawsuit  between  him  and  Sandoval — Governor  Boneo  arrives* — Takes  Testi- 
mony in  the  Suit  between  the  Ex-Govemors — Sandoval  acquitted — Suit  re- 
newed— Sandoval  again  acquitted — Condition  of  Texas  in  1744 — Population 
— Mission  of  San  Saba — Its  Dest  ruction,  1758 page  74 

CHAPTER  VII L 

Affairs  in  Spain — War  between  England  and  France — Spain  drawn  into  it — 
Cession  of  Louisiana  to  Spain,  1762 — Eastern  Limit  of  Spanish  Territory — The 
Balance  of  Power — Effect  of  the  Cession  of  Louisiana — Abandonment  of  the 
Posts  of  Adaes  and  Orquizaeo — Mission  of  the  Marquis  de  Rubi — Commerce 
between  Texas  and  Louisiana — The  Casa  de  Contratacion — Restrictions  on 
Trade — Galleons — Mail-Packets — Smuggling — Population  of  Texas  in  1765 — 
Growth  of  Anglo-Aineriean  Colonies — Their  Progress  West — Part  taken  by 
France  and  Spain  in  the  American  Revolution — Building  up  of  Nacogdo- 
ches   page  90 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Jose  Galvez — Dispute  between  United  States  and  Spain  about  the  Boundary — 
Opinion  of  La  Fayette — Navigation  of  the  Mississippi — Motive  of  Spain  in 


CONTENTS. 


3 


objecting  to  its  Navigation  by  Americans — The  Discussion — Manuel  Godoy — 
Treaty  of  1795 — Trade  between  Natchez  and  Texas — Indians — History  of  the 
Alamo — Missions  secularized,  1793 — The  Abandonment  of  Adaes — Refugio — 
La  Bahia — Spirit  of  Progress — Death  of  Galvez  page  101 

CHAPTER  X. 

Philip  Nolan — Expedition  to  Texas — His  Company — Adventures — Horses  stolen 
and  recovered — Battle  of  Nolan’s  Creek,  March  22, 1801 — Nolan  killed — Bean 
takes  Command — Treaty — Bean  and  his  Party  lmnrisoned — Taken  to  San  Luis 
Potosi — Re-cession  of  Louisiana  to  France,  October,  1800 — Obstruction  of  the 
Navigation  of  the  Mississippi — Excitement — Purchase  of  Louisiana  by  the  Uni- 
ted States — Debates  on  the  Subject — Inquiries  as  to  the  Boundary  of  Louisi- 
ana— Controversy  with  Spain — The  Special  Embassy — Discussion — Proposi- 
tions— Influence  of  Bonaparte — Warlike  Attitude  of  Spain — Spanish  Outrages 
on  the  Frontier — Gathering  of  Troops — Old  Settlements  on  Red  River — Gov- 
ernor Cordero pa«e  111 


CHAPTER  XL 

Americans  prepare  to  drive  the  Spaniards  West  of  the  Sabine — Arrival  of  Gov- 
ernor Claiborne — General  Wilkinson — The  two  Armies  separated  only  by  the 
Sabine — Correspondence — Agreement — The  Neutral  Ground — Pike’s  Expedi- 
tion— Steps  taken  to  capture  him — He  gets  lost — Is  taken  on  the  Rio  Grande 
— Condition  of  Texas  at  the  Close  of  1806 — American  Squatters — The  Old 
Missions — Population  of  Texas — Society  in  1806 — Scene  at  Albuquerque — 
Commerce  of  Texas — Coahuila — T'asa  del  Norte page  131 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Miranda — Spirit  of  Liberty  in  Mexico — Burr — His  Capture — Napoleon’s  Designs 
upon  Spain — Overturns  the  Bourbon  Dynasty,  and  places  his  Brother  Joseph 
on  the  Spanish  Throne — Effect  in  Mexico — Viceroy  about  to  call  a Popular 
Assembly — Imprisoned — Influence  of  the  Junta  of  Seville — Revolution  in 
Spanish  America — Hidalgo — Proposals  of  Spanish  Junta — Successes  and  Re- 
verses of  Hidalgo — Captured  and  put  to  Death — Colonel  Delgado  and  Bernar- 
do Gutierres — The  Latter  escapes  to  Louisiana — Occupants  of  the  Neutral 
Ground — Their  Outrages — Attempts  to  remove  them — Lieutenant  Magee — 
His  Connection  with  Gutierres — Preparations  for  the  Gachupin  War — Battle 
at  Salitre  Prairie — Rout  at  Nacogdoches — At  Trinidad — Salcedo — Prepara- 
tions to  defend  Texas — Morelos — Bean — His  Adventures — Release  from  Prison 
— Republican  Officer  in  Mexico — Takes  Acapulco page  143 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

Gutierres  advances  upon  La  Bahia,  October,  1812 — Ambush  laid  for  them — 
Pass  around  it  and  surprise  La  Bahia,  November  14,  1812 — Plunder  taken — 
Salcedo  besieges  them  there — Several  Unsuccessful  Assaults — Treaty  between 
Magee  and  Salcedo — Americans  refuse  to  ratify  it — Magee’s  Death — Battle — 
Salcedo  worsted,  raises  the  Siege,  and  retires  toward  San  Antonio — Americans 
pursue  him — Battle  of  Rosalia — Surrender  of  Salcedo  and  his  Staff — Occupa- 
tion of  San  Antonio — Massacre  of  Salcedo  and  his  Staff  by  Order  of  Gutierres 


10 


CONTENTS. 


— Dismissal  of  Gutierres — Colonel  Perry — Manchaca — Approach  of  Elisondo — 
Battle  of  the  Alazan — Flight  of  the  Spaniards — Toledo  in  Command  of  the  “Re- 
publican Army  of  the  North” — Battle  of  the  Medina — Defeat  and  Butchery  of 
Americans — Cruelty  of  the  Spaniards  at  San  Antonio  and  Trinidad. . page  162 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Relations  of  Spain  with  the  United  States,  1808-1815 — Baton  Rouge  annexed  to 
Louisiana,  October-27,  1810 — War  in  Mexico — Calleja — Ferdinand  VII.  re- 
stored to  his  Throne — Toledo  preparing  to  prosecute  the  War  in  Mexico — 
Sympathy  of  the  People  in  the  Southwestern  States — The  Mexican  Clergy — 
Colonel  Perry — Galveston  Island — Don  Luis  Aury  occupies  the  Island — Xa- 
vier Mina — His  Movements — Treachery  of  Toledo — Mina,  Perry,  and  Aury,  at 
Galveston — Prosperity  of  the  Place — Africans  brought  to  the  Island — Smug- 
gled into  the  United  States — Attack  upon  Soto  la  Marina — Perry  returns — 
Mina’s  Successes,  Capture,  and  Death — Perry’s  Attack  on  La  Bahia — His  De- 
feat and  Death — Lafitte — Barataria — Broken  up  by  Commodore  Patterson — 
Offer  made  to  Lafitte  by  the  British  Government — His  Refusal — At  the  Battle 
of  New  Orleans — His  Pardon — Occupies  Galveston  Island,  April,  1817 — His 
Authority — Commission  from  Colonel  Bean tage  177 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Aury  returns  to  Matagorda — Leaves  Texas,  to  assist  M ‘Gregor  in  taking  Florida 
— Lafitte  prospers  greatly — French  Settlement  on  the  Trinity — Lafitte’sTown 
of  Campeachy — Indians — Battle  of  the  “Three  Trees” — Discussion  between 
the  United  States  and  Spain — Treaty  of  1819 — Texas  abandoned  to  Spain — 
General  Long  and  his  Expedition — His  Government — Visit  to  Lafitte  for  Aid 
— Advance  of  the  Royalists — Defeat  of  Captain  Johnson — Of  Captain  Walker 
— Of  David  Long — His  Death — Flight  of  Long’s  Party  from  Nacogdoches — 
Battle  between  Major  Smith  and  Colonel  Perez  on  the  Trinity — Retreat  of  the 
Americans  to  Bolivar  Point — Lafitte  in  Difficulty  with  the  United  States — 
Hangs  Brown — Lieutenant  Kearney  sent  against  him — Lafitte  leaves  Texas — 
Success  of  the  Royalists  under  Apodaca — Treachery  of  Iturbide — Pronounce- 
ment of  Iguala — Apodaca  deposed,  and  Novella  made  Viceroy — Arrival  of 
O’Donoju — Treaty  of  Cordova,  August  24,  1821 — Independence  of  Mexico- 
Long  sets  out  to  attack  La  Bahia — His  Capture  and  Assassination. . page  193 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

The  Austins — Moses  Austin  applies  for  a Colony  Contract — Obtains  it — Dies — 
Stephen  F.  Austin  undertakes  to  carry  out  the  Contract — Erasmo  Seguin — 
Austin’s  Means — Arrives  in  Texas  in  July,  1821 — First  Colonists,  December, 
1821 — Austin’s  Journey  to  Mexico — His  Efforts  to  have  his  Grant  confirmed 
by  Iturbide — Other  Applicants — Hayden  Edwards — The  Cherokees — Iturbide 
disperses  the  Mexican  Congress — Creates  a Junta — First  Colonization  Law — 
Iturbide  dethroned  by  Santa  Anna  and  Others — Constituent  Congress — Fed- 
eral Constitution  of  1824 — San  Antonio — Immigrants — Carankawnes — Second 
Battle  of  the  “Three  Trees” — More  Troubles  with  the  Indians — Battle  of 
Jones’s  Creek — Peace  with  the  Caraukawaes — Austin’s  Return — His  New 
Town — Prosperity  of  the  Colony — Austin’s  Zeal page  209 


CONTENTS. 


11 


CHAPTER  XYIL 

Mexican  State  Constitutions — Texas  united  with  Coahuila — First  State  Congress, 
August  16,  1824 — Chief  of  the  Department  of  Texas — Saucedo — State  Coloni- 
zation Law,  March  24,  1825 — Leftwitch  and  Edwards’s  Grants — Independent 
Immigrants  on  the  Trinity — Boundary  of  Edwards’s  Grant — His  Difficulties 
— Bean — John  Dunn  Hunter — Correspondence  between  Edwards  and  the  Po- 
litical Chief — Troubles  at  Nacogdoches — Tramel  at  Robbins’s  Ferry — B.  W. 
Edwards — Haydeu  Edwards’s  Grant  annulled — Fredonian  Emeute — Norris — 
Gaines — Martin  Parmer — Treaty  with  the  Cherokees — Expulsion  of  Norris 
and  his  Party — Failure  of  the  Fredonians  to  obtain  Assistance — Advance  of 
the  Mexicans  under  Colonel  Ahumada — Retreat  of  the  Fredonians  across  the 
Sabine page  230 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Prosperity  of  Austin’s  Colony — Dewitt’s  Colony — Deaf  Smith — State  Constitu- 
tion— Representatives — Ayuntamientos — Mexican  Troops  for  Texas — Guada- 
lupe Victoria — Poinsett — Masonic  Lodges — Bravo — Expulsion  of  the  Span- 
iards— Poverty  of  the  State  of  Coahuila  and  Texas — Growth  of  the  Colonies 
— Gonzales — Campaign  against  the  Wacoes  and  Twowokanas — Trade  with 
Santa  Fe — Decree  in  favor  of  Debtors — Peonage — Slavery — Election  of  Pe- 
draza — Revolution — Guerrero  made  President — Attempts  of  the  United  States 
to  re-purchase  Texas — Settlement  of  Liberty — Education — Mexican  School- 
master— Progress  of  the  Settlements — Guerrero  made  Dictator — Slaves — Jose 
Maria  Letono — James  Bowie — Decree  of  April  6,  1830,  against  American  Colo- 
nists— General  Teran — Mexican  Forces  in  Texas — Steps  toward  a Military 
Despotism page  261 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

American  Population  in  Texas  in  1831 — Usurpations  of  the  Military  Authority 
— United  States  propose  to  purchase  Texas — Mexican  Jealousy  of  American 
Immigrants — Obuoxious  Measures  of  the  Mexican  Government — Search  for 
the  Silver-Mines  of  San  Saba — Desperate  Battle  with  the  Indians — Mexican 
Revolution  of  1832 — Capture  of  Fort  Velasco  by  the  Texans — Feeling  in  Texas 
in  1832 — Battle  of  Nacogdoches — Mexican  Defeat page  274 

CHAPTER  XX. 

Proposed  Separation  of  Texas  and  Coahuila — Civil  War  between  Santa  Anna 
and  Bustamente — Course  of  Colonel  Austin — Sam  Houston — Sketch  of  his 
Life — His  Mission  to  Texas  in  1832 — Indian  Wars — Election  of  Santa  Anna 
as  President  of  Mexico — Constitutional  Convention  of  1833 — Attempt  to  make 
Santa  Anna  Dictator — Imprisonment  of  Austin — Proceedings  of  Texan  Legis- 
lature— Change  of  Government  in  Mexico — Attempts  to  organize  a Judiciary 
in  Texas — Civil  War  imminent  in  the  State — Disputes  of  Saltillo  and  Mon- 
dova — Release  of  Austin — Separation  of  Texas  and  Coahuila  refused  by  Santa 
Anna — Almont6’s  Report  on  Texas — Attempt  of  the  Creek  Indians  to  obtain 
a Settlement  in  Texas page  301 


12 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

First  Revolutionary  Movement  in  Texas  in  1834 — Acts  of  the  Mexican  Congress 
in  1835 — State  Election  in  Texas  and  Coahuila — Revolt  of  Saltillo — Legisla- 
tive Proceedings — Temporizing  Policy  of  Santa  Anna — Course  of  the  Federal 
Congress — Massacre  and  Plunder  of  Zacatecas — Organization  of  Committees 
of  Safety  by  the  Texans — Ugartachea,  the  Mexican  Commandant  in  Texas — 
Movements  of  the  War  and  Peace  Parties — Conciliatory  Meeting  at  San  Felipe 
— Meeting  at  Navidad — Feeling  at  Nacogdoches — Flight  of  Zavalla  into  Texas 
— Mexican  Spies — Orders  to  arrest  Suspected  Persons — Attempt  of  Santa  Anna 
to  arrest  Zavalla — War-Party  in  the  Ascendency — Meeting  at  San  Augustine 
— Movements  of  Santa  Anna  toward  Despotic  Authority — Continued  Hostile 
Policy  toward  Texas page  329 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

Committee  of  Safety  and  Correspondence  formed  at  Columbia — Texan  Pronun- 
ciamento — Movement  for  a General  Consultation  of  all  Texas — Return  of  Aus- 
tin to  Texas — Address  of  Austin — Land-Frauds — Mexican  Spy — Arrival  of 
Cos  with  Additional  Troops  in  Texas — Opening  Conflict  of  the  Revolution — 
Warlike  Enthusiasm  throughout  Texas — Destruction  of  the  Federal  Constitu- 
tion in  Mexico — Texas  Council  of  Safety  organized — Capture  of  Goliad  by  the 
Texans — Aid  rendered  the  Texans  in  Men,  Arms,  and  Provisions — Texan  En- 
campment at  Concepcion — Battle  of  Concepcion,  and  Defeat  of  the  Mexicans 
— First  Government  of  Revolutionary  Texas — Proceedings  of  the  Central 
Council  page  354 


APPENDIX. 

1.  Old  Bexar  Manuscript page  381 

2.  Memoir  of  Ellis  P.  Bean 403 

3.  Official  Proceedings  of  Lafitte’s  Government  at  Galveston  Island. . . . 453 

4.  Notes  on  the  Alamo 457 

5.  Hayden  Edwards’s  Contract 462 

6.  Letters  from  General  Sam  Houston  to  President  Jackson  and  the  In- 

dian Commissioners,  in  1833  465 

7.  Memorial  of  the  Texan  Convention  of  April,  1833,  to  the  General  Con- 

gress of  the  United  Mexican  States 469 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

The  first  European  emigrants  to  Texas  were  led  hither  by 
Robert  Cavalier,  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  who  landed  on  the  west 
side,  and  near  the  entrance,  of  Matagorda  bay,  on  the  18th  of 
February,  1685.*  La  Salle  was  a brave  and  gallant  knight  of 
Louis  XIV.  He  was  a native  of  Rouen,  in  Normandy.  Born 
of  a good  family,  and  destined  for  the  church,  he  received, 
under  the  guidance  of  the  Jesuits,  an  excellent  scientific  edu- 
cation.! He  was  a man  of  great  abilities,  of  an  enterprising 
spirit,  and  possessed  of  a firmness  of  mind  which  peril  and 
adversity  seemed  only  to  strengthen.  He  kept  his  own  coun- 
sel, relied  upon  his  own  genius,  and  bore  without  a murmur 
whatever  ills  befell  him.  But,  with  all  these  good  qualities, 
such  was  his  ambition,  that  it  rendered  him  morose  and  sullen 
—haughty,  not  only  to  his  dependants,  but  his  associates.  $ 

It  is  remarkable  that  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  was  not 
discovered  until  one  hundred  and  ninety  years  after  the  dis- 

* American  State  Paper 9,  vol.  xii.,  p.  87  : Wait,  Boston,  1819.  Life  of  La 
Salle , American  Biography , voL  xi,  p.  129. 

f Ibid.,  p.  6. 

$ Travel * of  Captain  Boaeu,  vol  L,  p.  86:  London,  1771. 


14 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


eovery  of  America;  and  still  more  so,  that  this  discovery 
should  have  been  made  through  Canada.  Ferdinand  De  Soto, 
coming  from  Florida,  had  seen  it,  and  been  buried  in  its  waters 
about  the  year  1543.  And  in  1673,  Marquette,  a Recollect 
missionary,  with  six  others,  under  the  direction  of  M.  Talon, 
the  intendant-general  of  Canada,  starting  out  from  Mackinac, 
crossed  over  to  the  great  river,*  and  floated  down  as  far  as 
the  mouth  of  the  Arkansas.  But  it  was  reserved  to  La  Salle 
to  discover  its  mouth,  which  he  did  on  the  7th  day  of  April, 
1682,  and,  on  the  9th,  celebrated  the  discovery  with  great 
ceremony,  taking  possession,  in  the  name  of  Louis  XIV.,  by 
proclamation  and  proces  verbal , of  all  the  territory  watered 
by  the  Mississippi  from  its  mouth  to  its  source,  and  by  the 
streams  flowing  into  it  on  both  sides. f 

The  report  of  this  splendid  discovery,  which  was  made  known 
in  Europe,  by  La  Salle  and  his  followers,  on  their  return  to 
France,  created  great  excitement,  not  only  at  court,  but  among 
the  learned.  The  idea  of  a nearer  route  to  Asia  had  occupied 
the  minds  of  commercial  and  learned  men  since  the  time  of 
Columbus.  When  the  trappers  and  fur-traders  of  Canada  first 
learned,  from  the  Indians,  the  existence  of  this  great  river,  the 
impression  prevailed  that  it  emptied  into  the  Vermilion  sea, 
the  name  then  given  to  the  gulf  of  California. 

* Meshassepi,  in  the  language  of  the  Illinois  Indians,  signifies  all  the  rivers. 

\ See  a translation  of  the  proces  verbal  in  Appendix  iv.  to  Sparks’s  Life  of  La 
Salle.  There  has  been  much  controversy  as  to  the  discovery  of  the  mouth  of 
the  Mississippi.  If  discovered  by  Moscoso  as  early  as  1545,  it  is  exceedingly 
strange  that  for  one  hundred  and  thirty  years  afterward  the  important  fact  was 
unknown  in  the  learned  court  of  France,  and  that  the  savans  of  that  capital  still 
supposed  that  river  emptied  into  the  gulf  of  California.  The  curious  can  find 
much  said  on  the  subject  in  Dr.  Monette’s  Valley  of  the  Mississippi,  vol.  i.,  p. 
620 ; Professor  Shea’s  Discovery  and  Exploration  of  the  Mississippi  ; Bossu,  vol.  i., 
p.  70;  Pickett’s  History  of  Alabama,  vol.  i.,  pp.  51,  52;  and  Am.  Biog.,  vol.  x., 
p.  268  et  seq.  Also  the  character  of  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  the  writer,  on  whom 
the  advocates  of  an  earlier  discovery  rely,  can  be  found  in  the  Biographie  Uni- 
verselle,  in  loc. 


DISCOVERIES  OF  LA  SALLE. 


15 


La  Salle  had  many  enemies : some  caused  by  his  harsh  and 
overbearing  temper ; others,  through  envy  of  his  fame ; and 
yet  others,  on  account  of  the  monopoly  in  trade  granted  him 
by  the  king.  Yet  he  had  two  friends  at  court — Frontenac, 
the  former  governor  of  Canada,  and  Seignelay,  son  of  the  great 
Colbert — who  aided  him  greatly  in  presenting  the  importance 
of  his  discovery,  in  removing  the  unfavorable  impressions  made 
by  his  enemies,  and,  above  all,  in  opening  the  way  and  provi- 
ding the  means  for  further  adventures,  and  the  permaneiit  oc- 
cupancy of  the  newly-discovered  territory.  La  Salle  proposed 
to  proceed  to  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  by  sea;  and,  being 
provided  with  provisions,  implements  of  husbandry,  mechanics, 
tools,  and  colonists,  to  found  a colony  there.  All  this  was 
granted,  and  in  a manner  suitable  to  the  importance  of  the 
enterprise,  and  the  dignity  and  munificence  of  the  great  Louis. 
A commission  was  issued  to  him,  giving  him  authority  to  estab- 
lish colonies  in  Louisiana,  and  to  take  command  of  the  expe- 
dition.* 

A squadron  of  four  vessels  was  provided  and  furnished  by 
the  king : that  is,  the  Joli , a frigate  of  thirty-six  guns ; the 
Belle , of  six  guns,  a present  from  the  king  to  La  Salle ; the 

* The  historians  of  this  expedition  are,  Joutel,  whose  journal  was  published  in 
Paris  in  1713  ; and  Father  Anastase,  whose  account  is  published  by  Chretien  Le 
Clerk,  in  his  history  of  the  labors  of  the  Franciscan  missionaries  in  Canada,  enti- 
tled “ Etablissement  de  la  Foy Paris,  1691.  Dr.  Sparks,  in  his  life  of  La  Salle, 
has  collated  and  weighed  the  facts,  as  given  by  these  authors,  in  a manner  so 
excellent  and  accurate,  that  he  has  left  but  little  to  be  added.  Besides,  he  has 
thrown  new  light  upon  the  subject  by  the  publication  of  original  documents  in 
the  archives  of  the  marine  department  at  Paris.  — Sparks'*  Am.  Biog.,  vol.  xi. 
The  accounts,  as  given  by  Charlevoix,  in  the  Ilistoire  Generate  de  la  Nouvelle 
France , and  by  Captain  Bossu,  in  his  travels  through  Louisiana,  are  taken  from 
Joutel.  The  facts  stated  in  this  chapter  are  mostly  taken  from  Dr.  Sparks,  L*b 
Clerk’s  Etablissement  de  la  Foy,  and  the  narrative  of  Father  Anastase  Douay. 
The  latter  has  lately  been  presented  in  an  English  dress  by  Professor  Shea.  The 
journal  of  Joutel  is  published  in  the  first  volume  of  the  Historical  Collections  of 
Louisiana. 


16 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


Aim  able,  a ship  of  some  three  hundred  tons’  burden ; and  a 
small  vessel,  the  St.  Francis , carrying  munitions.  Beaujeu, 
who  commanded  the  Joli,  was  also  commander  of  the  squad- 
ron, but  was  to  be  under  the  direction  of  La  Salle,  except  in 
the  business  of  navigating  the  ships  at  sea,  till  they  arrived  in 
America : Beaujeu  was  also  to  assist  him  in  making  prepara- 
tions for  the  voyage.  The  whole  number  of  persons  who  em- 
barked in  the  expedition  was  more  than  three  hundred,  of 
whom  one  hundred  were  soldiers,  thirty  volunteers,  and  the 
rest  workmen,  girls,  and  seamen.  The  missionary  force  con- 
sisted of  seven  persons,  viz. : four  Recollect  fathers,  Zenobe 
Membre,  Anastase  Douay,  Maxime  Leclercq,  and  Denis  Mar- 
quet ; three  priests  of  St.  Sulpitius,  Cavalier,  brother  of  La 
Salle,  Chedeville  his  relation,  and  Majulte.  Among  the  volun- 
teers were  several  gentlemen  of  distinction,  among  whom  may 
be  mentioned  Joutel,  the  historian  of  the  expedition ; Morag- 
net  and  young  Cavalier,  nephews  of  La  Salle ; Planterose, 
Thibault,  and  Ory,  from  Rouen,  the  native  town  of  La  Salle ; 
also  M.  Talon,  a gentleman  of  Canada,  with  his  family.* 

On  the  24th  of  July,  1684,  the  squadron  set  sail  from  Ro- 
chelle. La  Salle  was  on  board  of  Beaujeu’s  ship,  the  Joli.  An 
utter  want  of  confidence  existed  between  those  two  persons. 
This  was  caused  to  some  extent  by  the  anomalous  position  they 
occupied,  the  authority  of  each  not  having  been  defined  by  the 
marine  department ; but  still  more  by  the  pride  of  Beaujeu  and 
the  obstinacy  of  La  Salle.  The  former  had  been  a captain  for 
thirteen  years  in  the  French  navy,  and  took  to  himself  great 
credit  for  consenting  to  obey  the  orders  of  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle, 
who  had  never  served  in  war,  except  against  savages,  and  who 
had  no  military  rank.j  And  when  Beaujeu  would  propose  to 

* Bossu,  i.,  71 ; Life  of  La  Salle,  114. 

f See  his  letter  to  the  minister  of  the  marine,  as  quoted  by  Dr.  Sparks;  May 
30,  1684.  Ib.,  p.  116. 


LOSS  OF  THE  ST.  FRANCIS. 


17 


him  anything,  he  would  haughtily  reply,  “ This  is  not  the  king’s 
intention.”*  Previous  to  the  departure  of  the  squadron,  Beau- 
jeu  wrote  again  to  the  minister,  reminding  him  how  disagree- 
able it  was  for  him  to  be  under  the  orders  of  a man  who  had 
no  military  rank,  and  asking  positive  orders  on  the  point ; sta- 
ting that  he  wished  the  orders  to  be  of  such  a character,  that 
no  blame  should  attach  to  him  should  La  Salle  fail  in  his  proj- 
ect. He  wished  also  to  know  what  was  to  be  done  with  the 
soldiers,  as  La  Salle  had  already  set  up  a claim  to  their  com- 
mand so  soon  as  they  should  land  in  America.  The  minister 
did  not  enlighten  him  with  any  further  instructions — nor  did 
La  Salle  with  any  intimation  of  his  intentions.  It  was  in  this 
awkward  relation  that  the  two  chiefs  left  Rochelle.  They  had 
not  gone  more  than  fifty  leagues  to  sea  when  the  bowsprit  of 
the  Joli  was  broken,  and  they  returned  for  repairs.  They  put 
out  again  on  the  1st  of  August.  Descrying  the  island  of  Ma- 
deira, Beaujeu  proposed  to  anchor,  and  take  in  water  and  re- 
freshments ; but  La  Salle  refused,  alleging  that  they  had  on 
board  plentiful  supplies,  that  it  would  produce  unnecessary  de- 
lay, and  expose  the  design  of  their  expedition  to  the  risk  of 
being  discovered  by  the  Spaniards. 

Near  the  coast  of  St.  Domingo,  the  vessels  were  separated 
by  a storm ; but,  between  .the  28th  of  September  and  the  2d 
of  October,  they  all  came  into  port  at  Petit  Gouave,  except  the 
St.  Francis,  which  was  taken  by  the  Spaniards.!  This  was  a 
severe  loss,  as  the  stores  on  this  bark  were  impoicant  to  the 
success  of  the  enterprise.  La  Salle  was  for  three  weeks  con 

* Bossu,  i.,  72. 

f Life  of  La  Salle,  Am.  Biog.,  xi.,  p.  120.  On  the  15th  of  August,  1684,  the 
truce  of  Ratisbon,  concluded  by  France  with  Spain  and  the  German  empire,  ter- 
minated the  war  of  the  previous  year. — Elliot's  American  Diplomatic  Code , 
vol.  i.,  p.  5.  This  was  perhaps  not  known  in  the  West  Indies  before  the  end  of 
the  year. 

OL.  I. — 2 


18 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


fined  at  this  port  with  fever.  He,  however,  recovered ; was 
visited  by  the  governor  and  intendant  of  St.  Domingo;  and, 
after  laying  in  the  proper  stores  and  suitable  domestic  animals, 
and  consulting  with  pilots  acquainted  with  the  West  India  seas, 
he  prepared  to  depart.  La  Salle  transferred  himself  and  some 
others  from  the  Joli  to  the  Aimable,  and  directed  the  latter, 
the  heaviest  sailer  of  the  three,  to  go  in  front.  This  may  have 
been  the  better  to  keep  the  squadron  together,  but  more  proba- 
bly to  get  rid  of  Beaujeu.  They  sailed  from  Petit  Gonave  on 
the  25th  of  November,  and,  passing  round  the  southern  shore 
of  Cuba,  anchored  and  remained  three  days  at  the  isle  of  Pines. 
At  length,  after  being  driven  about  by  adverse  winds,  and 
spending  some  days  at  Cape  St.  Anthony,  the  squadron,  on  the 
28th  of  December,  1684,  discovered  land.  They  had  been  sail- 
ing a northwest  course,  but,  from  the  account  they  had  received 
from  the  West  India  pilots  of  the  strong  gulf-stream  which 
passed  around  the  cape  of  Florida,  they  supposed  they  had 
been  carried  east  of  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  and  were  on 
the  coast  of  Florida.  Besides,  La  Salle,  when  he  discovered 
the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  had  attempted  to  take  its  latitude, 
but  had  placed  it  two  degrees  too  far  south.  So  that,  with 
these  two  errors,  instead  of  being  on  the  bay  of  Appalachie, 
Dr.  Sparks  thinks  they  were  a hundred  miles  west  of  the  mouth 
of  the  Mississippi,  near  the  bay  of  Achafalaya  * Joutel  says 
that,  on  the  2d  of  January,  the  squadron  was,  according  to  con- 
jecture, pretty  near  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi ; and  that,  on 
the  10th,  they  passed  by  it,  without  perceiving  it.  It  is  at  this 
time  impossible  and  unimportant  to  know  where  they  were 
when  they  first  descried  land.  Conceiving  themselves  to  be 
east  of  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  they  coasted  westward. 
La  Salle  landed  on  the  1st  of  January,  1685,  perhaps  east  of 


Life  of  La  Salle,  p.  128. 


ENTRANCE  OF  MATAGORDA  BAY. 


19 


the  Sabine — but,  making  no  discoveries,  and  being  unable  to 
learn  anything  from  the  Indians,  proceeded  westward  till  about 
the  17th  of  January,  when,  having  passed  Corpus  Christi  inlet, 
and  finding  the  coast  tending  south,  they  discovered  their  error, 
and  that  they  were  upon  the  borders  of  Mexico.  Here  Joutel 
landed  with  a party  in  search  of  fresh  water.  They  found  the 
water  salt,  but  secured  an  abundance  of  game.  All  being  sat- 
isfied that  they  had  passed  the  Mississippi,  La  Salle  proposed 
to  Beaujeu  to  return.  This  he  refused,  unless  furnished  with 
a new  supply  of  provisions.  La  Salle  offered  him  a supply  for 
fifteen  days,  by  which  time  he  expected  they  would  reaoh  the 
mouth  of  the  river.  This  the  captain  refused ; and  La  Salle 
declined  giving  him  more,  fearing  that  he  would  abandon  him, 
and  sail  to  the  West  Indies.  The  difference  between  the  chiefs 
of  the  expedition  increased : but,  in  the  meantime,  the  vessels 
fell  back — but  by  whose  order,  or  in  what  way,  we  are  not 
informed — and  sailed  through  Pass  Cavallo  into  the  bay  of  St. 
Bernard,  since  known  as  Matagorda  bay.  On  the  18th  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1685,  some  of  the  company  went  ashore,  while  others 
were  engaged  in  sailing  up  the  bay  and  exploring  the  adjacent 
coast.  On  the  20th,  La  Salle  sent  orders  to  the  commander 
of  the  Aimable*  to  land  the  heaviest  goods,  and  run  her  into 
the  bay.  It  seems  that  La  Salle  intended  to  be  present  at  the 
execution  of  this  order ; but  the  marquis  of  Sablonniere  and 
others,  who  had  gone  out  on  the  18th,  had  been  taken  by  the 
Indians  as  they  were  strolling  along  the  shore,  and  he  found 
it  necessary  to  go  and  retake  them.  The  channels  on  either 
side  of  Pelican  island  had  been  sounded,  and  it  was  found  that 
the  vessels  could  enter.  The  Belle  had  already  entered,  and 
the  pilot  of  this  vessel  was  sent  to  guide  the  Airaable  through 
the  channel ; but  the  commander  of  the  latter  refused  his  aid, 


* Eossu,  vol.  i.,  p.  74. 


20 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


saying  lie  could  manage  liis  own  ship.  He  hoisted  sail,  ran 
upon  a shoal,  and  was  lost.* 

In  the  meantime  a temporary  camp  had  been  formed  on  the 
west  side,  and  near  the  entrance  of  the  bay.  Another  camp, 
a considerable  distance  higher  up,  on  the  same  side  of  the  bay 
— perhaps  at  Indian  point — was  formed  by  Captain  Hurier 
and  part  of  the  company,  by  the  order  of  La  Salle. 

The  colony  was  greatly  refreshed  by  an  abundance  of  game 
and  fish ; and,  charmed  with  the  country,  and  the  herds  of 
buffalo  and  deer  that  were  seen  grazing  on  the  prairies,  they 
began  to  think  they  would  soon  realize  the  paradise  they  had 
come  so  far  to  find.  La  Salle  had  not  yet  lost  hope  that  he 
was  on  one  of  the  mouths  of  the  Mississippi ; and,  though  the 
loss  of  the  Aimablc,  containing  the  greater  portion  of  the  arti- 
cles provided  for  the  use  of  the  colony,  was  a serious  misfor- 
tune, his  ardor  was  the  same,  his  resolution  unconquerable. 
Joutel  and  Moragnct  were  sent  out  at  the  head  of  an  exploring 
party,  to  proceed  up  the  west  side  of  the  bay.  La  Salle,  hav- 
ing reclaimed  the  men  taken  by  the  Indians,  had  exchanged 
with  them  some  hatchets  for  two  canoes,  with  which  he  ex- 
plored the  eastern  shore  of  the  bay.  The  party  of  Joutel,  after  a 
three  days’  march,  came  to  a river,  probably  the  Aransas,  which 
they  were  unable  to  cross  without  a boat.  Being-  in  full  view 
of  La  Salle,  then  on  the  opposite  shore,  he  went  over  to  them. 
Having  satisfied  himself  as  to  the  extent  of  the  bay,  La  Salle 
and  the  party  returned. 

The  business  of  saving  as  much  as  possible  of  the  -wreck  of 
the  Aimable  occupied  some  time.  La  Salle  procured  from 
Beaujeu  the  boats  of  the  Joli,  and,  after  taking  off  the  crew,  he 
brought  away  the  powder  and  flour,  then  the  wine  and  brandy, 

* It  is  lmrdly  credible  that  this  was  done  on  purpose.  Some  allowance  must 
be  made  for  Joutel's  situation  and  prejudices. 


DEPARTURE  OF  BEAUJEU. 


21 


in  all  some  sixty  barrels.  Joutel  is  so  cruel  as  to  charge  St. 
Aigron,  the  captain  of  the  Aimable,  with  sinking  his  boat  on 
purpose ; but  this  can  not  be  believed.  Some  blankets  from 
the  wreck  having  been  driven  ashore,  they  were  picked  up  and 
appropriated  by  the  Indians.  La  Salle,  wishing  to  obtain  ca- 
noes in  exchange  for  these  goods,  sent  Lieutenant  Du  Hamel 
of  the  Joli,  who  had  volunteered  for  that  purpose,  to  negotiate 
the  affair.  But  Du  Hamel,  unacquainted  with  the  Indian  char- 
acter, or  the  mode  of  gaining  their  good  will,  rushed  into  their 
village  with  his  armed  men,  which  so  frightened  them,  that 
they  could  not  regard  them  as  friends.  Being  unable  to  make 
himself  understood,  he  seized  two  of  their  canoes  and  a parcel 
of  skins,  and  returned.  The  Indians,  in  revenge  for  this  act 
of  hostility,  pursued  them,  and  overtook  them  where  they  had 
landed  and  gone  to  sleep,  and  poured  into  their  camp  a shower 
of  arrows,  which  killed  Ory  and  Desloges,  two  particular  friends 
of  La  Salle,  and  wounded  two  others,  one  of  whom  was  his 
nephew.* 

The  failure  to  find  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi ; the  loss  of 
the  Aimable,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  stores  with  which  she 
was  freighted  ; and  the  death  of  Ory  and  Desloges — the  first 
European  blood  shed  in  Texas — all  combined  to  dishearten 
the  colonists.  In  addition  to  this,  the  few  provisions  saved 
were  nearly  consumed;  which,  notwithstanding  the  prairies 
abounded  with  buffalo  and  deer,  and  the  waters  with  wild-fowls 
and  fishes,  alarmed  the  faint-hearted,  and  caused  murmuring 
and  discontent.  And,  to  add  to  the  loneliness  of  their  situa- 
tion, and  cut  them  off  from  the  civilized  world,  Beaujeu  sailed 
on  the  12th  of  March  for  France,  taking  with  him  the  captain 
and  crew  of  the  Aimable.  When  he  left,  he  carried  away  all 
the  cannon-balls,  thus  leaving  La  Salle  with  eight  cannons,  and 

* Bossu,  vol.  L,  p.  76.  Life  of  La  Salle,  p.  134. 


22 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


not  a single  ball.*  Yet  it  seems  La  Salle  must  have  furnished 
him  with  provisions,  or  he  could  not  have  returned. 

La  Salle  had  among  his  colonists  many  enemies : some  the 
partisans  of  Beaujeu  ; some  from  disgust,  and  want  of  fortitude 
to  bear  up  under  misfortune ; others,  again,  who  attributed  to 
his  obstinacy  the  bad  state  of  their  affairs.  In  fact,  his  colo- 
nists had  been  selected  from  the  dregs  of  France ; and,  with 
the  exception  of  a few  who  had  volunteered  to  follow  him,  were 
persons  generally  destitute  of  character,  honesty,  or  enterprise. 
Among  them  were  Doinmaville  and  Mignet,  two  engineers,  who 
became  seditious,  and  were  unceasingly  denouncing  his  con- 
duct, and  charging  his  undertakings  with  folly  and  rashness. 
Yet  La  Salle  was  firm.  His  resolution  seemed  to  rise  with  his 
misfortunes. 

The  colonists  had  constructed  a shelter  for  themselves  and 
their  goods  out  of  the  wreck  of  the  Aimable,  and  had  surround- 
ed it  with  entrenchments  to  protect  them  from  the  Indians ; 
and  had  sown  grain  in  the  adjacent  lands.  The  cattle,  swine, 
and  fowls,  they  had  brought  from  St.  Domingo,  multiplied  and 
prospered. 

When  their  buildings  had  commenced,  La  Salle  gave  orders 
to  Joutel  to  complete  them ; and,  taking  with  him  about  sixty 
of  his  men,  he  went  on  a tour  of  discovery.  He  still  labored 
under  the  delusion  that  the  bay  might  be  one  of  the  mouths  of 
the  Mississippi.  While  he  coasted  round  the  west  end  of  the 
bay,  the  commander  of  the  Belle  was  ordered  to  sound  it,  and 

* These  pieces  of  artillery  were  afterward  transported  to  La  Bahia  (now  Go- 
liad), and  used  by  the  Spaniards  till  1812,  when  they  were  taken  by  the  Ameri- 
cans under  Guttierez.  By  them  they  were  used  successfully  against  Salcedo. 
After  the  close  of  the  Guachupin  war,  they  fell  again  into  the  hands  of  the 
Mexicans.  They  were  taken  from  the  latter  by  Collinsworth  ; retaken  by  Urrea 
in  1836;  and  when  Texas  succeeded  at  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  they  were  left 
at  Goliad,  where  as  late  as  1838  they  were  seen,  with  the  impression  of  Louis 
XIV.  upon  them.  — Prairiedom,  p.  140. 


LOCATION  OF  THE  COLONY. 


23 


sail  up  it  so  as  to  keep  in  communication  with  him.  He  passed 
the  Aransas,  and  at  length  came  to  a river  which  he  named 
Les  Vaches,  on  account  of  the  number  of  buffaloes  found  there. 
This,  of  all  the  names  given  by  La  Salle  to  the  streams,  bays, 
<fcc.,  of  Texas,  is,  perhaps,  the  only  one  retained  by  the  Span- 
iards. Sailing  up  the  Lavaca  for  some  six  miles,  he  found  on 
the  western  bank  of  the  river  a beautiful  spot  for  a settlement. 
It  was  an  elevation,  from  which  could  be  seen  to  the  north  and 
west  extensive  undulating  prairies,  covered  with  grass,  and  re- 
lieved by  occasional  clusters  of  timber ; to  the  south  and  east 
were  spread  out  the  bay,  and  timber  along  the  coast  and  banks 
of  the  river.  Having  selected  this  point,  he  began  in  good 
earnest  to  think  of  making  a settlement,  and  fortifying  it.  Ac- 
cordingly, he  sent  Villeperdry  back  in  a canoe,  with  orders 
that  all  the  colonists,  except  thirty  men  who  were  to  remain 
in  the  fort  with  Joutel,  should  join  him.  This  detachment  was 
left  to  guard  the  crop  which  the  colonists  had  planted. 

Doubtless  the  new  point  selected  was  more  suitable  in  many 
respects,  especially  for  health  and  fertility.  Yet  the  colonists 
were  compelled  to  bring  their  timber  three  miles.  But  the 
example  of  La  Salle  was  encouraging.  He  was  always  the 
first  to  put  his  hand  to  work.  The  master-carpenter  having 
been  lost,  he  took  his  place.  He  laid  out  the  tenons  and  mor- 
tices, and  compelled  every  one  to  work  that  was  able.  The 
forces  under  Joutel  being  continually  annoyed  by  the  savages, 
who  had  killed  some  of  the  men,  La  Salle  sent  him  an  order  to 
join  him,  with  his  command,  on  the  Lavaca.  The  order  was 
received  on  the  14th  of  July,  1686,  and  immediately  obeyed. 
Sickness,  arising  no  doubt  from  great  fatigue  and  incessant 
labor  in  a warm  climate,  soon  carried  off  about  forty  of  the 
colonists.  But,  notwithstanding  this  fearful  inroad  upon  their 
numbers,  and  the  consequent  gloom  cast  over  the  survivors,  the 


24 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


work  went  on.  A new  shelter  and  entrenchment  were  to  be 
erected.  The  gun-carriages  were  at  first  used  by  the  men  to 
haul  the  timbers  ; but  the  Lavaca  being  found  deep  enough  for 
the  Belle,  twenty  men  were  sent  to  the  old  fort  to  bring  up  in 
her  the  materials  used  in  its  construction.  This  was  effected 
by  forming  them  into  a raft,  and  towing  it  up  at  the  stern  of 
the  vessel.  With  this  addition,  the  fort  was  soon  completed, 
and  named  St.  Louis. 

We  will  here  take  leave  of  the  colony  for  a short  time,  and 
inquire  where  they  were,  who  were  their  neighbors,  and  who 
had  claim  to  the  soil  on  which  they  were  established. 


OTHER  SETTLEMENTS. 


CHAPTER  II. 

At  the  time  of  the  landing  of  the  French  colony,  and  for 
many  years  afterward,  the  territory  now  known  as  Texas  was 
peopled  only  by  Indians,  and  but  sparsely  by  them.  Indeed, 
it  is  more  than  probable  that  no  European  had  previously  been 
upon  her  soil.*  The  nearest  Spanish  settlement  was  at  Panu- 
co, near  Tampico,  a distance  of  more  than  two  hundred  leagues 
south  of  the  Lavaca  river. f On  the  northeast,  Fort  Prudhomme, 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Wabash,  and  Fort  Crevecoeur,  on  the  Illi- 
nois, had,  but  a year  or  two  before,  been  constructed  by  the 
French.  The  Spanish  colony  in  Florida,  though  formed  some 
time  before,  was  languishing.  The  city  of  Philadelphia  had 
been  founded  but  three  years  before,  by  the  pious  Penn.  The 
colonies  of  New  England,  numbering  then  about  a hundred 
thousand  inhabitants,  were  struggling  with  Great  Britain  for 

* This  point  has  been  much  controverted.  Many  distinguished  writers  have 
supposed  that  the  followers  of  De  Soto  traversed  the  country  in  1544,  or  about 
that  time.  The  authorities  they  refer  to  are  mostly  Spanish.  If  such  had  been 
the  fact,  and  these  authorities  reliable,  it  is  quite  remarkable  that,  in  the  long 
controversy  between  the  United  States  and  Spain,  touching  this  very  question, 
the  proof  was  not  forthcoming.  — American  State  Papers , vol.  xii. 

\ Panuco  is  situated  on  the  Panuco  or  Tampico  river,  and  is  celebrated  in  the 
history  of  the  conquest.  It  is  still  remarkable  for  the  remains  of  buildings, 
weapons,  arid  utensils,  found  in  its  vicinity.  It  is  forty  miles  above  Tampico  de 
las  Tamaulipas , which  was  founded  in  1824.  Small  vessels  can  navigate  the 
river  as  far  as  Panuco.  — Encyclopedia  of  Geography , vol.  iii , p.  329.  American 
State  Papers , vol.  xii.,  p.  313. 


26 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


their  charters,  and  with  the  Indians  for  their  lands.  New 
York,  with  a population  of  some  four  thousand,  had  just  changed 
owners,  and  witnessed  the  assembling,  for  the  first  time,  of  her 
legislature.  Virginia,  groaning  under  the  despotic  acts  of 
Charles  II.,  had  just  closed,  with  defeat,  the  rebellion  of  Na- 
thaniel Bacon,  which  left  her  unable  to  pay  the  costs  so  in- 
curred. The  Spaniards  claim  to  have  settled  Coahuila  as  early 
as  the  year  1600,  but  many  circumstances  go  to  prove  this  to 
be  untrue.*  Chihuahua  was  not  settled  till  1691. f New  Mex- 
ico had  been  settled  earlier.  As  early  as  1594,  two  Francis- 
can friars  from  Mexico  visited  the  Indians  near  where  Santa 
Fe  now  stands.  They  were  well  received.  They  returned 
with  the  information,  and  giving  a favorable  account  of  the 
country.  Juan  de  Onate,  another  monk,  was  sent  out  in  1595, 
and  made  a further  exploration,  and  perhaps  took  possession, 
or  entered  into  a treaty  with  the  Moqui  and  Apache  Indians. 
It  seems  that  a settlement  was  thereafter  made,  on  the  river, 
near  the  site  of  the  present  town  of  Santa  Fe.  In  1680,  how- 
ever, the  Indians  rose  en  masse , fell  on  the  Spaniards  by  sur- 
prise, killed  a large  number  of  them,  and  obliged  them  to  re- 
treat to  the  Paso  del  Norte.  In  1681,  Otermin,  governor  of 
New  Mexico,  made  another  attempt  to  recover  the  settlement. 
From  this  period  to  1695,  the  Spaniards  and  Indians  were  en- 
gaged in  a constant  warfare — the  former  keeping  their  strong- 
hold of  Paso  del  Norte,  and  the  latter  holding  the  country 
about  Santa  Fe.  At  length,  during  the  last-mentioned  year, 


* Letter  of  De  Onis  to  the  secretary  of  state,  Am.  State  Papers,  vol.  xii.f  p.  28. 
Mem.  of  Don  Miguel  Ramon  de  Arispe  to  the  king  of  Spain : Cadiz,  1812.  Arispe, 
who  was  representative  from  Coahuila  to  the  Spanish  Cortes,  says  Saltillo  was 
founded  in  1586.  His  ignorance  on  the  subject  is  shown  from  his  further  state- 
ments, confounding  the  Rio  Grande  with  the  Medina  (p.  4),  and  fixing  the  settle- 
ment of  Texas  at  the  year  1650  (p.  11). 
f Pike’s  Expedition  : Appendix,  p.  20. 


THE  INDIAN  TRIBES. 


27 


General  Diego  de  Bargas,  having  conquered  the  Indians  of 
New  Mexico,  obtained  the  entire  pacification  of  the  country.* 

From  the  foregoing  sketch  of  European  settlements  in  North 
America,  it  will  appear  that  La  Salle’s  neighbors  were  few  and 
distant.  The  Indians,  from  their  mode  of  living,  and  the  con- 
tinual wars  among  their  tribes,  we  may  judge  were  thinly  scat- 
tered over  the  vast  country  lying  between  the  Rio  Grande  and 
Red  river.  The  Camanches,  then  as  now,  were  a tribe  of  roam- 
ing, predatory  thieves.  They  occupied  the  northern  and  north- 
western portion  of  Texas,  and  the  Rio  Grande  as  low  as  the 
mouth  of  the  Salado.  The  depredations  which  they  had  for- 
merly committed  on  the  Aztecs  of  the  great  empire  of  Anahuac, 
were  now  turned  upon  their  European  conquerors  occupying 
the  colonies  of  Panuco,  El  Paso,  Montclova,  and  Monterey. 
From  these  they  supplied  themselves  with  horses,  arms,  silver 
plate,  &c. ; and,  being  in  treaty  with  other  Indians  along  the 
coast,  and  farther  east  and  north,  the  latter  were  thus  furnished 
with  horses  and  firearms. 

The  Indians  along  the  coast,  commencing  on  the  south,  were 
the  Lipans  and  Carankawaes,  extending  from  the  Rio  Grande 
along  the  banks  of  the  Pashahono  and  the  Tockanhono , the 
beautiful  Indian  names  of  the  Colorado  and  Brasos.f  They 

* Pike,  Appendix,  p.  15.  Recog.  in  JVew  Mexico  and  Texas,  p.  126  et  seq. 
The  inscriptions  on  the  rock  of  Fish  spring,  near  the  Pueblo  de  Zuni,  in  New 
Mexico,  go  back  to  the  year  1006.  In  relation  to  Governor  de  Bargas,  the  in- 
scription is  as  follows : “Here  served  General  Don  Diego  de  Bargas  to  conquer 
to  Santa  F6,  for  the  royal  crown,  New  Mexico,  by  his  own  cost,  in  the  year 
1692.”  — lb.,  p.  64. 

f Recog.  in  New  Mexico  and  Texas,  pp.  209-212.  La  Salle  called  the  Colora- 
do the  Maligne,  in  consequence  of  one  of  his  party  being  devoured  in  it  by  an 
alligator. — Life  of  La  Salle,  p.  146.  The  French  who  came  with  La  Salle  were 
so  utterly  unacquainted  with  the  Indian  languages,  and  their  mode  of  spelling 
what  they  guessed  to  be  the  names  of  tribes  so  different  from  outs,  that  it  is 
hard  to  identify  them.  Take,  for  example,  the  following : — 


Cauank  awaes Kirononas. 

Camaxciies Choumans,  Cannensis. 


28 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


lived  mostly  upon  fish ; and,  from  the  fact  that  they  first  en- 
countered the  rude  shock  of  the  white  man,  have  ever  been 
considered  most  hostile.  Indeed,  from  the  stories  of  Bclile 
and  others,  they  have  been  deemed  cannibals  ; but  no  authentic 
fact  has  been  sufficiently  established  to  fix  upon  these  people 
the  horrid  practice.  The  kind  reception  by  them  given  to  La 
Salle,  shows  their  good  disposition.  That  they  were  thieves 
is  not  to  be  set  down  against  them,  as  the  rights  of  property 
are  unknown  among  savages.  The  next  tribe,  going  east,  were 
the  Ccnis,  inhabiting  Buffalo  bayou,  the  San  Jacinto  valley, 
and  the  Trinity  river.  These  were  distinguished  for  their  hos- 
pitality and  gentleness  of  disposition.  The  greater  part  of  this 
tribe  occupied  the  banks  of  the  Trinity,  which  they  called  Ar- 
cokisa .*  Here  their  villages  were  large  and  populous.  Their 
habitations  were  like  bee-hives,  and  some  of  them  forty  feet 
high.f  As  they  devoted  much  time  to  raising  corn,  <fcc.,  they 
were  enabled  to  sustain  a larger  population,  and  were  compar- 
atively more  wealthy.  They  were  great  traders,  and  had  pro- 
cured (through  their  allies  the  Camanches)  from  the  Spaniards 
horses,  money,  silver  spoons,  spurs,  and  clothing.  Such  were 
their  comforts  and  conveniences  of  life  when  found  there  by 
the  French  in  1686. 

Choctaws Tchactas. 

Chick  asa  ws Chicachat*. 

Cherokeks Cheraquift. 

Cenis  A-Sirnais , A-Sinaes. 

Vidais Bcdais. 

* Prairiedom,  p.  75. 

f Life  of  La  Salle,  p.  149.  Narrative  of  Father  Douay,  Shea’s  translation. 
Exp.  Mis.,  p.  204.  “The  village  of  the  Cenis  is  one  of  the  largest  and  most  pop- 
ulous I have  seen  in  America.  It  is  at  least  twenty  leagues  long — not  that  it  is 
constantly  inhabited,  but  in  hamlets  of  ten  or  twelve  cabins,  forming  cantons, 
each  with  a different  name.  Their  cabins  are  fine,  forty  or  fifty  feet  high,  of  the 
shape  of  bee  hives.  Trees  are  planted  in  the  ground,  and  united  above  by  the 
branches,  which  are  covered  with  grass.  The  beds  are  ranged  around  the  cabin, 
three  or  four  feet  from  the  ground.  The  fire  is  in  the  middle,  each  cabin  hold- 
ing two  families.”  — Douay. 


INDIAN  SUPERSTITIONS. 


29 


The  next  tribe  east  were  the  Nassonis,  or  Nassonites,  a name 
perhaps  including  several  tribes  living  between  the  Cenis  and 
the  Sabine  river.  These  Indians  seemed  to  be  alike  distin- 
guished with  their  western  neighbors  for  kindness  to  strangers, 
and  the  possession  of  means  to  make  them  comfortable.* 

Such,  a century  and  three  quarters  since,  were  the  original 
inhabitants  of  Texas.  They  formed  a portion  of  the  great 
Shoshonie  class,  occupying  what  is  now  the  southwestern  part 
of  the  United  States.  The  landing  of  the  colony  of  La  Salle 
was  to  them  a new  era.  The  sight  of  ships  and  the  sound  of 
firearms  were  to  them  subjects  of  awe  and  astonishment.  Liv- 
ing in  the  simplicity  of  uneducated  nature,  they  had  their  do- 
mestic wars,  which  were  conducted  without  system,  but  in  a 
manner  suited  to  their  wild  habits.  They  were  worshippers 
of  the  sun,  and  full  of  the  superstitions  common  to  the  North 
American  Indians.  They  had  their  rain-makers,  their  game- 
finders,  and  their  witches.  But  the  latter,  like  the  witches  of 
ancient  New  England,  found  little  favor : they  were  deemed 
to  be  in  communion  with  the  evil  one,  and  consequently  were 
put  to  death — most  generally  by  the  war-clubs  of  those  that 
suffered  under  their  supposed  incantations. 

At  that  time,  Texas  was  without  a boundary  and  without  a 
name.  The  Spaniards  had  not  yet  penetrated  east  of  the  Rio 
Grande,  at  least  below  the  Paso  del  Norte  ; and  La  Salle  was 
still  endeavoring  and  hoping  to  establish  the  fact  that  he  was  in 
the  vicinity  of  one  of  the  mouths  of  the  Mississippi.  Texas  to 
him  and  his  people,  and  afterward  his  nation,  was  a part  of 
Louisiana.  He  had  discovered  the  mouth  of  the  great  river ; 
the  coast  thence  to  the  confines  of  Mexico ; had  planted  a col- 

* The  seat  of  government  among  the  Nassonites  appeal’s  to  have  been  on  the 
east  bank  of  the  Neelies,  at  the  prairie  known  as  the  Bradshaw  plare.  Here 
three  large  mounds  remain  ns  evidence  of  their  former  labors.  This  place  was 
called  Texas,  and  doubtless  gave  name  to  the  state. 


30 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


ony  on  one  of  her  rivers ; had  stocked  it  with  domestic  animals, 
and  planted  fields  with  the  seeds  of  husbandry.  By  all  the 
rules,  then,  of  national  law,  apart  from  the  claim  of  the  Indians, 
the  country  was  French,  and,  if  they  chose  to  call  it  so,  a part 
of  Louisiana.  The  country  was  French  by  right  of  discovery. 
To  Spain  it  was  utterly  unknown.  The  voyagers  Ponce  de 
Leon,  Narvaez,  De  Ayllon,  and  De  Soto,  had  never  seen  any 
of  the  vast  extent  of  seacoast  between  Cape  Florida  and  Soto 
de  la  Marina.  The  pretension  and  claim  set  up  by  Spain  to 
this  country,  because  she  was  in  possession  of  these  extreme 
points,  are  not  supported  by  any  of  the  rules  of  national  law 
established  by  the  governments  of  Europe  in  regard  to  their 
American  discoveries.  These  rules  were — 

1.  That  when  any  European  nation  takes  possession  of  any 
extent  of  seacoast,  that  possession  is  understood  as  extending 
into  the  interior  country  to  the  sources  of  the  rivers  emptying 
within  that  coast,  to  all  their  branches,  and  the  country  they 
cover,  and  to  give  it  a right  in  exclusion  of  all  other  nations 
to  the  same. 

2.  That  whenever  one  European  nation  makes  a discovery, 
and  takes  possession  of  any  portion  of  this  continent,  and  an- 
other afterward  does  the  same  at  some  distance  from  it,  where 
the  boundary  between  them  is  not  determined  by  the  principle 
above  mentioned,  that  the  middle  distance  becomes  such,  of 
course. 

3.  That  whenever  any  European  nation  has  thus  acquired  a 
right  to  any  portion  of  territory  on  this  continent,  that  right 
can  never  be  diminished  or  affected  by  any  other  power,  by 
virtue  of  purchases  made,  by  grants,  or  conquests  of  the  na- 
tives, within  the  limits  thereof.* 

* Letter  of  the  secretary  of  state  to  Don  Luis  de  Onis,  March  12,  1818.  Also, 
letter  of  Messrs.  Pinkney  and  Monroe  to  the  Spanish  minister  of  foreign  affairs, 
April  20,  1805. — American  State  Paper*,  vol.  xit,  pp.  76,  311,  312. 


OWNERSHIP  OF  TEXAS. 


31 


The  French  colony,  tested  by  these  indisputable  rules  of 
natural  equity,  were  thus  upon  French  soil. 

Spain,  however,  entertained  a different  view  of  the  matter. 
This  kingdom,  formed  under  the  auspices  of  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella,  with  the  powerful  aid  of  Cardinal  Ximenes,  had  grown 
to  be  one  of  the  first  nations  of  Europe.  The  discovery  of 
America,  the  receipts  from  the  mines,  and  the  commerce  of 
the  colonies  (amounting  annually  to  over  fifty  millions  of  dol- 
lars), and,  above  all,  the  victories  of  Charles  Y.,  had  imparted 
to  the  nation  a spirit  of  ambition  and  love  of  dominion  which 
knew  no  bounds.  The  sixteenth  century  closed  with  the 
gloomy  and  superstitious  tyranny  of  Philip  II.,  which  had  last- 
ed for  forty-two  years.  During  his  reign  the  greatness  of 
Spain  began  to  decline.  He  left  his  country  bankrupt,  and  a 
prey  to  dissensions  foreign  and  domestic.  But  her  ambition 
was  in  nowise  lessened.*  Pope  Alexander  VI.,  in  1494,  had 
settled  the  dispute  between  the  kings  of  Portugal  and  Castile 
concerning  their  claims  in  America,  dividing  their  conquests 
by  a line  running  from  pole  to  pole,  three  hundred  and  seventy 
miles  west  of  the  Azores ; and,  by  his  bull,  confirmed  to  Spain 
the  country  west  of  that  meridian. f In  pursuance  of  this  claim, 
and  the  voyages  of  De  Leon  in  1512,  De  Ayllon  in  1525,  De 
Narvaez  in  1527,  and  De  Soto  in  1538 — although  they  had 
sailed  only  from  Cape  Florida  to  Cape.Catorce,  or  perhaps  as 
high  up  as  the  Soto  de  la  Marina — Philip  II.  of  Spain  issued 
a royal  order  prohibiting  all  foreigners  from  entering  the  gulf 
of  Mexico,  or  any  of  the  territories  lying  around  it,  under  pain 
of  extermination  ! And  this  order  was  repeated  to  the  Span- 
ish colonial  viceroys  and  governors,  requiring  its  strict  ob- 
servance and  execution .J 

* Encyclopaedia  Americana,  articles  Spain,  Philip  IL 

f lb.,  article  Alexander  VI.  American  State  Papers,  vol.  xii.,  p.  79. 

X Luis  de  Onis  to  the  secretary  of  6tate.  — /&.,  pp.  27,  81.  Mr.  Adams,  in  reply 


32 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


Here,  then,  in  the  settlement  by  La  Salle,  under  the  orders 
of  his  sovereign,  and  the  monstrous  pretensions  of  Spain,  is 
laid  the  foundation  of  a controversy,  which,  being  transferred 
from  one  party  to  another,  is  finally  and  for  ever  closed  by  the 
treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  made  between  the  United  States 
and  Mexico,  on  the  2d  of  February,  1848. 

These  facts,  together  with  the  jealousy  and  constant  watch- 
fulness of  the  Spanish  rulers  in  Mexico,  will  serve  as  a key  to 
many  of  the  events  narrated  in  this  history.  We  will  now 
return  to  the  colonists  on  the  Lavaca. 

to  this  letter  of  De  Onis,  says  (p.  78):  “Far  more  honorable  would  it  be,  sir,  to 
the  character  of  your  nation  and  the  credit  of  your  government,  to  bury  in  the 
profoundest  oblivion  the  memory  of  that  atrocious  order,  than  at  this  day  [1818] 
to  produce  it,  for  the  purpose  of  bolstering  up  a title  for  which  you  have  in  vain 
ransacked  the  records  of  the  Spanish  monarchy  to  discover  a better  support” 


EXPEDITION  TO  THE  COLORADO. 


33 


CHAPTER  III. 

After  the  necessary  steps  had  been  taken  to  secure  the  col- 
ony from  the  Indians,  J outel  was  left  in  command  of  the  fort, 
and  La  Salle,  with  a company  of  twenty  men,  set  out,  about 
the  last  of  October,  1685,  on  an  expedition  to  explore  the  coun- 
try. The  Belle  was  ordered  to  the  upper  end  of  the  bay,  where 
she  was  stationed,  and  directed  so  to  remain  till  further  orders. 
La  Salle,  dividing  his  company,  some  of  them  went  down  the 
Lavaca  in  canoes,  and  he  with  the  others  crossed  over  and  de- 
scended to  the  head  of  the  bay  on  the  east  side.  Here  he  sent 
out  five  men  in  canoes  to  sound  the  bay,  and  ascertain  how  far 
the  Belle  could  be  brought  up.  Night  coming  on  without  their 
return,  he  went  in  search  of  them,  and  found  on  the  shore, 
where  they  had  encamped,  their  mangled  bodies — the  Indians 
having  murdered  them,  perhaps  while  asleep.  Giving  his  or- 
ders to  the  Belle,  La  Salle  caused  the  canoes  to  be  sunk  in  a 
small  creek ; and  each  of  the  company  having  supplied  his 
knapsack  with  provisions,  they  set  out  on  their  journey.  They 
travelled  east  as  far  as  the  Colorado.  During  this  expedition, 
which  lasted  till  nearly  spring,  La  Salle  doubtless  explored  the 
valley  of  the  Colorado,  and  perhaps  much  of  the  surrounding 
country.  At  any  rate,  he  must  have  satisfied  himself  that  he 
was  far  from  the  Mississippi. 

On  his  return,  La  Salle  sent  some  of  his  men  down  to  the 

Vol.  I.  — 3 


34 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


bay  to  search  for  the  Belle,  while  with  the  others  he  returned 
to  the  fort,  where  they  were  joyfully  received.*  The  next  day, 
the  party  who  had  gone  in  search  of  the  Belle,  returned  with- 
out having  found  any  trace  of  the  vessel ; nor  had  she  been 
heard  from  by  any  of  those  at  the  fort. 

In  this  condition  of  his  affairs,  destitute  of  means  for  sustain- 
ing the  colony,  cut  off  from  all  communication  with  the  civilized 
world,  having  under  his  command  a number  of  persons  that 
were  sowing  the  seeds  of  rebellion  against  his  authority  and 
perhaps  his  life,  and  surrounded  by  a treacherous  and  savage 
foe,  La  Salle  determined  upon  the  bold  expedient  of  opening  a 
communication  with  De  Tonti  in  Illinois.  This  required  a te- 
dious and  perilous  journey  of  some  two  thousand  miles  over  an 
unexplored  waste,  peopled  by  those  who  had  never  seen  the 
face  of  a white  man. 

Having  resolved  upon  the  journey,  La  Salle  left  the  fort  un- 
der the  charge  of  his  faithful  Joutel,  and  selected  a company 
of  twenty  men  to  go  with  him.  Among  these  were  Father  An- 
astase,  Moragnet,  his  brother  Cavalier,  Bihorel,  Le  Clerk,  Hu- 
rier,  Nika  the  Canadian  Indian,  and  Heins,  a surgeon,  and 
formerly  a buccaneer.!  Having  made  the  necessary  prepara- 
tions, they  performed  their  devotions  in  the  chapel  of  the  fort, 
and  set  out  on  their  journey  on  the  22d  of  April,  1686.  They 
travelled  in  a northeastern  direction,  and  at  the  end  of  ten 
days  reached  the  Colorado.  Previous  to  this,  however,  they 

* Life  of  La  Salle,  p.  141,  ejt  seq. 

t From  boucaner,  to  roast  or  broil  flesh.  This  remarkable  class  of  men,  many 
of  whom  figured  in  the  early  history  of  Texas,  first  began  to  associate  on  the 
western  coast  of  St.  Domingo,  in  1630,  and  lived  upon  wild  cattle.  They  roasted 
their  meat  like  the  Indians:  hence  the  name  given  them.  From  simple  robbe- 
ries, they  extended  their  operations  to  piracies  on  the  seas.  For  a hundred  and 
fifty  years  they  swept  the  West  India  waters  of  the  Spanish  galleons,  and  greatly 
annoyed  the  commerce  of  England  and  France.  From  these  men  originated  the 
French  settlements  on  the  western  half  of  St  Domingo.  — Raynal:  History  of 
the  Indies. 


THE  CENTS  INDIANS. 


35 


met  with  a party  of  Camanche  Indians  having  horses  and  sad' 
dies.  Those  that  were  mounted  wore  boots  and  spurs.  This 
was  proof  that  these  Texan  Bedouins  had  held  intercourse  with 
the  Spaniards  of  Mexico.  In  fact,  at  this  early  period  the  horse 
had  been  extensively  introduced  into  Texas ; and,  as  the  Ca- 
manches  often  rode  them  down,  they  abandoned  them  to  graze 
on  the  prairies,  or  to  die.  Hence,  in  a few  years,  the  prairies 
abounded  in  mustangs. 

At  this  season  of  the  year  the  Texan  streams  are  always 
swollen,  so  that  La  Salle  and  his  party  were  greatly  retarded 
in  their  journey.  They  were  compelled  to  build  rafts  over 
branches  which  in  other  parts  of  the  year  are  dry.  They  were 
hindered  also  by  the  necessity  of  killing  and  drying  buffalo- 
meat  for  their  sustenance.  From  the  direction  they  travelled, 
they  perhaps  crossed  the  Colorado  about  Elliot’s  ferry.  Here 
they  changed  their  course  more  to  the  east,  and,  reaching  the 
Brasos  probably  not  far  from  Columbia,  they  found  it  full  and 
running  rapidly.  La  Salle,  with  part  of  his  company,  on  a 
raft,  were  hurried  down  the  stream  until  they  were  considered 
as  lost.  They  were  two  days  crossing  this  stream  ; and  Father 
Anastase  informs  us  that  he  carried  his  breviary  in  his  cowl, 
to  keep  it  dry.  Having  all  crossed  over  safely,  they  found 
themselves  in  a swamp,  covered  with  canes  and  vines.  They 
were  engaged  two  days  in  cutting  their  way  out.  After  reach- 
ing the  fine  prairies  and  open  woods,  they  found  their  condi- 
tion more  agreeable.  They  soon  fell  in  with  the  Cenis  Indians, 
who  treated  them  with  great  hospitality ; indeed,  the  white 
race  were,  at  first,  everywhere  so  treated  by  the  Indians  in 
Texas.  This,  the  most  numerous  and  civilized  tribe  of  Texan 
Indians,  owned  a large  extent  of  country : they  occupied  all 
the  territory  between  the  great  prairie  on  the  northwest  and 
the  gulf-coast,  and  from  toward  the  Brasos  to  the  Neelies. 


36 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


Their  centre  of  empire  was  not  far  from  Cold  Spring,  in  Polk 
county.  What  has  become  of  this  tribe,  once  the  proud  ally 
of  the  Camanche,  and  the  hospitable  retainer  of  the  gallant  La 
Salle  ? Tradition  says  that,  after  the  settlement  of  Louisiana 
by  the  French,  the  powerful  tribes  on  the  banks  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, driven  west  by  these  intruders,  took  refuge  in  Texas. 
They  first  encountered  the  Nassonites : these  retreated  to  the 
north,  and  gave  them  a place  to  dwell.  But,  as  other  tribes 
were  driven  out,  they  crowded  on  the  latter.  The  fall  of  the 
Natchez,  and  the  expulsion  of  the  Alabamas  and  Choctaws, 
brought  a further  accession.  Before  this  formidable  host  of 
new-comers  the  peaceful  Cenis  retired  to  the  banks  of  the 
Trinity.  Here  they  met,  and  on  the  left  bank  of  this  stream, 
some  seventy-five  years  ago,  a great  battle  was  fought,  in  which 
the  nation  of  the  Cenis  was  utterly  destroyed. 

But,  to  return  to  La  Salle.  One  of  the  Cenis  gave  him  a 
horse  to  ride.  He  and  his  company  were  received  and  feasted 
by  this  tribe  ; and,  after  some  trading,  in  which,  among  other 
things,  we  are  informed  that  one  horse  was  purchased  for  a 
hatchet,  and  Father  Anastase  was  offered  another  for  his  cowl, 
the  travellers  pursued  their  journey. 

They  soon  reached  the  country  of  the  Nassonites.  Here  La 
Salle  and  his  nephew  were  attacked  with  fever,  by  which  they 
were  detained  two  months.  On  his  recovery,  he  found  the 
stock  of  ammunition  reduced  so  low,  that  he  would  proceed  no 
farther.  As  the  game  they  killed  was  their  only  means  of  sup- 
port, it  was  necessary  to  return  to  the  fort  on  the  Lavaca  for 
powder.  They  reached  the  fort  on  the  17th  of  October,  much 
wearied,  and  with  but  eight  men. 

La  Salle  soon  learned  the  history  of  what  had  transpired  in 
his  absence.  The  Indians  had  been  troublesome,  but  had  made 
no  attack  on  the  place.  Duhaut  had  endeavored  to  stir  up  a 


LA  SALLE’S  LAST  JOURNEY. 


37 


mutiny,  but  the  firmness  of  Joutel  and  the  mild  persuasions  of 
Father  Zenobe  had  prevented  it.  The  survivors  of  the  Belle 
had  come  in,  and  reported  that  the  vessel  had  been  stranded 
on  the  southern  shore  of  the  bay ; that  six  of  the  men  had  been 
lost  in  a canoe  while  returning  from  the  land  in  the  night — 
some  had  died  on  board  of  disease,  and  others  had  perished  on 
a raft — so  that  the  remaining  force  was  not  sufficient  to  man- 
age the  ship,  and  thus  she  was  lost.  The  survivors,  saving 
themselves,  with  a few  articles  and  provisions,  and  the  clothes 
and  papers  of  La  Salle,  landed  from  a raft  on  the  strand,  where 
they  remained  for  three  months.  At  length  a canoe  floated 
ashore,  by  means  of  which  they  were  enabled  to  reach  the  fort. 
However,  amid  all  this  gloom,  and  the  wasting  away  of  the 
colonists,  the  Sieur  Barbier  and  one  of  the  maidens  of  the  fort 
afforded  them  some  pleasure  by  a wedding.  This  was  the  first 
European  marriage  on  the  soil  of  Texas.* 

From  this  time  to  the  12th  of  January,  1687,  La  Salle  was 
preparing  to  start  again  on  his  journey  to  the  Illinois.  He 
caused  to  be  constructed  a new  storehouse,  and  made  other 
provisions  for  the  colony,  which  at  this  time  consisted  of  about 
forty  persons. 

He  selected  for  his  companions  in  this,  his  last  journey, 
twenty  persons,  among  them  Father  Anastase,  his  two  nephews 
Moragnet  and  Cavalier,  his  brother  Cavalier  the  priest,  Joutel, 
Duhaut,  L’Archeveque  de  Marne,  Heins,  Lietot,  Tessier,  Saget 
his  footman,  and  Nika  the  Indian  hunter.  These  are  all  men- 
tioned because  of  the  part  they  took  in  the  tragic  scenes  which 
shortly  after  occurred. 

In  the  fort  were  left  some  twenty  persons,  under  the  com- 
mand of  the  Sieur  Barbier.  On  January  12th,  having  called 
them  all  together,  and  made  known  to  them  in  an  affectionate 
* Life  of  La  Salle,  pp.  144,  145. 


38 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


address  the  necessity  of  the  journey,  he  set  out.  He  took  with 
him  about  five  thousand  dollars  in  coin  and  plate,  and  six  thou- 
sand dollars  worth  of  goods.*  They  found  less  difficulty  in 
this  their  second  journey  on  the  same  route,  from  the  fact  of 
their  past  experience.  Besides,  they  carried  with  them  a por- 
table boat  of  buffalo-skins,  and  were  assisted  in  crossing  the 
streams  by  the  kind-hearted  Indians.  They  also  furnished 
them  with  more  horses. 

The  party  continued  their  journey  till  the  15th  of  March, 
when  they  came  near  to  the  spot  where,  on  the  previous  tour, 
La  Salle  had  buried  some  corn  and  beans.  Previous  to  this, 
however,  they  had  learned  from  the  Cenis  Indians  of  a French- 
man named  Rulel,  among  that  tribe,  who  had  wandered  from 
La  Salle  on  the  Mississippi  in  1682,  and  had  been  living  with 
these  Indians  ever  since.  Joutel  went  for  him  and  brought  him 
to  the  camp.  He  was  delighted  with  the  idea  of  again  return- 
ing to  Europe.  From  the  route  pursued,  and  the  time  they 
had  been  travelling,  they  must  have  been,  at  this  time,  on  the 
Neches  river. f 

* Bobsu,  voL  i.,  p.  84. 

f Dr.  Sparks  thinks  they  were  on  the  waters  of  the  Brasoa  — Life  of  La  Salle, 
p.  158,  note.  Others  suppose  they  were  on  the  Trinity.  But  all  the  circum- 
stances— the  time,  the  direction,  the  fact  of  finding  Rutel,  and  the  burying  of 
the  corn  and  beans  (done,  perhaps,  when  La  Salle  had  turned  back  on  his  previ- 
ous journey) — go  to  show  that  the  last  days  of  this  great  discoverer  were  spent 
on  the  Neches.  There  is  yet  another  reason  for  this  belief.  At  that  season  of 
the  year  (March),  the  buffaloes  were  down  in  the  timber,  and  the  Indians  also 
in  pursuit  of  them.  Hence,  La  Salle  met  more  Indians  on  this  second  tour,  and 
Nika  had  no  difficulty  in  finding  buffalo.  This  was  not  the  case  on  the  Brasos 
prairies.  From  time  immemorial  there  was  a great  Indian  trail  about  in  the 
course  travelled  by  La  Salle,  crossing  the  Trinity  at  the  present  town  of  Swart- 
wout.  From  the  boggy  nature  of  the  soil  in  the  spring,  it  is  not  unlikely  that 
the  travellers  pursued  this  trail.  It  passed  through  the  centre  of  the  Cenis  na- 
tion, and  by  the  Indian  village , occupied  by  the  Alabamas  after  the  extinction 
of  the  Cenia  La  Salle’s  camp  was  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river  from  the 
place  where  the  meat  was  killed.  Had  it  been  the  Trinity  or  the  Brasos,  horses 
could  not,  at  that  season,  have  been  sent  over  for  the  meat. 


MUTINY  AND  MURDER. 


39 


La  Salle  ordered  Duhaut,  Heins,  Lietot,  L’Archeveque,  Tes- 
sier,  Saget,  and  Nika,  to  go  and  bring  away  the  corn  and  beans. 
They  went  to  the  place,  but  the  provisions  were  spoiled.  In 
the  meantime,  Nika  had  killed  a supply  of  buffalo-meat,  and 
Saget  was  sent  to  get  horses  to  carry  it  into  the  camp.  La 
Salle  directed  his  nephew  Moragnet  and  De  Marne  to  return 
with  horses  in  company  with  Saget  for  the  meat — to  send  back 
one  load  for  immediate  use,  and  to  remain  with  the  balance  till 
it  was  dried.  It  appears  that  for  some  time  there  had  been  no 
good  feeling  between  Moragnet  and  Duhaut ; at  any  rate,  the 
former  reproached  the  latter  for  having  laid  aside  some  pieces 
of  the  meat  for  himself  and  his  company,  and  took  them  from 
him.  Duhaut,  having  determined  on  revenge,  brought  Lietot, 
Heins,  Tessier,  and  L’Archeveque,  into  the  conspiracy.  The 
next  night,  when  Moragnet,  Saget,  and  Nika,  were  asleep,  Lie- 
tot with  a hatchet  knocked  them  on  the  head.  The  Indian  and 
Saget  died  immediately.  As  Moragnet  was  not  yet  quite  dead, 
the  conspirators  compelled  De  Marne  to  finish  him.  Having 
gone  thus  far,  the  murderers  were  uneasy.  They  feared  the 
just  vengeance  of  La  Salle,  and  immediately  deliberated  on  the 
necessity  of  taking  his  life.  Chance  gave  them  an  opportunity. 
Two  or  three  days  had  elapsed,  and  La  Salle  became  anxious 
on  account  of  the  absence  of  the  party.  Perhaps  they  had 
been  cut  off  by  the  savages,  or  had  got  lost,  or  had  quarrelled. 
He  inquired  if  there  had  been  any  ill  feeling  between  his 
nephew  and  any  of  the  party.  Such,  at  length,  were  his  fore- 
bodings of  evil,  that  he  went  himself,  with  Father  Anastase,  and 
two  of  the  natives  for  guides,  in  search  of  them,  leaving  the 
camp  under  the  command  of  Joutel.  At  a distance  of  some 
six  miles  he  found  the  bloody  cravat  of  Saget,  and  saw  buz- 
zards flying  about  the  locality.  Concluding  the  party  were 
near,  he  fired  his  gun.  The  conspirators,  on  the  opposite  side 


40 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


of  the  river,  hearing  the  report,  and  supposing  it  was  La  Salle, 
crossed  over.  Duhaut  and  L’Archeveque,  seeing  La  Salle  ad- 
vancing, stopped.  Duhaut  hid  himself  in  the  high  grass,  and 
cocked  his  gun.  L’Archeveque  advanced  a little  farther,  when 
La  Salle  saw.  and  recognised  him.  “ Where  is  Moranguet  ?” 
asked  La  Salle.  “ He  is  lower  down,”  replied  L’Archeveque. 
At  that  instant,  Duhaut  fired  and  shot  La  Salle  in  the  head. 
He  fell.  Anastase  took  him  by  the  hand ; he  did  not  speak, 
but,  pressing  the  hand  of  the  holy  father,  expired.*  Thus  fell, 
on  the  20th  of  March,  1687,  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  a man  of 
genius,  fortitude,  and  courage.  “ The  most  unhappy  thing  for 
the  memory  of  this  famous  man,”  says  Bossu,  “ is,  that  he  has 
not  been  pitied  by  anybody,  and  that  the  bad  success  that  has 
attended  his  undertakings  has  given  him  the  appearance  of  an 
adventurer  among  those  who  only  judge  from  appearances.  He 
has  further  been  reproached  with  never  taking  advice  from  any- 
body, and  with  having  ruined  his  private  affairs  by  his  obsti- 
nacy.”! 

However  this  may  be,  his  discoveries  hastened  the  settlement 
of  New  Orleans,  and  of  Texas,  as  we  shall  see. 

Father  Anastase  expected  to  follow  his  leader ; but  he  was 
soon  quieted  by  Duhaut,  who  told  him  that  what  was  then  done 
was  an  act  of  despair,  and  that  the  death  of  Moragnet  was  in 
revenge  for  former  insults.  Anastase  then  dug  the  grave  of 
his  kind  benefactor,  and  buried  him  with  his  own  hands,  and 


* Bossu,  vol.  i.,  p.  83.  Life  of  La  Salle,  p.  157. 

f “It  is  little  to  the  credit  of  France  or  of  Louisiana,”  says  Bunner,  “that  nei- 
ther of  them  have  shown  the  smallest  mark  of  respect  to  his  memory.  A bust, 
placed  by  order  of  Congress  in  the  rotunda  of  the  capitol,  is  the  only  memorial 
of  a man  whose  enterprising  genius  and  persevering  resolution  merit  the  highest 
honors.” — History  of  Louisiana,  p.  55.  The  same  may  be  said  of  Texas.  He 
made  the  first  improvement  on  her  soil,  met  first  the  rude  shock  of  the  Indian, 
built  the  first  fort,  brought  to  the  country  the  first  domestic  cattle,  wore  himself 
out,  and  was  buried  within  her  borders. 


LA  SALLE’S  MURDER  AVENGED. 


41 


erected  a cross  over  his  grave  The  party  then  returned  to 
the  camp. 

Joutel  was  not  present  when  they  came  in.  I/Archeveque, 
his  friend,  ran  to  inform  him  of  what  had  occurred,  and  to  say 
to  him  that  he  would  be  put  to  death  if  he  expressed  any  dis- 
satisfaction. When  he  returned,  Duhaut  proposed  that  each 
should  command  by  turns.  He  had,  however,  already  taken 
possession  of  the  goods,  coin,  and  plate.  Those  of  the  party 
not  concerned  in  the  murders  took  no  part  in  affairs,  but  re- 
mained quiet.  In  the  meantime,  the  conspirators  quarrelled 
among  themselves : they  could  not  agree  as  to  the  division  of 
the  spoils.  From  quarrelling  they  proceeded  to  blows.  Heins 
shot  Duhaut  in  the  head,  and  killed  him.  Rutel  then  fired  at 
Lietot,  which,  being  followed  by  two  shots  from  other  parties, 
they  despatched  him.  Thus,  within  a short  time,  these  two 
assassins  met  with  that  punishment  so  sternly  demanded  by 
justice. 

Tne  Indians  were  astonished  and  scandalized  with  these  mur- 
ders. They  looked  upon  these  people,  with  some  reason,  as 
barbarians,  whom  the  Great  Spirit  had  devoted  to  self-destruc- 
tion. 

After  the  death  of  La  Salle,  Duhaut  had  determined  to  march 
back  to  the  fort  on  the  Lavaca,  build  a vessel,  and  return  to 
the  West  Indies ; and,  before  his  own  death,  as  above  related, 
had  actually  returned  as  far  as  the  Ccnis  Indians.  Joutel,  An- 
astase,  and  Cavalier,  had  formed  a secret  design  to  continue 
the  journey  to  the  Illinois.  To  lull  the  suspicions  of  Duhaut, 
they  proposed  to  him  to  permit  them  to  remain  among  the  Ce- 
nis  Indians.  This  he  agreed  to,  but  his  death  had  changed 
the  position  of  their  affairs. 

After  the  death  of  the  chief  murderer,  Heins  took  command, 
and  engaged  with  the  Cenis  to  go  with  them  to  war.  This  he 


42 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


did,  leaving  the  friends  of  La  Salle  in  camp  till  his  return. 
After  many  bloody  battles,  he  returned,  and  consented  that  the 
party  might  proceed  on  their  journey  to  the  Illinois.  Having 
furnished  them  with  a supply  of  ammunition  and  three  horses, 
the  company,  consisting  of  seven  persons — viz.,  Joutel,  Anas- 
tase,  the  two  Cavaliers,  Tessier,  De  Marne,  and  Barthelemy — 
departed,  leaving  Heins  the  buccaneer,  arrayed  in  the  scarlet 
uniform  of  La  Salle,  in  undisputed  command  of  the  remnant  of 
the  party. 

Joutel  and  his  followers,  procuring  Indian  guides,  retraced 
their  steps  as  far  as  their  former  journey.  Thence,  pursuing 
a northeast  course,  they  crossed  the  Red  river  at  the  Caddo 
village,  and  thence  to  the  mouth  of  the  Arkansas,  where  they 
found  some  men,  stationed  by  De  Tonti,  to  greet  their  coming, 
and  give  them  such  aid  as  they  might  require.  Resting  a few 
days  at  this  place,  they  returned  to  France,  by  way  of  the  Illi- 
nois and  Quebec.  Of  this  company,  De  Marne  was  drowned 
in  Red  river,  and  Barthelemy  remained  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Arkansas  ; so  that  only  five  of  the  colony  returned  to  their  na- 
tive land. 

Heins,  having  the  goods,  treasure,  and  uniform  of  La  Salle, 
and  the  advantage  of  firearms,  doubtless  held  sway,  for  a time, 
on  the  banks  of  the  Trinity.  From  his  turbulent  and  restless 
spirit,  and  his  love  for  human  blood,  we  may  infer  that  he  in- 
volved the  Cenis  in  many  wars  with  their  neighbors,  destroyed 
their  love  of  peace  and  agriculture,  and  laid  the  foundation  for 
the  ruin  in  which  that  great  and  powerful  tribe  was  ultimately 
overwhelmed. 

When  the  Indians  near  the  fort  heard  of  the  death  of  La 
Salle,  and  the  dispersion  of  his  company,  they  attacked  the 
fort,  which  they  took,  and  put  all  the  remaining  colonists  to 
death,  except  three  sons  and  a daughter  of  M.  Talon,  and 


SEARCH  OF  DE  TONTI. 


43 


young  Breman  : these  they  retained  as  prisoners.*  Thus  ended 
the  first  attempt  to  colonize  Texas. 

Early  in  the  spring  of  1689,  the  chevalier  de  Tonti  went  at 
the  head  of  a considerable  force  in  search  of  the  colony  planted 
by  his  late  friend.  He  probably  penetrated  the  country  as  far 
as  the  Ncches,  but  the  desertion  of  his  men  compelled  him  to 
return  without  effecting  his  object,  f 


* The  fate  of  those  left  in  the  fort  is  not  very  clear.  The  account  of  De  Bar- 
cia  is  altogether  too  artificial.  It  is  most  probable  that,  of  the  prisoners  retained 
by  the  Indians,  a part  or  all  of  them  were  afterward  reclaimed  by  the  missiona- 
ries, and  employed  as  interpreters.  See  the  extract  from  the  Chronological  Essay 
of  De  Barcia,  in  a note  to  Prof.  Shea’s  translation  of  Douay’s  Narrative,  p.  208. 
f Life  of  La  Salle,  p.  171. 


44 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Early  in  1686,  the  marquis  of  Laguna,  then  viceroy  of 
Mexico,*  was  informed,  through  the  prize  taken  by  the  Span- 
iards from  La  Salle  in  the  West  Indies,  of  the  French  expedi- 
tion ; but  its  destination  was  then  unknown.  It  is  probable 
that,  in  La  Salle’s  first  expedition  into  the  interior  of  Texas, 
the  Camanche  Indians  obtained  a knowledge  of  his  location, 
and  communicated  it  to  the  Spaniards.  At  all  events,  the 
count  of  Monclova,  who  entered  on  the  duties  of  the  viceroy- 
alty in  November,  1686,  had  immediate  information  of  the  fact. 
A council  of  war  was  held,  to  deliberate  upon  the  matter,  and 
to  determine  how  they  could  most  effectually  carry  out  the 
royal  exterminating  order  of  Philip  II.  f A military  post  and 
settlement  was  established  at  Monclova ; and  Captain  Alonzo 
de  Leon  was  appointed  to  the  command,  under  the  title  of  gov- 
ernor of  Coaquila. 

Captain  De  Leon  was  then  despatched  with  a military  force 
of  one  hundred  men  to  scour  the  country  and  hunt  out  the 
French.:):  The  expedition  left  Monclova  early  in  the  spring 

* Lorenzana’s  Hutoria  de  Mejico,  p.  28. 

f lb.,  p.  29.  De  Onis  to  the  secretary  of  state,  January  5,  1818. — American 
State  Papers , vol.  xii.,  pp.  81,  298. 

\ Cevallos  to  Messrs.  Monroe  and  Pinkney. — lb.,  p.  298.  The  Spanish  secre- 
tary is  mistaken  in  saying  that  Monclova  sent  out  this  expedition ; for  the  count 
de  Galve  entered  the  viceroyalty  on  the  17th  of  September,  1688.  — Historia  de 
Mejico , p.  29. 


EXPEDITION  OF  DE  LEON. 


45 


of  1689,  and  arrived  at  Fort  St.  Louis,  on  the  Lavaca,  on  the 
22d  of  April.  Two  days  after,  he  went  down  to  the  head  of 
the  bay,  when  he  saw  the  wreck  of  the  Belle.  Learning  from 
the  Indians  that  some  of  the  colonists  were  still  wandering 
about  over  the  country,  he  visited  the  Cenis  nation.*  He  was 
received  and  treated  by  this  people  with  the  hospitality  for 
which  they  were  distinguished.  He  found  here  the  notorious 
L*  Arche  veque  and  Grollet,  and  took  them  prisoners.  They 
were  sent  to  Mexico,  thence  to  Spain,  whence  they  were  sent 
back  to  Mexico,  and  condemned  to  the  mines. 

Having  completed  the  business  of  his  expedition,  De  Leon 
returned  to  his  post,  and  reported  the  facts  to  the  viceroy : he 
spoke  in  high  terms  of  the  good  disposition  of  the  Indians,  and 
suggested  the  propriety  of  the  establishment  of  missions  and 
military  posts  over  the  country.  This  letter,  dated  on  the  22d 
of  May,  was  laid  before  the  council  of  the  viceroy ; and,  after 
deliberation,  it  was  resolved  to  establish  a mission  at  Fort  St. 
Louis.  Accordingly,  in  1690,  De  Leon  was  sent  again,  with 
one  hundred  and  ten  men  and  some  friars,  and  established  at 
the  fort  the  mission  of  San  Francisco,  so  named  in  honor  of  St. 
Francis  D’Assisi.  The  king  of  Spain,  having  information  of 
these  proceedings,  issued  his  orders  for  the  pacification  and 
reduction  of  Texas,  as  he  considered  it  of  great  importance  to 
the  security  of  his  dominions  in  New  Mexico. 

In  1691,  Don  Domingo  Teran  was  appointed  governor  of 
Coahuila  and  Texas,  with  a salary  of  twenty-five  hundred  dol- 
lars per  annum,  and  proceeded  with  fifty  soldiers  and  seven 

* De  Onis  calls  them  Asimais , and  denies  that  De  Leon  found  any  of  the 
French  there ; but  the  position  he  had  taken  in  the  discussion  required,  as  he 
thought,  this  denial. 

f Life  of  La  Salle,  pp.  175,  176.  The  account  given  by  De  Barcia,  in  his 
Chronological  Essay,  of  the  movement  of  Captain  De  Leon,  is  not  reliable.  See 
note  to  the  Narrative  of  Father  Douay,  Discovery  and  Exploration  of  the  Valley 
of  the  Mississippi,  p.  208. 


46 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


lay  friars  to  establish  missions  and  military  posts.  They  took 
with  them  cattle,  and  seeds  for  planting ; and  effected  settle- 
ments on  the  waters  of  Red  river,  on  the  Neches,  and  on  the 
Guadalupe.  But  in  a short  time  these  infant  colonies,  as  well 
as  that  at  Fort  St.  Louis,  began  to  decline.  The  Indians  were 
hostile,  the  crops  failed,  and  the  cattle  died ; so  that,  in  1693, 
they  were  all  abandoned.  These  facts  were  communicated  to 
the  king : he  was  informed  of  the  great  expense  incurred,  of 
the  difficulty  of  controlling  the  Indians,  and  it  was  recommend- 
ed that  the  settlement  of  the  province  be  postponed  to  a time 
when  circumstances  should  offer  more  hopes  of  success.* 

Concurrently  with  the  mission  of  San  Francisco,  was  estab- 
lished on  the  right  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande,  three  miles  from 
the  river,  the  mission  of  San  Juan  Bautista.  This  mission  be- 
came a Spanish  post  of  observation  ; it  was  erected  into  a pre- 
sidio ; and,  in  after-times,  when  travel  became  frequent  between 
Mexico  and  Texas,  was  on  the  great  thoroughfare  known  as  the 
“ old  San  Antonio  road.” 

Thus  Texas  was  once  more  without  European  settlers.  Its 
abandonment  was  approved  by  the  superior  government  in 
March,  1694.  The  post  at  El  Paso,  as  being  on  the  route  to 
the  silver-mines  of  Santa  Ft*,  was  still  occupied ; so  likewise 
was  the  mission  at  the  presidio , probably  because  of  its  conve- 
nience for  trade  with  the  Indians. 

The  Rio  Grande  seems  to  have  been  discovered  at  three  dif- 
ferent points  by  the  Spaniards  ; and,  without  knowing  it  to  be 
the  same  stream,  the  discoverers  gave  it  as  many  different 

* See  Appendix  No.  1.  “Testimonio  de  un  Parecer  dado  en  los  auttos  fechos 
en  virtud  de  Real  cedilla,  en  qe  S.  M.  Manda  se  le  informe  sobre  surttos  abusos 
comettidos  en  la  provincia  de  Texas  en  el  tiempo  que  se  expressa;  y tambien  de 
un  parapbo  de  ottro  Parecer  dado  en  los  proprios  auttos,  uno  y ottro  del  Senor 
Audittor  Gral  de  la  Guerra,  Suppor.  Govno.  Ano  de  l1/ 44.”  — Bexar  Archives, 
parapho  25,  26,  MS.  Sefior  Cevallos  to  Messrs.  Monroe  and  Pinkney,  April 
13,  1806. 


FRENCH  GRANT  TO  CROZAT. 


47 


names,  which  arc  used  to  this  day.  The  discoverers  of  the 
river  at  Santa  Fe,  in  the  north  of  Mexico,  called  it  the  Rio 
del  Norte ; at  the  presidio , on  account  of  its  great  width,  they 
named  it  the  Rio  Grande  ; and  at  Reynoso,  where  the  Indians 
were  fierce  and  warlike  ( Indios  bravos ),  it  was  denominated 
the  Rio  Bravo  * 

The  Spaniards  were,  however,  aroused  from  their  supineness, 
by  the  vigor  of  the  French  of  Louisiana.  Louis  XIY.  had,  by 
a charter,  dated  September  14,  1712,  granted  to  Anthony  Cro- 
zot  the  whole  of  Louisiana.  The  boundaries  in  the  grant  were 
indefinite,  yet  sufficiently  well  expressed  to  give  Crozat  a claim 
to  the  territory  west  as  far  as  the  Rio  Grande.  Crozat  was  a 
merchant.  He  had  taken  the  grant  on  speculation,  and  wished 
to  make  the  most  of  it.  At  his  instance,  Louis  had  appointed 
Lamothe  Cadillac  governor  of  Louisiana.  Crozat  had  in  view 
two  great  objects — one,  the  discovery  of  mines;  the  other,  a 
profitable  trade  with  the  northeastern  provinces  of  Mexico,  f 
He  accordingly  so  instructed  the  governor,  requesting  him  to 
find  an  opening  for  his  goods  in  Mexico,  either  with  or  without 
the  consent  of  the  Spanish  authorities. 

Accordingly,  in  1714,  Cadillac  sent  out  Huchereau  St.  Denis, 


* Testimonio  de  un  Parecer,  etc.,  parapho  9.  Professor  Shea  ( History  of  the 
Discovery  of  the  Mississippi  River , p.  18)  says,  “The  Rio  Grande  is  so  called 
merely  because  6ome  one  mistook  it  for  the  great  river  of  De  Soto.”  The  Pare- 
cer, above  quoted,  says:  “Deestta  provincia  del  Nuevo  Mejico  vaja  el  Rio  nom- 
brado  del  ATorte,que  veniendo  derecho  el  sur  corre  immediatto  4 dicha  capittal 
de  Santa  Fo,  y nl  expressado  Real  Precidio  del  Passo.  Despues  tuerse  al  orientte, 
y cortte  alguna  partte  de  la  Nueva  Viscaya  de  donde  recive  el  Rio  de  Conchos. 
Attraviesa  luego  por  medio  de  la  provincia  de  Coahuila  pasando  tres  leguas  mas 
adelantte  de  su  Precidio  de  San  Juan  Baupttistta,  clamado  por  ello  del  Rio 
Grande.  Tiene  alii  de  anclio  dicho  Rio  como  un  ttirc  de  vala  do  fucil,  y mas  de 
una  vara  de  profuudidad,  laque  en  tiempo  de  avenidns  suele  suber  aesttado  y 
medicr.  Conttinua  siempre  & orientte,  y cruzando  veintte  leguas  mas  alia  de  la 
fronttera  de  dicho  Nuevo  Reyno,  y de  6ii  Precidio  de  Serralvo,  desahua  con  nom- 
bre  de  Rio  Bravo , par  tierras  de  Yndios  Gcnttiles  desconocidas  de  los  nuestros.” 
t Gayarre,  History  of  Louisiana,  pp.  110  125. 


48 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


a young  man  of  noble  family  and  great  enterprise,  upon  an  ex- 
pedition to  Mexico.  He  was  to  proceed  to  Natchitoches,  there 
to  form  an  establishment  to  oppose  the  Spaniards,  if  they  should 
be  in  that  vicinity ; thence  he  was  to  proceed  in  the  direction 
of  New  Mexico,  and  ascertain  the  practicability  of  opening  com- 
mercial relations.  He  proceeded  to  Natchitoches,  and  left 
there  a few  men  to  form  a settlement.  With  twelve  men  and 
some  friendly  Indians  he  continued  his  journey,  and  in  August, 
1714,  reached  the  mission  of  St.  John  the  Baptist  on  the  Rio 
Grande.  They  were  received  with  hospitality  by  Villeseas, 
the  commandant  of  the  post ; and,  making  known  the  object 
of  their  long  journey,  were  requested  to  wait  till  their  business 
was  communicated  to  Don  Gaspardo  Anaya,  the  governor  of 
Coahuila,  and  an  answer  returned.  The  governor,  for  reply, 
sent  a guard,  who  seized  St.  Denis  and  Jallot  his  friend  and 
surgeon,  and  conveyed  them  to  the  capital  of  the  province ! 
Here  they  remained  in  prison  till,  by  the  order  of  the  viceroy, 
they  were  conducted  to  Mexico,  and  there  imprisoned.  At  the 
end  of  six  months  they  were  released,  or,  as  some  say,  escaped, 
and  after  two  years  returned  to  Mobile,  the  then  capital  of 
Louisiana.*  St.  Denis  having  courted  and  married  the  daugh- 
ter of  the  commandant  of  the  mission  of  St.  John,  it  is  likely 
that  he  made  arrangements  for  smuggling.  The  influence  ac- 
quired by  St.  Denis  over  the  Texan  Indians  was  considerable ; 
and  when  the  Spaniards  under  Ramon,  the  uncle-in-law  of  St. 
Denis,  established  themselves  at  Adaes,  the  Indians  were  alike 
friendly  with  them.  This  all  goes  to  sustain  the  assertion  of 
Du  Pratz,  that  the  Spaniards  were  introduced  there  by  St. 
Denis  for  illicit  trade. 

* Mr.  Gayarre  has  made  an  intereresting  romance  of  these  adventures  of  St 
Denis.  — American  State  Papers , vol.  xii.,  pp.  36  299,  316.  Du  Pratz,  History 
of  Louisiana,  vol.  i.,  p.  12. 


SPANISH  MISSIONS  ESTABLISHED. 


49 


At  all  events,  the  vigorous  movements  of  Crozat  alarmed  the 
duke  of  Linares,*  then  viceroy  of  Mexico,  and  steps  were  taken 
to  occupy  the  country.  Captain  Don  Domingo  Ramon  and  a 
few  soldiers  and  friars  were  sent  to  Texas  to  establish  posts 
and  missions.  They  came  with  St.  Denis,  who  acted  as  guide. 
A new  mission  was  established  in  place  of  that  of  St.  Francisco, 
but  lower  down  on  the  bay  of  San  Bernard ; and  another  among 
the  Adaes,  a small  tribe  of  Indians  on  the  Arroyo  Honda,  and 
part  of  the  great  Caddo  nation.  This  mission,  protected  by  a 
military  post,  was  fifteen  miles  west  of  Natchitoches,  the  Honda, 
a small  creek,  running  about  midway  between  them.  The  mis- 
sion of  Dolores  was  established  nearer  the  coast,  and  west  of 
the  Sabine,  among  the  Orquisaco  Indians.  The  fort  and  mis- 
sion of  San  Antonio  de  A alerof  was  located  on  the  right  bank 
of  the  San  Pedro,  about  three  fourths  of  a mile  from  the  pres- 
ent catholic  church  at  San  Antonio ; but,  as  a security  against 
the  Indians,  and  for  purposes  of  irrigation,  it  was  afterward 
removed  to  the  San  Antonio  river,  a noble  stream,  which,  only 
three  or  four  miles  above,  breaks  out,  full  grown,  from  the  foot 
of  the  Guadalupe  mountains. 

Shortly  after  this  period,  a small  mission  was  established 

* Historia  de  Mejico,  p.  33 : “ Por  Agosto  de  sette  sienttos  cattorce  llego  al 
enunciado  Precidio  del  Rio  Grande  en  Coahuila  Don  Louis  [Huchereau]  de  San 
Denis  y Don  Medar  Jalot  con  ottros  dos  Franceses ; y trabidos  a Mejico  de  orden 
del  excelentissimo  Senor  virrey  duque  de  Linares  exivio  aqui  San  Denis  pattente 
del  governador  de  la  Mobila  con  fecha  de  Septtembre  del  ano  de  trece,  paraque 
veniese  con  veintt.e  y quattro  liombres  a Texas,  y comprase  alii  bueyes,  cavallos 
y ottros  ganados  para  la  colonia  de  la  Luciana  suponiendo  se  raanttenien  en 
Texas  nuestras  missiones.  Decluro  San  Denis,  que  havian  venido  en  una  pira- 
qua  desde  la  Mobila  hasta  Nachittos,  donde  havian  desembarcado,  y que  llegados 
a Texas,  y no  enconttrado  alii  a los  Espanoles  se  havian  vueltto  los  soldados 
Franceses,  que  ^andose  solo  quattro  en  los  Texas,  y que  con  los  ottros  tres  havia 
pasado  hastta  dicho  Precidio  del  Rio  Grande.  Expresso  tarabien  que  los  Yndios 
Texas  deceaban,  volbiesen  los  missioneros  Espanoles.”  — Testimonio  de  un  Pare- 
cer,  etc.,  parapho  26,  MS.  There  is  a considerable  difference  in  the  French  and 
Spanish  accounts  of  this  affair. 

\ Afterward  remeved  to  the  east  of  the  San  Antonio,  and  called  the  Alamo. 

Vol.  I.-— 4 


50 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


among  the  Nacogdoches  Indians.  Its  location,  at  that  time, 
was  below  the  present  site  of  the  handsome  town  of  Nacogdo- 
ches, and  near  the  junction  of  the  Bahita  and  Nana.  About 
the  same  time  was  located  a mission  among  the  Aes  Indians, 
and  not  far  from  the  present  town  of  San  Augustine. 

Thus  the  year  1715  may  be  considered  the  year  of  missions 
in  Texas.  From  this  time  may  be  dated  its  permanent  occu- 
pancy by  Spain.  She  had  wrested  it  from  France,  the  rightful 
discoverer  and  first  possessor ; yet,  it  must  be  admitted,  she 
had  acquired  full  possession.  As  the  policy  of  Spain  allowed 
no  curious  traveller  to  penetrate  her  territories,  it  is  probable 
the  French  did  not  for  some  years  know  the  extent  of  her  tres- 
passes , and,  if  they  did,  they  had  much  to  do  in  the  wars  then 
prevailing  on  the  continent  of  Europe,  and  much  in  taking  care 
of  their  other  possessions. 

Captain  Don  Ramon  seems  to  have  been  the  active  laborer  in 
the  building  up  of  these  missions.  He  was  a great  favorite 
with  the  Indians  ; they  adopted  him  as  a son,  and  assisted  him 
and  his  followers  in  their  labors.  The  marquis  de  Aguago 
went  to  Texas,  under  the  order  of  the  viceroy,  as  governor- 
general  of  the  New  Philippines  (the  name  by  which  Texas  was 
then  known),  and  of  New  Estremadura.* 

While  Captain  Don  Ramon  was  at  the  Adaes,  he  paid  a friend- 
ly visit  to  the  French  at  Natchitoches.  He  with  his  followers 
were  received  with  great  politeness  by  the  commander,  and 
treated  with  hospitality  during  their  stay.  This,  occurring 
shortly  after  the  return  of  St.  Denis,  would  seem  to  confirm 
the  assertion  of  Du  Pratz,  that  the  Spaniards  had  been  intro- 
duced there  by  St.  Denis,  as  previously  observed,  for  purposes 
of  smuggling. f 

* American  State  Papers,  vol.  xii.,  pp.  36,  299. 
f lb.,  p.  36 ; Bossu,  vol.  i.,  p.  S42. 


NAME  OP  TEXAS. 


51 


The  first  efforts  at  forming  settlements  were  humble  enough. 
The  buildings  were  but  temporary  shelters,  and  rude  cabins 
constructed  by  vertical  pieces  planted  in  the  ground,  with  the 
spaces  filled  up  with  brandies  interlaced  and  thatched.  Thus 
were  first  constructed  the  temporary  chapel,  hospital,  and  the 
dwellings  for  the  priests  and  officers.  In  a climate  so  mild 
and  congenial,  no  great  necessity  existed  for  further  immediate 
arrangements.  A new  force  had  to  be  prepared  and  brought 
into  requisition  to  do  the  drudgery  of  more  substantial  im- 
provements. The  soldiers  and  friars  came  not  to  perform  me- 
chanical labor,  but  to  put  in  operation  the  missionary  machine 
by  which  were  to  be  wrought  out  of  the  wild  Indian  tribes 
laborers  in  abundance. 

The  Indians,  unaccustomed  to  such  scenes,  looked  on  with 
pleasure  and  astonishment  at  these  rude  structures.  Indeed, 
such  was  their  good  nature,  and  their  desire  to  please  the  new- 
comers, that  they,  at  first,  voluntarily  assisted  in  the  work. 
Small  presents,  kind  looks,  and  opening  hopes,  were  to  them 
a sufficient  reward. 

Thus  matters  stood  for  some  time,  the  Spaniards  being  in 
the  quiet  possession  of  Texas,  though  it  was  not  then  known 
by  that  name.  The  name,  in  fact,  is  involved  in  obscurity. 
The  story,  first  published  by  Don  Luis  de  Onis  in  1818* — that 
on  the  visit  of  Alonzo  de  Leon  to  the  A-Simais  (Cenis)  Indians 
in  1689,  they  received  him  with  the  greatest  kindness,  and 
called  him  and  his  followers  44  Texas”  which  in  their  language 
signifies  friends — is,  no  doubt,  fanciful.  The  country  was 
known  for  many  years  after  this  period  as  the  44  New  Philip- 
pines” and  was  so  described  in  official  papers ; and  so  late  as 
1T44,  in  a report  made  to  the  Spanish  government  of  the  con- 
dition of  this  country,  the  writer  says  that  the  territory  on  the 

* American  State  Papers,  vol.  xii.,  p.  81. 


52 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS* 


Neches  is  called  Texas*  La  Harpe,  in  his  letter  to  D’Alar- 
conne,  dated  Nasonite  (eastern  Texas),  July  8,  1719,  calls  it 
the  province  of  Las  Telcas  ;f  and  this  is  the  first  mention  of 
the  name  in  any  works  made  public.  It  may  have  been  the 
appellation  of  some  petty  tribe  of  Indians  living  in  eastern 
Texas  ; or  it  may  be  of  Spanish  origin,  and  applied  to  the  light 
structures  of  the  Indians  on  the  Neches.J 

* Bexar  Archives,  MS.,  parapho  21 : “Cientto  settentta  y dos  leguas  di  dicho 
Precidio  de  San  Antonio  estta  el  paraje  nombrado  propriamentte  Texan , Asinays, 
o Neclias.”  As  this  was  on  the  San  Antonio  road,  it  must  have  been  the  Mound 
prairie,  lately  occupied  by  Mr.  Bradshaw,  that  was  known  as  Texas , and  which 
gave  name  to  the  entire  country. 

\ American  State  Papers,  vol.  xii.,  p.  10*7. 

\ Teja,  plural  Tejas,  in  allusion  to  the  covering  of  their  tents  or  wigwams.  I 
am  indebted  to  Ch.  Gayarre,  Esq.,  for  this  suggestion. 


EARLY  MISSIONARIES. 


53 


CHAPTER  V. 

America,  as  a missionary  field,  was  not,  in  its  early  settle- 
ment, a place  to  be  desired.  In  some  parts,  where  the  precious 
metals  abounded,  and  fortunes  were  readily  made,  the  worldly- 
minded  herald  of  the  cross  could  find  somewhat  to  tempt  him ; 
but,  with  this  exception,  it  was  a vast,  unexplored  region,  but 
thinly  peopled  by  a strange  and  degraded  race,  who  were  ut- 
terly ignorant,  not  only  of  the  moral  code  of  elevated  society, 
but  even  of  the  rights  of  property.  As  Christianity  and  civili- 
zation must  necessarily  flourish  together,  the  Indians  had  to 
be  civilized  as  well  as  converted.  They  were  to  be  taught  to 
love  God  more  than  their  hunting-grounds;  to  forgive  their 
enemies,  and  not  to  scalp  them.  These  teachings  were  to  be 
the  result  of  infinite  patience,  constant  prayer,  a living  faith, 
an  upright  walk,  and,  as  God  works  through  instrumentalities, 
a previous  mental  cultivation.  Who,  then,  was  sufficient  for 
these  things  ? A new  country  had  been  occupied.  Her  vast 
prairies  and  woodlands,  beautifully  blended,  lay  smiling  before 
the  strangers.  At  that  age,  the  missionary  operations  in  Amer- 
ica, with  the  exception  of  the  English  colonies,  were  carried  on 
by  the  Jesuits,  Dominicans,  and  Franciscans,  the  three  princi- 
pal orders  of  preachers  of  the  Roman  catholic  church.  These 
orders,  though  deriving  authority  alike  from  the  papal  see,  were 
essentially  different.  The  Jesuits  were  polished,  cheerful,  and 


54 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


courtly : the  Dominicans,  as  preachers  against  heretics,  were 
gloomy  and  fanatical.  From  the  time  of  St.  Dominic,  they 
found  dangerous  rivals  in  the  Franciscans,  with  whom  they 
divided  the  honor  of  ruling  church  and  state  until  1640,  when 
the  shrewd  and  learned  followers  of  De  Loyola  superseded 
them  in  directing  the  education  and  politics  of  the  Old  World. 

The  Franciscans  are  a religious  order  founded  by  St.  Fran- 
cis d’ Assisi,  in  1208,  at  Naples.  The  order  was  distinguished 
by  absolute  poverty  and  the  renunciation  of  worldly  pleasures. 
Its.  original  object  was  the  care  of  the  spiritual  interests  of  the 
people,  so  much  neglected  by  the  secular  clergy  of  that  age. 
The  founder  prohibited  his  followers  from  possessing  any  prop- 
erty, nor  were  they  to  make  learning  and  the  polite  accom- 
plishments their  study.  The  rule  of  the  order,  sanctioned  by 
the  pope  in  1210  and  1223,  destined  them  to  beg  and  to  preach. 
Responsible  to  no  one  but  the  pope,  they  had  many  privileges, 
and  their  numbers  were  soon  so  increased,  that  they  filled  thou- 
sands of  monasteries.  The  rules  of  poverty  became  relaxed, 
and  their  convents  produced  many  learned  men.  The  popes 
Nicholas  IV.,  Alexander  V.,  Sixtus  IV.  and  V.,  and  Clement 
XIV.,  were  from  this  order. 

The  Franciscans  became  divided  into  different  sects,  yet  had 
a common  general.  The  Alcantarines,  or  those  who  followed 
the  reforms  introduced  by  Peter  of  Alcantara,  flourished  in 
Spain,  and,  with  the  conquerors  of  Mexico,  many  of  them  came 
over  to  America,  and  founded  missions  and  convents.*  Among 
others,  the  convents  of  Quaretaro  and  Zacatecas,  established 
early  in  the  seventeenth  century,  furnished  the  missionaries 
destined  to  introduce  to  the  savages  of  Texas  the  knowledge 
of  the  true  God.f  These  fathers  observed  strictly  the  rules 

* Encyclopaedia  Americana:  articles  Franciscans,  Dominicans,  Jesuits. 

\ Letter  of  Bishop  Odin,  of  April  6,  1853.  M. 


THE  FRANCISCAN  MISSIONARIES. 


55 


laid  down  by  tlieir  founder : they  went  with  their  feet  entirely 
bare ; a coarse  woollen  frock,  with  a cord  round  the  waist,  to 
which  a rope  with  a knotted  scourge  was  suspended,  formed 
their  common  dress.  Their  monastic  vows  prohibited  them 
from  holding  either  real  or  personal  property,  and  also  from 
familiar  intercourse  with  the  other  sex,  and  required  an  entire 
compliance  with  the  rules  of  the  order  and  the  commands  of 
the  superior.* 

In  Texas,  in  1715,  such  men  could  well  keep  their  vows  of 
poverty  and  self-denial.  But  they  had  before  them  a work  to 
be  performed,  which,  without  hope  of  future  reward,  and  a 
strong  faith  in  heaven,  none  could  have  the  heart  to  undertake. 
As  beggars,  the  Indians  had  nothing  to  give,  and  in  this  avo- 
cation far  outstripped  their  ghostly  instructors  ! As  preachers, 
they  had  almost  insuperable  difficulties  to  meet  and  overcome. 
They  had  to  learn  the  language  of  the  natives ; to  domesticate 
and  civilize  them ; to  teach  them  the  nature  of  property,  its 
value,  and  the  mode  of  acquiring  it.  But,  what  was  most  im- 
portant, the  Indian  was  necessitated  to  unlearn  all  that  he  had 
previously  acquired.  His  wandering  life  must  cease  ; he  must 
henceforth  have  a home,  and  a place  of  worship.  His  mani- 
tous , as  numerous  as  the  objects  around  him,  must  all  give 
place  to  the  idea  of  one  great  Manitou — the  Creator.  His 
passions  must  be  subdued ; his  habits,  manners,  and  his  entire 
nature,  changed. f “ Nothing  is  more  difficult,”  says  Father 

* Encyclopaedia  Americana,  article  Monastic  Vows. 

f The  ingenious  argument  adopted  by  Father  Mermet  to  convince  an  Indian 
of  the  existence  of  a God  is  worthy  of  repetition.  The  Indian  was  a medicine- 
man, and  worshipped  the  buffalo,  as  his  grand  manitou.  As  the  buffalo  was  not 
immortal,  the  Indian  was  insensibly  led  to  admit  that  it  was  not  the  animal  he 
worshipped,  but  the  spirit  of  the  buffalo,  which  was  under  the  earth,  and  ani- 
mated all  buffaloes. 

Mermet:  Have  not  other  animals — the  bear,  for  instance  — a manitou  also? 

Indian , Certainly. 


66 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


Marest,  “ than  the  conversion  of  these  Indians  ; it  is  a miracle 
of  the  Lord’s  mercy.  It  is  necessary  first  to  transform  them 
into  men,  and  afterward  to  labor  to  make  them  Christians.”* 
This  work  was  undertaken  in  Texas  by  the  patient  followers 
of  St.  Francis.  They  had  not  the  liberty  of  the  Jesuits,  in 
not  being  restrained  by  the  formalities  of  a tedious  recitation 
of  prayers,  but,  under  all  circumstances,  at  oft-recurring  times, 
were  bound  on  their  consciences  to  repeat  them.  It  was  an 
important  object  to  keep  the  Indians  together  long  enough  to 
make  an  impression  on  their  minds.  But  the  Indian  must  be 
fed ; his  only  means  of  support  was  by  fishing,  and  the  chase ; 
he  knew  no  other.  To  maintain  him  by  agriculture,  he  must 
labor  in  the  field  ; and  this  labor  must  be  compulsory,  for  lazi- 
ness is  a leading  feature  in  the  character  of  an  Indian.  Upon 
such  a basis,  then,  were  laid  down  the  rules  for  the  government 
and  instruction  of  the  red  man. 

The  establishments  thus  formed  in  Texas  were  known  as  pre- 
sidios,f  or  missions.  There  was  a mission  at  each  presidio ; 
but  many  missions  were  without  soldiers,  at  least  in  any  con- 
siderable numbers.  Each  presidio  was  entitled  to  a command- 
ant, and  the  necessary  officers  for  a command  of  two  hundred 
and  fifty  men  ; though,  from  various  circumstances,  the  number 
constantly  varied,  and  was  generally  less.  The  troops  were 
inferior,  badly  clothed,  idle,  and  disorderly.  The  buildings 
were  erected  around  a square,  or  plaza  de  armas , and  con- 

Mermet.  If  this  be  so,  then  men  ought  also  to  have  a manitou  which  animates 
them  ? 

Indiav , Nothing  can  be  more  certain. 

Mermet.  That  is  sufficient  for  me  to  convict  you  of  having  but  little  reason  on 
your  side ; for  if  man  be  the  master  of  all  the  animals  — if  he  kills  them,  if  he 
eats  them  — then  it  is  necessary  that  the  Manitou  which  animates  the  man 
should  also  be  the  Master  of  all  the  other  manitous.  — Kip,  p.  202. 

* Letter  of  Father  Marest,  November  9,  1712.  Ib.,  p.  193. 

f Presidio , a garrison  of  soldiers. 


TREATMENT  OF  INDIANS  AT  THE  MISSIONS. 


57 


listed  of  the  church,  dwellings  for  officers,  friars,  and  soldiers, 
with  storehouses,  prisons,  &c.  The  size  of  the  square  depended 
on  the  population,  the  strength  of  the  force  intended  to  be  sta- 
tioned there,  and  also  upon  the  extent-  of  the  district  dependent 
on  the  presidio.  Huts  were  erected  at  a short  distance  from 
the  principal  edifices,  for  the  converted  Indians.  The  unmar- 
ried of  either  sex  were  placed  in  separate  huts,  and  at  night 
locked  up  by  the  friars,  who  carried  the  keys.  They  encour- 
aged chastity  among  the  Indians,  and  punished  its  violation  by 
public  or  private  whipping,  as  the  offender  was  a male  or  a 
female.* 

Forts  were  erected  near  the  presidios , and  sometimes  the 
church  was  fortified.  The  civil  and  military  authority  was 
united  in  the  commandant,  which,  in  some  matters,  was  subor- 
dinate and  in  others  superior  to  the  ecclesiastical  power.  The 
principal  duty  of  the  military  was  to  repel  the  invasion  of  the 
wild  Indians,  and  to  suppress  the  rebellious  spirit  of  the  con- 
verts. The  Indians  were  well  fed,  clothed,  and  cared  for; 
their  labors  were  not  heavy ; and,  in  these  particulars,  they 
could  not  complain.  But  they  were  compelled  to  perform  cer- 
tain religious  ceremonies  before  they  could  understand  anything 
of  their  meaning.  Sundry  rules  were  laid  down  for  their  every 
motion,  a departure  from  which  was  severely  punished.  It  was 
this  tyranny  over  the  minds  and  bodies  of  the  Indians  that  en- 
feebled and  wasted  them.  They  were  willing  to  forego  the 
food  and  raiment  of  the  missions,  for  the  sublime  scenery  of 
the  vast  prairies,  the  liberty  of  roaming  unmolested  over  them, 
and  chasing  the  buffalo  and  the  deer.  Freedom,  dear  to  all, 
is  the  idol  of  the  Indian.  He  worships  the  liberty  of  nature. 

* Kennedy,  vol.  i.,  p.  224,  et  seq.  Forbes,  in  his  history  of  California,  is  too 
severe  upon  the  Franciscans.  Compared  with  the  cruelty  of  the  Spaniards  and 
Dominicans  in  South  America  and  Mexico  proper,  the  discipline  of  the  Francis- 
cans was  tolerable. 


58 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


When  restrained  from  his  loved  haunts,  he  pines,  and  sickens, 
and  dies.  Had  the  Franciscans,  like  the  Jesuits  on  the  lakes, 
gone  with  their  flocks  on  their  hunting-excursions,  joined  them 
in  their  feasts,  and  praised  them  for  their  skill  in  the  chase, 
they  would  have  met  with  ^greater  success.  But  the  Jesuits 
possessed  a twofold  advantage  : they  had  the  power  of  dispen- 
sing with  tedious  and  uninteresting  prayers  and  ceremonies ; 
and  they  also  enjoyed  the  aid  of  the  cheerful,  talkative,  open- 
hearted  French:*  while  the  Franciscans,  without  such  dispen- 
sing power,  were  likewise  bound  to  co-operate  with  the  gloomy, 
suspicious,  and  despotic  Spaniards. 

We  are  not  informed  respecting  the  daily  round  of  spiritual 
and  temporal  duties  performed  by  the  converted  Indians  of  the 
Franciscan  missions,  but  presume  they  were  not  very  different 
from  those  described  by  Father  Marest  as  practised  among  the 
Illinois  in  1712.  “Early  in  the  morning,”  says  he,  “we  as- 
semble the  catechumens  at  the  church,  when  they  have  prayers, 
they  receive  instruction,  and  chant  some  canticles.  When  they 
have  retired,  mass  is  said,  at  which  all  the  Christians  assist, 
the  men  placed  on  one  side  and  the  women  on  the  other ; then 
they  have  prayers,  which  are  followed  by  giving  them  a homily, 
after  which  each  goes  to  his  labor.  We  then  spend  our  time 
in  visiting  the  sick,  to  give  them  the  necessaiy  remedies,  to 
instruct  them,  and  to  console  those  who  are  laboring  under  any 
affliction.  In* the  afternoon,  the  catechizing  is  held,  at  which 
all  are  present,  Christians  and  catechumens , men  and  children, 
young  and  old,  and  where  each,  without  distinction  of  rank  or 

* Don  Joseph  de  Gorraez,  speaking  of  the  intercourse  of  the  French  with  the 
Indians  in  1744,  says:  “Poseben  en  ttodas,  muclios  precidios,  crecidos  pueblos, 
numerosas  naciones  de  Yndios  con  quienes  facilmentto  congenian  rayandosse  y 
pintandose  como  illos  los  rosttros  hablando  sus  idiomas,  asisttiendo  a sus  baylas 
casandose  con  los  Yndios,  y rescattando  pieles  por  bujerias,  cuchillos  y armas 
de  fuego  aque  son  mui  propensos  los*  Yndios.”  — Tcstimonib  dc  unmParecer,  &c.} 
parapho  13. 


SPIRITUAL  DUTIES  AT  THE  MISSIONS. 


59 


ago,  answers  the  questions  put  by  the  missionary.  As  these 
people  have  no  books,  and  are  naturally  indolent,  they  would 
shortly  forget  the  principles  of  religion,  if  the  remembrance  of 
them  was  not  recalled  by  these  almost  continual  instructions. 
Our  visits  to  their  wigwams  occupy  the  rest  of  the  day.  In 
the  evening,  all  assemble  again  at  the  church,  to  listen  to  the 
instructions  which  are  given,  to  have  prayers,  and  to  sing  some 
hymns.  On  Sundays  and  festivals  they  add  to  the  ordinary 

exercises  instructions  which  are  given  after  the  vespers 

They  generally  end  the  day  by  private  meetings,  which  they 
hold  at  their  own  residences,  the  men  separately  from  the  wo- 
men ; and  there  they  recite  the  cliapelet  with  alternate  choirs, 
and  chant  the  hymns,  until  the  night  is  far  advanced.”* 

If  to  these  duties  we  add  the  sacraments  and  confessions,  we 
need  not  be  surprised  that  the  neophytes  sometimes  fled  from 
the  missions,  and  resumed  the  war-whoop  and  the  chase.  At 
the  French  missions  among  the  Indians,  the  apostates  were 
won  back  by  persuasion.  Not  so  among  the  Spaniards : the 
troops  at  hand  pursued  them,  and,  if  taken,  they  were  com- 
pelled to  return — when,  in  addition  to  a severe  whipping,  they 
were  obliged  to  do  penance. 

The  Franciscan  fathers  made  regular  reports  of  the  success 
of  their  missions  to  the  superior,  and  the  latter  to  the  general 
of  the  order.  On  these  reports  depended  to  a great  extent  the 
favor  shown  the  missionaries ; hence  they  were  excited  to  zeal 
in  their  efforts  to  make  converts.  Not  content  with  the  fruits 
of  persuasion  and  kind  treatment,  they  made  forays  upon  the 
surrounding  tribes.  The  soldiers  performed  this  duty.  The 
prisoners  taken,  especially  the  young,  were  trained  alike  in 
the  mysteries  of  the  Christian  faith  and  of  agriculture.!  To 

* Kip,  p.  204. 

f Humboldt  Indians  who  did  not  know  how  to  make  the  sign  of  the  cross 
were  calhd  Yndios  bravos ; those  in  the  missions  were  termed  Yndios  reducidos. 


60 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


effect  their  training,  they  were  divided  among  the  older  and 
more  deserving  Indians  of  the  mission,  who  held  them  in  ser- 
vitude until  they  were  of  an  age  suitable  to  marry.  At  the 
proper  time  this  rite  was  faithfully  performed,  and  thus  there 
grew  up  a race  of  domestic  Indians  around  the  missions. 

To  add  to  the  strength  of  the  missions  and  the  number  of 
the  converts,  reliable  Indians  of  these  establishments  were  sent 
out  among  their  wild  brethren  to  bring  them  in.  This  was 
sometimes  done  by  persuasion,  and  sometimes  by  deception 
and  force.  However,  they  were  brought  to  the  missions,  and 
incorporated  among  the  learners  and  workmen  of  the  fold. 

When  we  call  to  mind  the  fanaticism  and  ignorance  of  that 
age,  and  the  important  fact  that  the  Indians  who  remained 
long  in  the  missions  became  greatly  attached  to  their  spiritual 
guides  and  the  form  of  their  worship,  we  must  admit  that  these 
pioneers  of  religion  deserved  some  praise.  Their  toils  and 
privations  evinced  their  faith — their  patience  and  humility 
should  satisfy  the  world  of  their  sincerity. 

Until  the  present  century,  the  catholics  did  more  for  the 
cause  of  missions  than  the  protestants ; and  if,  a century  and 
a half  ago,  they  committed  fatal  errors  in  their  religious  enter- 
prises, it  is  no  more  than  has  since  been  done.  The  fate  of 
the  aboriginal  races  of  the  New  World,  and  even  of  the  Pacific 
islands,  is  peculiar.  A well-defined  instance  of  any  tribe  or 
nation  that  has  been  civilized,  without  a total  or  partial  de- 
struction of  its  people,  can  scarcely  be  produced.  This  may, 
to  some  extent,  be  attributed  to  the  vices  introduced  by  the 
friends  of  the  missionaries.* 

However  objectionable  we  may  consider  the  Franciscan  mode  of  reducing  the 
Indians,  it  is  perhaps  less  so  than  the  American  plan  of  depriving  them  of  their 
lands,  and  then  hunting  them  down  like  wild  beasts. 

* Dr.  Rushinburger,  Voyage  of  the  Peacock,  1832;  Captain  Wilkes’s  Journal ; 
Robertson’s  History  of  America,  book  viii.  Dr.  Robertson  says  that,  “ after  the 


GOVERNMENT  REGULATIONS. 


61 


As  much  of  the  ill  success  of  the  missions  resulted  from  the 
regulations  of  the  Spanish  government  in  regard  to  the  Indians, 
it  may  be  well  that  we  should  refer  to  them.  These  regula- 
tions for  the  government  and  instruction  of  the  natives  of  Span- 
ish America  emanated  from  the  “ council  of  the  Indies,”  and 
were  sent  out  for  observance  as  laws  sanctioned  by  the  king. 
They  were  based  upon  the  conclusion  of  the  council  that  all 
the  people  of  the  New  World  were  marked  out  by  the  inferi- 
ority of  their  minds  for  servitude,  whom  it  would  be  impossible 
to  instruct  or  improve,  except  continually  under  the  eye  of  a 
master.  Yet,  as  experience  suggested  the  modification  of  these 
regulations,  they  were  so  altered  from  time  to  time,  until  1542, 
when,  by  a decree  of  Charles  Y.,  the  Indians  were  restored  to 
a nominal  freedom.  A tax,  however,  of  one  dollar  each  was 
levied  upon  all  males  between  eighteen  and  fifty  years  of  age, 
three  fourths  of  which  went  into  the  royal  treasury,  and  the 
other  fourth  was  applied  to  the  payment  of  the  salaries  of  local 
officers  and  parish  expenses.  They  were  also  subject  to  a cer- 
tain vassalage,  similar  to  the  former  tenure  by  service  in  Eng- 
land.* This  vassalage  consisted  in  the  liability  of  the  Indian 

lapse  of  two  centuries,  during  which  the  Indians  have  -been  members  of  the 
church,  so  imperfect  are  their  attainments  in  knowledge,  that  very  few  possess 
such  a portion  of  spiritual  discernment  as  to  be  deemed  worthy  of  being  admit- 
ted to  the  holy  communion.” — p.  365.  But  see  his  note,  p.  181,  ed.  1835,  New 
York.  The  resident  priest  at  the  San  Jos6  mission,  in  1807,  in  a conversation 
with  Captain  Pike,  said  that  “it  appeared  to  him  that  the  Indians  could  not 
exist  under  the  shadow  of  the  whites — as  the  nations  who  formed  the  San  An- 
tonio missions  had  been  nurtured  and  taken  all  the  care  of  that  it  was  possible, 
and  put  on  the  same  footing  as  the  Spaniards ; yet,  notwithstanding,  they  had 
dwindled  away,  until  the  other  two  missions  ( San  Juan  Capestrana  and  La 
Purisima  Concepcion)  had  become  entirely  depopulated,  and  the  one  where  he 
resided  had  not  then  more  than  sufficient  to  perform  his  household  labor.  From 
this  he  had  formed  an  idea  that  God  never  intended  them  to  form  one  people, 
but  that  they  should  always  remain  distinct  and  separate.” — Pike's  Expedition \ 
Appendix,  p.  33. 

* Robertson’s  History  of  America,  pp.  115,  116,  367,  368.  Recop.  de  Leycs  dc 
las  Indias,  lib.  vL,  tit  v. 


62 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


to  labor  a certain  number  of  days  for  his  patron  or  the  king  in 
the  fields  or  in  the  mines ; and,  although  the  time  was  limited 
in  Mexico  to  six  days  in  the  year,  yet  such  was  the  distance 
of  this  degraded  people  from  the  head  of  the  government,  such 
the  disregard  of  the  laws,  and  such  the  cupidity  and  inhumanity 
of  the  patrons  and  agents  of  the  crown,  that  the  term  of  service 
was  generally  evaded,  and  the  Indians  treated  with  great  cru- 
elty.* This  labor  was  gratuitous ; yet,  in  the  meantime,  the 
Indians  became  debtors  to  their  patrons,  and  were  compelled 
to  continued  service  under  pretence  of  payment : hence  origi- 
nated a species  of  servitude  called  peonage.  The  peons  in- 
creased to  such  an  extent,  that  the  patrons  made  no  objection 
to  the  abolition  of  the  system  of  encomiendas ; for  labor  was  so 
cheap,  that  it  cost  little  or  nothing. 

In  addition  to  the  capitation-tax  levied  from  the  Indians, 
they  were  subject  to  tithes,  marriage-fees,  and  other  payments, 
drawn  from  them  by  the  church.  Still  further,  the  Indians 
paid  large  sums  for  the  bull  of  Cruzado.  This  papal  bull  is 
published  every  two  years,  and  grants  to  the  purchaser  an  ab- 
solution for  past  offences,  besides  the  privilege  of  eating  certain 
prohibited  articles  of  food  during  religious  fasts.  The  elo- 
quence and  zeal  of  the  monks  were  employed  in  the  sale  of 
these  pardons,  and,  such  was  the  credulity  of  the  people  of 
Mexico,  that  few  failed  to  purchase.  The  price  varied  from 
ten  dollars  to  twenty-five  cents,  according  to  the  condition  of 
the  purchaser  and  the  privileges  granted. f 

At  the  period  of  which  we  write,  the  clergy  of  New  Spain 
were  inferior  to  that  class  in  Europe,  in  both  morality  and  in- 

* In  New  Spain,  or  Mexico,  the  number  of  Indians  was  so  great,  that  only 
four  in  the  hundred  were  required  to  labor  at  a time.  This  term  of  service  was 
called  tanda.  — Robertson' 9 History  of  America  : note , p.  1*79. 

f Letter  of  Joel  R.  Poinsett,  American  State  Papei*s,  vol.  iv.,  p.  326,  ed.  1834. 
Robertson’s  History  of  America,  book  viii.,  p.  384:  note  195. 


PAPAL  GRANTS  TO  SPAIN. 


63 


telligence.  With  the  exception  of  the  Jesuits,  and  the  higher 
functionaries  of  the  church,  the  entire  clergy  of  Mexico  were 
not  only  destitute  of  the  virtues  necessary  to  their  station,  but 
were  in  every  respect  profligate.  Some  of  them,  disregarding 
their  vows  of  poverty,  turned  merchants ; others,  forgetting 
their  oaths  of  chastity,  indulged  in  the  grossest  licentiousness. 
It  was  in  vain  that  the  civil  authorities  attempted  to  correct 
these  abuses.  The  clergy  held  an  ignorant  and  credulous  peo- 
ple under  their  control,  and  charged  the  governors  with  hos- 
tility to  religion.  The  church  triumphed ; and  these  corrup- 
tions continued  to  increase,  until  the  inhabitants  of  Mexico 
ceased  to  venerate  the  monastic  orders.  It  was  then  only  that 
King  Ferdinand  VI.  promulgated  his  decree  prohibiting  the 
regular  or  monastic  clergy  from  taking  charge  of  the  parishes, 
but  limited  this  right  to  the  secular  clergy.  “ 

Pope  Alexander  VI.,  in  1501,  granted  to  the  crown  of  Spain 
all  the  newly-discovered  countries  in  America,  on  condition 
that  provision  should  be  made  for  the  religious  instruction  of 
the  natives;  and  Pope  Julius  II.,  three  years  afterward,  con- 
ferred on  Ferdinand  and  his  successors  the  right  of  patronage, 
and  the  disposal  of  all  church  benefices.  These  grants  of  the 
popes,  made  at  an  early  day,  constituted  the  king  of  Spain  the 
head  of  the  church,  and  gave  him  the  absolute  control  of  its 
vast  revenues.  This  fact  is  referred  to  here,  because  of  the 
influence  it  had,  and  still  continues  to  have,  in  the  revolutions 
of  Mexico. f 

Such  were  the  rules  and  regulations  for  the  government  of 
the  Indians,  and  such  their  condition,  as  also  that  of  their  spir- 
itual instructors,  in  1715.  Of  course,  these  regulations  could 

* MM.  Frezier,  Acosta,  Gentil,  and  others,  zealous  catholics,  admit  and  deplore 
these  corruptions.  The  decree  of  Ferdinand  is  dated  in  17 57.  — Robertson's  His- 
tory of  America,  book  viii.,  p.  36' 

f So  arzono,  Laws  of  the  Indies , vol.  ii.,  p.  498,  et  seq. 


64 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


not  apply  to  wild  Indians  QYndios  bravos ),  but  only  to  the 
converted  Indians  ( Yndios  reducidos').  The  three  classes  of 
the  inferior  or  working  clergy  consisted  of — curates,  or  parish- 
priests,  in  the  Spanish  settlements ; teachers  of  Christian  doc- 
trine, having  charge  of  those  districts  occupied  by  the  convert- 
ed Indians ; and  missionaries,  whose  duty  it  was  to  go  to  the 
countries  of  the  wild  Indians,  and,  by  persuasion  and  other 
means,  to  bring  them  under  the  protection  of  the  government, 
and  impart  to  them  a knowledge  of  their  Creator.  The  church 
of  New  Spain,  in  other  respects,  was  organized  as  that  of  the 
mother-country,  having  its  archbishops,  bishops,  deans,  <fcc. 

The  ceremonies,  the  solemnities,  and  the  pomp  of  the  Roman 
catholic  worship,  were  fascinating.  To  the  natives,  who  never 
reflect,  or  conceive  an  abstract  idea,  the  sublime  spiritual  truths 
of  the  gospel  could  not  be  taught.  Only  through  the  senses, 
by  means  of  striking  emblems,  could  they  learn  a few  simple 
truths.* 

The  missionaries,  while  engaged  in  converting  the  wild  In- 
dians, were  not  unmindful  of  their  own  comfort  and  that  of  the 
missions.  The  labor  of  the  natives  was  employed  in  agricul- 
ture, in  raising  stock,  and  in  erecting  large  and  convenient 
edifices,  by  which  means  the  fathers  were  not  only  enabled  to 
live  agreeably  themselves,  but  could  extend  the  hospitalities  of 
the  missions  to  travellers  and  friends. 

* Robertson’s  History  of  America,  book  iv.,  p.  160. 


ADVENTURES  OF  ST.  DENIS. 


65 


CHAPTER  VI. 

On  the  return  of  St.  Denis  to  Mobile  in  1716,  another  expe- 
dition was  started  to  Mexico.  Three  Canadians,  De  Lery,  La- 
freniere,  and  Beaulieu,  had  charge  of  it.  They  carried  a con- 
siderable amount  of  merchandise.  Before  they  reached  Natchi- 
toches, St.  Denis  overtook  them.  He  had  left  his  wife  at  the 
mission  of  St. 'John,  on  the  Rio  Grande,  and  wished  to  see  her. 
After  providing  themselves  with  mules  and  horses,  they  set  out 
on  their  march.  On  reaching  the  confines  of  the  Cenis  (A-Si- 
mais)  nation,  they  rested  a few  days,  and  laid  in  a new  supply 
of  provisions.  Again  on  their  way,  St.  Denis  left  his  company, 
and  hurried  on  to  rejoin  his  wife.  He  took  with  him  a few 
travelling-companions  and  some  goods.  On  reaching  the  mis- 
sion, which  had  been  raised  to  a presidio , his  goods  were  seized 
by  the  Spanish  authorities  ; and  he  set  out  for  the  city  of  Mex- 
ico, to  see  the  viceroy,  and  have  them  restored.  But  the  new 
viceroy,  the  marquis  of  Valero,  who  had  entered  upon  his  office 
on  the  10th  of  August,  1716,*  was  not  so  favorably  disposed 
toward  St.  Denis  as  the  kind-hearted  Linares  had  been.  St. 
Denis  was  cast  into  prison,  where  he  remained  a month ; but, 
at  the  intercession  of  his  wife’s  relations,  he  was  released,  and 
ultimately  had  his  goods  sold  and  paid  for.  The  money  was 
paid  to  an  agent,  however,  who  ran  off  with  it.  St.  Denis,  in. 

* flistoria  de  Mejico,  p.  34. 


Vol.  I. — 5 


66 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


trying  to  get  it  restored,  had  used  some  harsh  and  threatening 
language ; and  referred  to  his  influence  with  the  Indian  tribes 
in  Texas,  and  how  he  would  use  it  against  the  Spaniards  set- 
tled there.  This  coming  to  the  ears  of  the  viceroy,  he  was 
again  thrown  into  prison ; but,  through  the  assistance  furnished 
by  the  friends  of  his  wife,  he  made  his  escape,  traversed  the 
country  to  the  presidio  of  St.  John,  took  his  wife  with  him,  and 
at  last  safely  reached  the  capital  of  Louisiana.* 

The  remainder  of  his  company,  on  reaching  the  presidio , and 
learning  what  had  occurred  to  St.  Denis,  and  that  he  had  gone 
to  the  city  of  Mexico,  were  alarmed  for  their  own  merchandise. 
To  secure  it,  they  intrusted  it  to  the  care  of  the  monks  of  St. 
John,  and  ultimately  sold  it  on  credit;  but,  in  the  meantime, 
hearing  that  St.  Denis  was  imprisoned  in  Mexico,  they  did  not 
wait  for  payment,  but  fled  to  Louisiana.  Thus  ended  the  sec- 
ond attempt  of  St.  Denis  to  establish  a trade  with  the  Span- 
iards through  Texas.  If  he  was  not  successful,  it  was  not  for 
want  of  enterprise  on  his  part,  nor  was  it  on  account  of  the 
great  virtue  of  the  Spaniards.  He  did  them  one  good  service : 
he  laid  out  the  great  thoroughfare  through  Texas,  known  as 
the  S an  Antonio  road , which,  first  travelled  in  1714,  has  been, 
for  a hundred  and  forty  years,  the  great  highway  of  travel  for 
pleasure  and  business,  for  plunder  and  war.f 

Crozat,  having  failed  in  his  Louisiana  speculations,  surren- 
dered his  charter  on  the  13th  of  August,  1717 ; and,  in  the 
month  following,  the  colony  of  Louisiana  was  transferred  to 
the  “ Company  of  the  Indies,”  controlled  by  the  notorious  John 

Law.J 

* Gayarre,  History  of  Louisiana,  voL  i.,  pp.  191,  198,  242. 

f It  seems  that  Captain  Alonzo  De  Leon  first  travelled  and  marked  out  the 
La  Bahia  road,  from  the  latter  point  to  the  then  Indian  town  of  Texas  at  the 
Mound  prairie,  in  1690. 

\ Gayarre,  History  of  Louisiana,  vol.  i.,  p.  198. 


WAR  BETWEEN  FRANCE  AND  SPAIN. 


67 


In  December,  1718,  war  was  declared  by  France,  under  the 
regent  duke  of  Orleans,  against  Spain.*  The  news  reached 
the  French  colony  of  Louisiana  in  the  spring  of  the  next  year, 
when  hostilities  to  a limited  extent  were  carried  on  between 
the  French  and  Spanish  settlements  in  Texas.  The  French 
government  had  anticipated  this,  by  sending  out  the  previous 
year  some  recruits  for  the  stations  and  settlements.  One  hun- 
dred and  forty-eight  had  been  apportioned  to  Natchitoches, 
which,  before  then,  had  but  a small  guard. 

On  the  receipt  of  the  news  of  the  declaration  of  war,  the 
French  immediately  proceeded  with  such  force  as  they  could 
raise  at  Natchitoches,  under  the  command  of  La  Harpe  and 
St.  Denis ; and,  driving  before  them  the  Spaniards  at  Adaes, 
Orquizaco,  Aes,  and  Nacogdoches,  pursued  them  to  the  post 
of  Bexar.  In  the  meantime,  the  marquis  de  Aguayo,  governor- 
general  of  New  Estremadura  and  the  New  Philippines,  offered 
his  services  and  purse  to  the  viceroy  to  repel  the  French.  He 
collected  a mounted  force  of  five  hundred  men,  and  set  out  on 
his  march ; but  the  French  had  retreated,  and,  when  he  arrived 
at  Adaes,  they  were  safely  in  their  quarters  at  Natchitoches. 
De  Aguayo  brought  with  him  the  parties  composing  three  of 
the  missions  that  had  retreated  before  the  French,  which  he 
re-established — namely,  Orquizaco,  Adaes,  and  Aes — leaving 
a force  at  the  garrison  of  Nuestra  Senora  del  Pilar,  seven 
leagues  from  Natchitoches,  for  their  protection.!  The  mar- 
quis then  returned  to  San  Antonio,  and  Captain  Don  Ramon,  his 
second  in  command,  to  the  presidio  of  the  Rio  Grande.  De 
Aguayo  engaged  in  the  improvement  of  San  Antonio,  and  laid 
down  plans  for  durable  missions. 

* Elliot’s  Diplomatic  Code,  vol.  i.,  p.  7. 

f American  State  Papers,  vol.  xii.,  p.  300.  Testimonio  de  un  Parecer , <fca, 
parapho  31. 


68 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


In  the  meantime,  the  viceroy  Valero  appointed  Don  Martin 
d’Alarconne,  knight  of  the  order  of  St.  Jago,  governor  of 
Texas.  He  entered  upon  his  duties  in  1718.  The  missiona- 
ries complained  to  him,  after  the  return  of  De  Aguayo,  that 
there  were  not  sufficient  troops,  and  that  the  government  of 
Texas  was  in  every  way  badly  provided.  Alarconne,  with  a 
view  to  mend  matters,  demanded  one  hundred  and  seventy-five 
additional  soldiers,  together  with  money  and  implements.* 

It  seems  that  it  was  during  this  war,  and  after  the  return  of 
the  French  expedition  to  Bexar,  that  La  Harpe  was  relieved 
by  St  Denis  from  the  command  of  the  post  of  Natchitoches, 
and  sent  into  the  interior  of  Texas — not  so  much,  perhaps,  for 
the  purpose  of  establishing  commercial  relations  with  the  Span- 
iards, as  the  building  up  of  new  settlements,  and  stirring  up  the 
Indians  against  the  Spaniards.!  La  Harpe  took  post  among 
the  Nassonites,  and  sent  a polite  message  to  D’Alarconne. 
He  received  a reply  from  the  marquis,  stating  his  willingness 
to  be  on  good  terms  with  the  French  of  Louisiana,  but  expres- 
sing his  surprise  that  La  Harpe  should  be  at  the  Nassonite  vil- 
lage, as  that  territory  depended  upon  New  Mexico.  La  Harpe 
rejoined,  urging  the  claims  of  the  French  to  the  territory  by 
reason  of  previous  discovery  and  possession.^  Nothing  further 

* Testimonio  de  un  Parecer,  parapho  29. 

f War  was  declared  by  France  and  England  against  Spain  in  December,  1718. 
On  the  20th  of  January,  1720,  the  king  of  Spain  accepted  and  signed  the  quad- 
ruple alliance  which,  in  1718,  had  been  entered  into  between  England,  France, 
the  emperor  of  Germany,  and  Holland,  for  the  purpose  of  guarantying  to  the 
reigning  families  in  England  and  France  their  thrones,  and  settling  the  partition 
of  the  Spanish  monarchy.  So  Mr.  Gayarre  must  be  mistaken  in  placing  the  cor- 
respondence between  D’Alarconne  and  La  Harpe  after  the  treaty  of  peace.— 
Gayarre,  History  of  Louisiana,  vol.  i.,  p.  263. 

$ The  following  is  the  correspondence  between  D’Alarconne  and  La  Harpe:  — 

“Monsieur:  I am  very  sensible  of  the  politeness  that  M.  de  Bienville  and 
yourself  have  had  the  goodness  to  show  to  me.  The  orders  I have  received  from 
the  king  my  master  are,  to  maintain  a good  understanding  with  the  French  of 
Louisiana ; my  own  inclinations  lead  me  equally  to  afford  them  all  the  services 


BELISLE  AND  HIS  COMPANIONS. 


69 


was  done  by  D’Alarconnc  in  defending  the  Spanish  claim  ; but 
his  demand  for  more  men,  money,  and  implements,  being  re- 
fused, he  resigned  his  office  and  retired. 

The  “ Company  of  the  Indies,”  having  in  charge  the  colony 
of  Louisiana,  sent  out,  in  1719,  a thousand  Europeans  to  people 
it.  Among  them  was  M.  de  Belisle,  a gentleman  of  distinc- 
tion. The  winds  and  current  carried  the  vessel  on  which  he 
had- embarked  into  the  bay  of  Matagorda.  A boat  was  sent 
ashore  for  water ; and  Belisle,  with  four  of  his  companions, 
went  in  it,  with  the  consent  of  the  captain.  As  the  boat  had 
to  return  to  the  ship,  these  five  officers  went  out  hunting.  The 
captain  becoming  impatient,  and  the  hunters  not  returning,  he 
weighed  anchor  and  left  them.  Being  thus  abandoned,  and 

that  depend  upon  me.  But  I am  compelled  to  say  that  your  arrival  at  the  Nas- 
sonite  village  surprises  me  much.  Your  governor  could  not  be  ignorant  that 
the  post  you  occupy  belongs  to  my  government,  and  that  all  the  lands  west  of 
the  Nassonites  depend  upon  New  Mexico.  I counsel  you  to  advise  M.  Bienville 
of  this,  or  you  will  force  me  to  oblige  you  to  abandon  lands  that  the  French  have 
no  right  to  occupy.  I have  the  honor  to  be,  <fcc.  “ D’Alauconne.” 

“ Trinity  River,  May  20,  1719.” 

Reply  of  the  French  Commander. 

“Monsieur:  The  order  from  his  catholic  majesty  to  maintain  a good  under- 
standing with  the  French  of  Louisiana,  and  the  kind  intentions  you  have  your- 
self expressed  toward  them,  accord  but  little  with  your  proceedings.  Permit 
me  to  inform  you  that  M.  de  Bienville  is  perfectly  informed  of  the  limits  of  his 
government,  and  is  very  cortain  that  the  post  of  Nassonite  depends  not  upon  the 
dominions  of  his  catholic  majesty.  He  knows  also  that  the  province  of  Laste- 
kas  [Texas],  of  which  you  say  you  are  governor,  is  a part  of  Louisiana.  M.  de 
la  Salle  took  possession  in  16S5,  in  the  name  of  his  most  Christian  majesty;  and 
since  the  above  epoch,  possession  has  been  renewed  from  time  to  time.  Respect- 
ing the  post  of  Nassonite,  I can  not  comprehend  by  what  right  you  pretend  that 
it  forms  a part  of  New  Mexico.  I beg  leave  to  represent  to  you  that  Don  Anto- 
nio de  Minoir,  who  discovered  New  Mexico  in  1683,  never  penetrated  east  of  that 
province,  or  the  Rio  Bravo.  It  was  the  French  who  first  made  alliances  with 
the  savage  tribes  in  this  region  ; and  it  is  natural  to  conclude  that  a river  that 
flows  into  the  Mississippi,  and  the  lands  it  waters,  belong  to  the  king  my  master. 
If  you  will  do  me  the  pleasure  to  come  into  this  quarter,  I will  convince  you  I 
hold  a post  I know  how  to  defend.  I have  the  honor  to  be,  <fec. 

“De  la  Harms.  w 


Nassonite,  July  8,  1719. 


70 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


lost  in  an  unknown  country,  they  coasted  along  westward  for 
several  days,  living  upon  herbs  and  insects.  Belisle  had 
brought  a young  dog  from  the  vessel:  this  he  gave  up  to  his 
companions,  to  kill  for  food ; they  endeavored  to  do  so,  but 
were  so  weak,  that  the  dog  escaped  from  them,  and  disap- 
peared. The  four  companions  of  Belisle  died  of  starvation 
and  despair,  before  his  eyes ; and  for  some  days  he  continued 
to  subsist  on  worms  and  insects,  when  at  last  his  dog  reap- 
peared, with  an  opossum  which  he  had  killed.  Shortly  after, 
his  dog  was  wounded  by  a wild  beast,  and  he  was  compelled 
to  kill  him.  Being  thus  left  alone,  he  turned  from  the  coast, 
and  directed  his  course  to  the  interior,  in  search  of  men.  He 
found  footsteps,  and  followed  them  to  a river,  on  the  opposite 
bank  of  which  were  some  Indians  engaged  in  drying  meat. 
Belisle  was  so  well  assured  they  were  cannibals,  that  he  im- 
agined they  ate  human  flesh.  They  stripped  him,  and  divided 
his  clothes  among  them ; they  then  took  him  to  their  village, 
and  gave  him  to  an  old  widow,  who  received  him  into  her  ser- 
vice, and  treated  him  so  kindly,  that  he  gradually  recovered 
his  strength.  He  learned  their  language,  became  a warrior, 
and  had  greater  privileges  accorded  him.  After  some  time,  a 
deputation  from  the  Nassonites  visited  the  tribe  having  him  in 
charge,  and,  seeing  him,  observed  in  his  hearing  that  there 
were  men  like  him  near  their  country.  Without  seeming  to 
notice  the  conversation,  Belisle  inquired  privately  of  one  of 
the  deputies  as  to  these  white  people.  He  then  made  ink  of 
soot,  and  wrote  on  his  commission,  which  he  had  preserved, 
information  of  his  condition,  aiid  procured  one  of  the  deputies 
to  take  it  to  the  white  people  at  Natchitoches,  for  which  he 
would  be  well  rewarded.  The  Indian,  having  performed  his 
duty,  delivered  the  paper  to  Captain  St.  Denis,  who  gave  him 
many  presents,  and  then  began  to  cry,  after  the  Indian  manner, 


SPANISH  EXPEDITION  FROM  SANTA  FE. 


71 


in  their  presence.  They  inquired  what  was  the  matter.  St. 
Denis  answered  that  he  wept  for  his  brother,  who  was  a cap- 
tive among  the  Indians.  As  St.  Denis  was  a great  friend  to 
the  Indians,  and  a favorite  with  them,  ten  of  thdir  number  vol- 
unteered to  go  after  Belisle,  and  return  in  two  moons.  They 
were  furnished  with  horses,  arms,  and  a horse  and  clothing  for 
the  prisoner.  They  reached  the  village,  and  discharged  their 
guns,  which  overawed  the  other  Indians ; then  delivering  to 
Belleisle  a letter  of  assurance  from  St.  Denis,  he  mounted  his 
horse,  and  the  whole  party  galloped  away  and  reached  Natchi- 
toches in  safety,  whence  Belisle  went  to  the  capital  of  the 
colony  of  Louisiana.  He  afterward  became  major  of  New  Or- 
leans, and  major-general  of  the  marine  in  Louisiana.* 

The  Spanish  claim  to  the  north  and  east  was  indefinite. 
Like  Louis  XIV.,  in  his  grant  to  Crozat,  they  were  not  only 
ignorant  of  the  geography  of  the  country,  and  of  the  posses- 
sions of  others,  but  also  of  what  they  could  successfully  claim 
as  their  own.  After  the  success  of  the  Spaniards  in  re-estab- 
lishing their  missions  and  military  posts  in  eastern  Texas,  they 
determined  on  driving  the  French  from  their  settlements  on  the 
upper  Mississippi.  The  expedition  fitted  out  for  this  purpose, 
in  1720,  consisted  of  an  engineer-captain  as  commander  and 
conductor,  a Dominican  friar  as  chaplain,  soldiers,  men  and 
women,  with  horses  and  cattle  necessary  to  form  a settlement. 
The  party  lost  their  route,  and  fell  in  among  the  Missouri  In- 
dians (the  fast  friends  of  the  French),  mistaking  them  for  the 
Osages.  It  was  from  the  latter  tribe  that  the  Spaniards  ex- 
pected aid  in  attacking  the  French  post  on  the  Illinois.  The 

* Bossu,  vol.  i.,  p.  332,  et  seq.  Only  so  much  of  this  narrative  is  here  inserted 
as  is  believed  to  be  true.  Bossu  was  greatly  attached  to  the  marvellous,  and  a 
story  never  lost  anything  by  passing  through  his  hands.  He  says  the  tribe  that 
held  Belisle  as  prisoner  was  the  Attakapas.  But  he  is  undoubtedly  mistaken. 
It  was  most  likely  the  Carankawaes;  all  the  circumstances  go  to  show  this  fact. 
He  also  represents  them  as  cannibals.  It  is  strange  they  did  not  eat  Belisle  ! 


72 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


Missouri  chief  soon  discovered  their  mistake,  but,  concealing 
the  matter,  affected  great  friendship  for  the  Spaniards,  treated 
them  with  hospitality,  and  promised  to  march  with  them  at  the 
end  of  three  days.  He  required  this  time,  he  said,  to  hold  a 
council  with  his  old  men,  and  to  assemble  his  warriors. 

In  the  meantime,  the  Spanish  commander  distributed  among 
the  Missouris  fifteen  hundred  muskets,  with  pistols,  sabres,  and 
hatchets.  On  the  morning  after,  at  break  of  day,  the  Indians, 
thus  armed,  fell  upon  the  Spaniards,  and  butchered  the  whole 
of  them,  except  the  priest,  whose  singular  dress  did  not  seem 
to  them  to  belong  to  a warrior.  They  called  him  a magpie, 
and  amused  themselves  by  making  him  ride  a Spanish  horse  on 
public  occasions. 

Shortly  afterward,  to  the  astonishment  of  the  French  on  the 
Illinois,  the  Missouris,  with  their  chief  at  their  head,  marched 
into  the  fort,  arrayed  in  the  ornaments  of  the  chapel  and  the 
garments  of  the  slain ! The  chief  wore  on  his  naked  skin  the 
chasuble , and  had  the  paten  suspended  from  his  neck  for  a 
breastplate ; his  head  being  crowned  with  feathers  and  a pair 
of  horns  !*  Thus  ended  this  first  and  last  attempt  of  Spain  to 
extend  her  empire  to  the  north. 

The  patriotic  De  Bienville,  then  governor  of  Louisiana,  was 
not  satisfied  with  the  position  of  affairs  in  Texas.  The  Span- 
iards had  occupied  too  much  of  the  territory,  consistent  with 
the  claims  of  France.  The  correspondence  of  La  Harpe  with 
D’Alarconne  was  approved  by  the  French  government,  and  the 
“ Company  of  the  Indies”  were  ordered  to  take  possession  of 
Matagorda  bay.f 

* Bos8u,  vol.  i.,  p.  150,  et  seq.  This  author,  in  giving  us  the  above  tragic  ac- 
count, takes  occasion  to  remind  those  “officers,  who,  through  a noble  ambition, 
aspire  to  military  commands,  that  both  the  theoretical  and  practical  parts  of 
geography  ought  absolutely  to  be  understood  by  them.” 

f Gayarre,  History  of  Louisiana,  voL  i.,  p.  264. 


EXPEDITION  TO  MATAGORDA  BAY. 


73 


In  pursuance  of  tliis  order,  De  Bienville,  on  the  10th  of  Au- 
gust, 1721,  proceeded  to  send  out  a vessel  with  a suitable  force 
to  plant  at  the  bay  the  arms  of  the  king,  and  to  build  a fort. 
BelislCy  having  previously  been  a prisoner  there,  and  ac- 
quainted with  the  Indian  language,  was  appointed  to  the  com- 
mand of  the  twenty  soldiers  despatched,  and  La  Harpe  went 
out  as  commandant  of  the  bay  of  St.  Bernard.  The  order  was 
obeyed,  and  a settlement  formed ; but,  such  was  the  hostility 
of  the  Indians,  that  the  detachment  did  not  long  remain  on  the 
bay.* 

* American  State  Papers,  vol.  xii.,  p.  10Y.  Gayarr6.  History  of  Louisiana 
vol.  i.,  p.  264. 


74 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

The  council  of  the  Indies,  being  duly  advised  of  the  irrup- 
tion of  the  French,  their  retreat,  and  the  subsequent  measures 
of  De  Aguayo  to  settle  the  country,  induced  the  king  of  Spain 
to  issue  a royal  order  in  May,  1721,  directing  the  authorities 
in  Texas  not  to  commit  further  hostilities  against  the  French, 
but  forthwith  to  fortify  all  the  important  places,  especially  the 
bay  of  St.  Bernard.  Accordingly,  a military  post  and  mission 
were  established  at  the  crossing  of  the  Neches ; and  another 
garrison,  called  our  Lady  of  Loreto , was  located  on  the  bay 
of  St.  Bernard,  at  the  place  formerly  occupied  by  La  Salle. 
The  mission  of  La  Bahia,  under  the  protection  of  this  garrison, 
was  established  on  the  San  Antonio,  some  thirty  leagues  dis- 
tant. “ The  marquis  added  yet  other  improvements : three  of 
the  missions,  that  had  been  driven  by  the  French  to  San  Anto- 
nio, were  located  permanently  on  that  river,  which,  added  to 
the  one  already  there,  made  live  missions  under  the  protection 
of  the  garrison  at  Bexar. 

The  marquis  de  Aguayo,  before  he  returned  to  his  official 
residence  at  Monclova,  recommended  the  introduction  of  colo- 
nists, being  well  satisfied  that'  the  country  could  never  be  per- 

* La  Bahia  — the  bay — from  the  fact  that  this  mission  was  dependent  on  the 
garrison  at  the  bay  for  protection.  Indeed,  the  garrison  itself  was  afterward 
removed  to  La  Bahia. 


SPANISH  TROOPS  IN  TEXAS. 


T5 


manently  occupied  by  missionaries  and  soldiers  alone.  St. 
Denis  was  still  at  Natchitoches,  enjoying  the  unbounded  confi- 
dence of  the  Indians,  familiar  with  their  language,  furnishing 
them  with  arms,  and  disposed,  at  any  favorable  time,  to  light 
the  torch  of  wrar.  There  were  other  considerations  operating 
on  the  Spanish.  The  expenses  of  the  garrisons  alone  were 
heavy,  costing  the  royal  treasury  not  less  than  sixty-three  thou- 
sand dollars  per  annum ; while  the  troops  were  not  generally 
composed  of  Spaniards,  but  of  the  inferior  classes  of  natives, 
having  idle,  disorderly,  and  turbulent  habits.  It  was  therefore 
better  to  introduce  colonists,  who  would  feel  that  Texas  was 
their  home,  and  have  a lively  interest  in  its  improvement  and 
defence,  and  a like  interest  in  preserving  peace  with  the  In- 
dian tribes. 

Do  Aguayo  departed  for  his  home  in  May,  1722.  He  left 
in  Texas  (or,  as  it  was  then  called,  the  New  Philippines)  four 
garrisons  for  its  defence : that  is,  at  the  Adaes  mission,  one 
hundred  men ; at  the  Ncchcs,  or  Mound  prairie,  twenty-five 
at  the  bay  of  St.  Bernard,  ninety  ; and  at  San  Antonio,  fifty- 
three,  making  in  all  two  hundred  and  sixty-eight  soldiers. 

A brief  notice  of  these  troops  maybe  appropriately  given. 
Each  soldier  received  four  hundred  dollars  per  annum,  out  of 
which  he  had  to  pay  for  his  clothing  and  provisions.  What 
he  purchased  was  furnished  by  contract,  at  stipulated  prices, 
and  transported  on  mules  from  Mexico.  These  prices  were 
necessarily  high.  The  greater  part  of  the  soldiers  spent  the 

* Tenth  nonio  do.  un  Parcccr , Ac.,  parapho  32.  In  the  original  this  garrison  i3 
called  Texas.  It  was  on  the  Neelies  river;  but  whether  at  the  Mound,  or  at 
Fort  Terari,  at  the  lower  crossing,  is  doubtful.  To  avoid  the  Camanehe  Indians, 
the  travelled  route  at  that  time,  from  San  Antonio  to  Los  Adaes,  was  bv  La  Ba- 
hia, and  thence  to  the  San  Antonio  road  at  Robbins’s  ferry  ; and  sometimes  by 
the  lower  crossing  at  Liberty  on  the  Trinity,  and  Fort  Teran  on  the  Neelies. 
From  all  the  circumstances,  it  is  believed  that  the  old  Indian  town  of  Texas  was 
at  the  Mound  prairie. 


76 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


remainder  of  tlieir  pay  in  gaming ; they  then  contracted  debts, 
sold  their  horses  and  arms,  and  became  servants  to  the  officers 
— caring  nothing  for  the  dignity  of  their  station,  or  the  public 
service.  They  were  always  ready  for  a quarrel  with  the  In- 
dians, giving  the  missionaries  more  trouble  than  the  savages 
themselves ; and  it  was  not  without  reason  that  the  enterpri- 
sing Dc  Aguayo  declared  that,  if  colonists  could  be  substituted 
for  soldiers,  the  friars  would  be  enabled  to  gain  the  affections 
of  the  Indians. 

No  sooner,  however,  had  De  Aguayo  departed,  than  a trade 
again  sprang  up  between  the  French  and  the  Spaniards.  The 
friends  and  relatives  of  St.  Denis  favored  it.  He  was  still  at 
Natchitoches ; his  popularity  with  the  Indians  was  unbounded, 
and  his  ability  to  raise  at  any  time,  among  the  Texan  tribes, 
many  thousand  warriors,  operated  powerfully  upon  the  fears 
of  the  Spanish  garrison  at  Adaes.  This  trade  was  greatly  fa- 
vored by  the  removal  of  the  capital  of  Louisiana  from  Mobile 
to  New  Orleans.  The  introduction  of  horses,  mules,  and  cattle, 
from  the  Spanish  possessions  into  those  of  the  French,  in  ex- 
change for  the  goods  of  the  Company  of  the  Indies,  was  carried 
on  with  little  or  no  interruption.* 

The  Spanish  authorities  were  jealous,  and  bound  by  the  or- 
ders of  their  government  to  prevent  this  trade  and  these  intru- 
sions of  the  French ; but  the  captain-general  of  the  province 
resided  at  Monclova,  many  leagues  from  the  French  frontier, 
and  the  local  officers  were  not  more  virtuous  in  those  days 
than  at  present.  In  1726,  however,  a war  broke  out  between 
Spain  and  England,  in  which  France  took  part  with  Spain. 
This  produced  a friendly  disposition  on  the  frontier ; and  while 
Perier,  governor  of  Louisiana,  was  giving  indirect  aid  and 
comfort  to  Spain,  in  stirring  up  the  Choctaws  against  the  Eng- 

* Gavarre,  History  of  Louisiana,  vol.  i.,  pp.  290,  424. 


SPANISH  COLONISTS  FROM  THE  CANARIES. 


77 


lish,  Captain  St.  Denis,  at  Natchitoches,  was  increasing  the 
contraband  trade  with  the  people  of  Texas.* 

At  this  period,  the  Medina  seemed  to  be  well  miderstood  as 
the  western  limit  of  Texas ; and,  although  it  was  called  a sep- 
arate province,  it  appears  to  have  been  under  the  control  of 
the  governor  of  Coahuila,  or  at  least  both  provinces  were  un- 
der the  jurisdiction  of  the  same  governor.  De  Aguayo  was 
appointed  by  the  viceroy,  in  1719,  as  governor  of  both  prov- 
inces; and  so  the  appointments  continued  till  1727,  when  a 
governor  was  appointed  for  each  province.! 

In  the  spring  of  1728,  the  Spanish  government,  impressed 
with  the  necessity  of  colonizing  Texas,  ordered  that  four  hun- 
dred families  should  be  sent  thither  from  the  Canary  islands. 
They  were  to  be  transported  in  parties  of  ten  or  twelve  fami- 
lies at  a time — first  to  Havana,  and  thence  to  Yera  Cruz, 
whence  they  were  to  proceed  by  land  to  Texas.  The  govern- 
ment was  to  support  them  for  one  year.f  The  Canary  islands, 
lying  near  the  coast  of  Africa,  had  been  conquered  by  Spain  in 
the  latter  part  of  the  fifteenth  century,  and  the  Guanches,  its 
former  occupants  (a  race  closely  connected  with  the  Berbers 
of  northern  Africa),  totally  extirpated.  Their  places  had  been 
supplied  by  pure  Spaniards,  who  were  distinguished  for  regular 
habits,  respect  for  females,  and  a rigid  adherence  to  the  catho- 
lic faith.  ||  With  these  advantages,  it  was  believed  that  they 
would  be  good  subjects,  and  supply  the  places  of  a licentious 
soldiery. 

In  the  meantime,  in  anticipation  of  these  imported  citizens, 
and  to  relieve  somewhat  the  royal  treasury  from  the  heavy  cx- 

* Elliot’s  Diplomatic  Code,  voL  i.,  p.  1 ; Gayarre,  History  of  Louisiana,  vol.  i, 
p.  388. 

f Testimonio  de  un  Parccer , <tc.,  paretphos  30,  41. 

\ lb.,  parapho  33. 

| Leopold  Yon  Ducb. 


78 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


penses  of  the  garrisons  in  Texas,  a considerable  reduction  was 
made  in  the  number  of  the  forces  stationed  at  the  various  forts. 
The  post  on  the  Neelies  was  entirely  suppressed ; the  force 
at  the  Adaes  was  reduced  from  one  hundred  men  to  sixty,  at 
the  bay  of  St.  Bernard  from  ninety  to  forty,  and  at  San  Anto- 
nio from  fifty-three  to  forty-three  — thus  leaving,  as  the  entire 
force  of  the  three  garrisons,  only  one  hundred  and  forty-three 
men.* 

When  we  consider  that  the  different  Indian  tribes  of  Texas 
could  at  that  period  muster  a force  of  ten  thousand  warriors  ; 
that  the  Spaniards  were  by  no  means  their  favorites ; that  the 
Camanclies  and  Apaches,  and  other  tribes  in  the  interior,  were 
naturally  warlike ; and  that  the  troops  in  the  garrisons  took 
little  pains  to  secure  their  friendship  — we  shall  see  at  once 
the  bad  policy  of  this  reduction  of  the  forces.  But  they  relied 
upon  the  friendship  of  the  French,  the  good  offices  of  St.  Denis, 
and  an  early  arrival  of  the  new  colonists.  St.  Denis,  however, 
was  otherwise  engaged.  The  once-powerful  tribe  of  the  Natchez 
had  been  driven  from  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi,  and  was 
hanging  in  a threatening  attitude  around  his  position  at  Natchi- 
toches. They  had  determined  to  attack  him  ; and,  to  prevent 
the  Spaniards  from  giving  him  aid,  had  the  address  to  stir  up 
the  Apaches  to  assail  the  post  of  Bexar,  and  thus  bring  on  a 
general  war  between  the  Indians  and  Europeans.  The  Apa- 
ches, originally  of  the  same  tribe  with  the  Camanches,  were 
possessed  of  like  traits  of  character.  They  occupied  the  coun- 
try between  San  Antonio  and  Santa  Fe.  Their  principal  vil- 
lages, in  1730,  were  about  the  pass  of  Bandera,  in  the  Guada- 
lupe mountains,  some  fifty  miles  .from  the  post  of  Bexar.  From 
these  strongholds  they  made  their  forays,  not  only  upon  the 
settlement  at  San  Antonio,  but  extended  their  depredations 

* Royal  order  of  April,  1720.  — Tc  Him  onto  de  un  Parccer,  &c.,  'para'plio  35. 


WARS  WITH  THE  INDIANS. 


79 


across  the  Rio  Grande.*  They  had  excellent  horses,  and  were 
good  riders ; they  had  also  firearms  (supplied  them  mostly  by 
the  French),  and  used  them,  as  well  as  their  bows,  with  great 
dexterity.  They  were  inveterate  thieves,  and  exceedingly 
treacherous,  being  ever  ready  to  treat  when  the  fight  went  ill, 
and  as  ready  to  break  a treaty  when  they  had  a hope  of  the 
least  advantage. 

In  1730,  the  war  broke  out ; but  St.  Denis  conducted  it  very 
differently  from  the  Spaniards.  Rallying  his  small  force  in  the 
garrison,  together  with  the  neighboring  friendly  Indians,  he 
surprised  the  Natchez,  killing  many  and  dispersing  the  remain- 
der. The  Spaniards  acted  on  the  defensive  only ; while  the 
Apaches  came  down  in  parties,  and  committed  murders  and 
thefts  with  impunity. 

In  the  meantime,  there  arrived  at  Bexar  thirteen  families 
and  two  single  men,  conducted  hither  from  the  Canary  islands 
by  order  of  the  king.  Others  came  from  the  banks  of  Lake 
Teztuco:  they  were  Tlascalans — sturdy  republicans,  whose 
ancestors  the  powerful  Montezumas  had  not  been  able  to  con- 
quer. Others,  again,  came  from  the  new  settlement  of  Monte- 
rey. These  fresh  colonists,  uniting,  laid  the  foundation  of  San 
Fernando,  around  the  present  plaza  of  the  Constitution  in  San 
Antonio.  This  location  answered  admirably  for  irrigation.! 

This  great  addition  to  the  small  European  population  of 
Bexar  gave  an  impetus  to  the  missions,  which  was  seen  in  the 
fact  that  more  Indians  were  captured,  and  brought  in  to  be 
civilized  ; and,  on  the  5th  of  March,  1731,  was  laid  the  founda- 
tion of  La  Purissima  Concepcion  de  Acuna,  which  for  many 
years  afterward  was  a refuge  for  the  savage  and  the  stranger. 

* Gayarre,  History  of  Louisiana,  vol.  i.,  p.  424.  Testitnonio  de  un  Parccer, 
etc.,  paropho  19. 

\ American  State  Papers,  vol.  xii.,  p 300.  Testimonio  de  un  Parccer , etc., 
paraphoa  18,  33. 


80 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


The  new  settlers,  feeling  themselves  at  home,  and  galled  in 
person  and  property  by  the  inroads  of  the  Indians,  made  some 
incursions  into  their  strongholds,  but,  at  first,  with  no  great 
success.  In  1782,  however,  a more  vigorous  campaign  was 
undertaken.  The  Spaniards  met  them  in  battle,  and  defeated 
them.*  This  victory  gave  peace  and  a temporary  security  to 
the  colony,  and  substantial  improvements  were  the  result.  Don 
Juan  Antonio  Bustillos  y Cevallos,  the  governor,  appeared  to 
have  at  heart  the  welfare  of  the  province,  and,  while  he  was 
prompt  to  chastise  the  Indians,  he  was  equally  zealous  for  their 
conversion. 

In  the  first  of  the  year  1734,  Don  Manuel  de  Sandoval  was 
appointed  governor  of  Texas.  He  was  an  old  soldier,  and  had 
served  the  king  for  more  than  twenty  years,  rising  from  the 
rank  of  a cadet  to  that  of  captain  of  grenadiers.  In  1727,  he 
had  been  appointed  governor  of  Coahuila,  the  duties  of  which 
office  he  discharged  with  satisfaction  for  seven  years.  This 
fact  alone  is  a strong  evidence  of  his  popularity  with  the  vice- 
roy, as  it  was  the  policy  of  the  superior  government-  to  change 
the  governors  of  provinces  at  short  intervals.  His  appoint- 
ment to  the  gubernatorial  office  of  Texas  was  one  of  the  last 
official  acts  of  the  prudent,  disinterested,  and  renowned  Casa 
Fuerte,  viceroy  of  Mexico. f The  Apaches  had  again  become 
troublesome ; and  the  viceroy  selected  Sandoval,  not  only  for 
his  integrity,  but  with  instructions  to  chastise  the  Indians. 

Governor  Sandoval  immediately  entered  upon  his  duties; 
and,  in  pursuance  of  his  instructions,  made  a campaign  against 
the  Apaches,  and  checked  their  depredations  for  some  years. 
But,  while  he  was  engaged  in  his  wars  with  the  Indians,  and 
in  improving  and  consolidating  the  country  under  his  charge, 

* Testimonio  de  un  Parecer,  <t<\,  parapho  19. 

| Historic/,  de  Mejico,  page  33  ; Testimonio  de  un  Parecer-,  &&,  parapho  41 


BOUND ABY  DISPUTES.  81 

he  became  involved  in  a quarrel,  first  with  St.  Denis,  and  then 
with  his  own  government,  which  gave  him  much  trouble. 

Among  other  instructions  from  the  superior  government, 
Sandoval  was  directed  to  keep  an  eye  on  the  French,  and  see 
that  they  committed  no  trespasses ; and,  if  any  should  be  com- 
mitted, to  give  notice  to  the  viceroy  before  engaging  in  hostili- 
ties. Since  1716,  the  French  had  a settlement  on  the  right 
bank  of  Red  river,  among  the  Natchitoches  Indians,  and  had 
formed  there  the  mission  of  St.  John  the  Baptist  of  Natchito- 
ches. Their  buildings  were  so  situated,  that,  on  a rise  of  the 
river,  the  water  ran  round  them  and  formed  an  island.  Making 
known  this  inconvenience,  they  were  directed  by  the  governor 
of  Louisiana  to  remove  their  settlement  some  short  distance 
from  the  river,  on  the  same  side.  Accordingly,  in  the  latter 
part  of  1735,  St.  Denis,  who  was  always  active  about  every- 
thing to  which  he  turned  his  attention,  commenced  the  rapid 
removal  of  the  fort  from  the  island,  locating  it  a few  miles  far- 
ther toward  the  Adaes,  which  was  some  eighteen  miles  distant. 
Sandoval  was  at  this  time  at  Bexar,  but  being  informed  by 
Don  Jose  Gonzalez,  his  lieutenant,  in  command  at  the  Adaes, 
of  what  was  transpiring,  he  wrote  to  the  latter,  communicating 
his  instructions,  and  also  to  St.  Denis.  Sandoval  had  no  docu- 
mentary evidence  of  the  boundary  of  Texas  on  that  frontier — 
in  fact,  there  was  none : but  he  represented  to  St.  Denis  that 
Alonzo  de  Leon,  Teran,  and  Captain  Don  Ramon,  had  preceded 
the  French  in  that  section  of  the  country ; that  Red  river  had 
been  considered  as  the  boundary  between  the  territories  of  the 
two  governments  ; and,  as  his  instructions  required  him  to  refer 
such  matters  to  his  government,  he  proposed  to  St.  Denis  to 
suspend  further  labor  on  the  new  location  until  they  could  hear 
from  their  respective  sovereigns  ; but,  should  St.  Denis  refuse 
this  request,  he  would  be  obliged  to  repel  him. 

Vol.  I.— 6 


82 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


St.  Denis,  in  reply,  referred  to  the  discovery  of  Texas  by  La 
Salle  in  1685 ; represented  that  the  marquis  de  Aguayo  estab- 
lished the  post  of  Adaes  only  in  1721,  at  which  time  he  found 
the  French  settled  on  the  island  of  Red  river,  having  without, 
on  the  side  of  Adaes,  houses,  enclosures,  and  other  possessions  ; 
that  since  that  time  neither  De  Aguayo  nor  any  of  his  succes- 
sors had  opposed  these  establishments  ; that  when  Don  Ramon 
visited  him,  in  1718,  he  had  shown  him  much  kindness ; that 
the  Spaniards  were  indebted  to  him  for  the  possession  of  the 
Adaes,  and  the  foundation  of  its  missions ; that  the  French 
were  acting  in  behalf  of  the  Natchitoches  Indians,  who  were 
the  owners  of  the  lands  on  both  sides  of  Red  river ; that  the 
boundary-line  between  the  two  settlements  had  never  been  laid 
down,  and  he  thought  it  very  strange  that  the  Spaniards  should 
claim  the  entire  territory  to  the  river ; and,  in  short,  that  he 
was  acting  under  superior  orders,  which  he  would  not  disobey, 
and,  if  attacked,  he  would  defend  himself,  and  protest  against 
the  consequences.* 

This  is  the  summary  of  a correspondence  which  extended  to 
August,  1736 ; and,  in  the  meantime,  the  French  continued 
their  buildings,  having  erected,  besides  the  fort,  a chapel  and 
some  fourteen  other  buildings,  on  the  Texan  side  of  the  place. 
Shortly  before  the  close  of  this  correspondence,  however,  Colo- 
nel Don  Carlos  de  Franquis  was  sent  to  Mexico  from  Spain,  to 
fill  the  office  of  governor  of  Tlascala ; but,  on  his  arrival,  he 
found  the  office  filled.  Casa  Fuerte  had  died,  and  Yizarron, 
archbishop  of  Mexico,  who  knew  nothing  of  the  merit  of  San- 
doval, was  filling  the  office  of  viceroy.  As  Franquis  had  to 
be  provided  for,  Yizarron  appointed  him  governor  of  Texas. 
Franquis  reached  San  Antonio  in  September,  1736.  He  very 
eoon  exhibited  the  proud  and  overbearing  traits  of  his  charac- 

* Testimonio  de  un  Parecer,  &c.,  parapho  43,  et  seq. 


TYRANNY  OF  GOVERNOR  FRANQUIS. 


83 


ter.  Disregarding  the  sacred  functions  of  the  missionaries,  lie 
acted  toward  them  in  the  most  insolent  manner.  He  opened 
and  read  the  letters  that  were  sent  out  of  the  province ; and, 
to  complete  his  tyranny,  caused  Sandoval  to  be  arrested  and 
bound  in  fetters,  deprived  him  of  all  his  papers,  and,  to  give 
some  color  to  these  wicked  proceedings,  ordered  a criminal 
prosecution  to  be  commenced  against  him.  These  transactions 
being  made  known  to  the  viceroy,  and  Sandoval  being  falsely 
charged  with  conniving  at  the  removal  of  the  French  garrison 
at  Natchitoches,  the  governor  of  New  Leon  was  despatched  as 
a special  commissioner  to  investigate  the  affair.  That  func- 
tionary arrived  in  Texas  about  the  first  of  August,  1737  ; and, 
after  taking  a summary  of  the  evidence  and  proceedings,  he 
sent  Franquis  to  the  garrison  of  the  presidio  on  the  Rio  Grande. 
But  the  latter  thought  he  could  do  better  at  court,  and  fled  to 
the  viceroy.  As  Franquis  had  no  effects  wherewith  to  dis- 
charge the  fees  and  costs  of  the  commission,  amounting  to  some- 
thing over  three  thousand  four  hundred  dollars,  Sandoval  had 
them  to  pay.  But  this  did  not  terminate  the  matter ; for,  al- 
though it  often  happens  in  courts  of  justice  that  the  party  who 
gains  his  suit  is  mulcted  in  the  costs,  yet  Sandoval  was  not 
satisfied.  His  honor  was  concerned ; so  also  was  his  purse. 
The  sympathies  of  the  Texans  were  on  his  side.  They  loved 
him  for  his  zeal  in  driving  off  the  Indians,  and  in  building  up 
their  new  country ; and  they  hated  Franquis  for  his  despotic 
conduct  while  governor.  Hence  this  suit  became  a state  affair, 
in  which  all  Texas  was  deeply  interested,  and  in  which  nearly 
half  her  citizens  were  witnesses.  But,  while  the  two  ex-gov- 
ernors were  carrying  on  their  lawsuit,  the  viceroy  appointed 
Don  Justo  Bonco  governor. 

In  1738,  Sandoval,  after  paying  up  the  costs,  presented  to 
the  judge  his  petition  against  Franquis,  complaining  of  the  in 


84 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


justice  done  him  in  the  previous  proceedings.  The  papers 
were  duly  transmitted  to  the  viceroy,  and  by  him  laid  before 
the  attorney-general  Yedoya.  These  papers  consisted,  not 
only  of  the  petition  of  Sandoval,  but  a transcript  of  the  previ- 
ous proceedings,  and  of  such  new  charges  as  Franquis  could 
make  out.  He  had  made  several  different  accusations  against 
Sandoval,  who  was  charged  with  not  having  kept  his  official 
residence  at  Adaes  instead  of  San  Antonio ; with  not  having- 
kept  a regular  account  with  the  soldiers  of  that  garrison ; with 
having  reduced  the  number  of  paid  missionaries,  in  order  to 
save  for  himself  their  salaries ; and  also,  what  was  most  impor- 
tant, with  conniving  at  the  removal  of  the  French  garrison  at 
Natchitoches. 

On  the  28th  of  March,  1740,  a partial  decision  of  the  case 
was  had.  Sandoval  was  not  acquitted  of  the  charge  of  not 
residing  at  Adaes,  although  his  presence  was  necessary  at 
Bexar,  in  defending  that  post  against  the  Apache  Indians ; nor 
was  he  cleared  in  the  matter  of  keeping  the  books,  although 
he  showed  that  he  could  not  keep  them  when  he  was  not  there. 
He,  however,  kept  a memorandum  of  the  funds  received  and 
transmitted,  which  exhibited  a balance  in  his  favor  of  more 
than  thirteen  hundred  dollars.  On  the  charge  of  reducing  the 
number  of  missionaries,  he  was  entirely  acquitted.  He  was 
fined  five  hundred  dollars  for  the  first-named  offences.  In  re- 
lation to  the  more  serious  charge  of  conniving  at  the  encroach- 
ments of  the  French,  Senor  Yedoya  could  make  no  decision 
without,  further  evidence  on  various  points.  Sandoval,  seeing 
in  this  decree  the  influence  pf  Franquis  at  court,  and  the  un- 
certainly of  the  law,  paid  the  five  hundred  dollars,  and  left  the 
capital. 

On  the  14th  of  July,  1740,  the  order  was  sent  to  Governor 
Boneo  to  take  testimony  at  Adaes,  and  report  what  distance  it 


FIRST  LAWSUIT  IN  TEXAS. 


85 


was  from  that  post  to  the  French  settlement  on  Red  river ; 
what  houses  or  forts  they  had  erected ; when  this  was  done ; 
who  was  governor  of  Texas  at  that  time ; what  diligence  he 
had  used  to  prevent  the  removal  of  the  French ; if  he  had  neg- 
lected his  duty ; what  he  ought  to  have  done ; if,  afterward,  a 
free  passage  had  been  allowed  to  the  French,  for  what  reasons ; 
had  there  been  any  negotiations  for  contraband  trade ; and  any 
other  information  that  would  throw  light  on  the  subject  in  liti- 
gation. 

The  governor  proceeded  to  take  the  testimony.  He  exam- 
ined many  old  soldiers  that  had  come  out  to  Adaes  with  De 
Aguayo  twenty  years  before,  and  proved  that  the  Arroyo  Honda 
and  Grcm  montana , situated  half  way  between  the  two  posts, 
had  always  been  considered  the  boundary  between  the  respec- 
tive crowns ; that  when  the  post  of  Adaes  was  established  by 
the  Spaniards,  they  found  the  French  at  Natchitoches,  and  in 
possession  of  the  country  on  the  hither  bank  of  Red  river  as 
far  as  the  Arroyo  Honda ; that,  although  Sandoval  had  pur- 
sued all  lawful  means  to  prevent  the  removal  of  the  French, 
yet  the  Spaniards  had  never  claimed  farther  than  the  Honda ; 
and  that  as  to  the  matter  of  contraband  trade,  notices  had  been 
set  up  everywhere,  at  Adaes,  prohibiting  all  intercourse  with 
the  French.  This  evidence  was  overwhelming ; and  the  attor- 
ney-general, in  his  opinion  of  November  28,  1741,  entirely  ac- 
quitted Sandoval.  But,  in  the  meantime,  the  old  archbishop 
Yizarron  had  gone  out  of  the  viceroyalty,  and  the  duke  de  la 
Conquista  came  into  office  in  the  month  of  September,  1740. 
Scarcely  had  he  entered  the  palace,  when  he  was  besieged  by 
Franquis  ; and  Sandoval,  who  had  gone  to  Yera  Cruz,  was  pur- 
sued and  again  thrown  into  prison ! But  finally,  in  December, 
1743,  the  proceedings  coming  up  before  Count  Fuenclara,  the 
new  viceroy,  with  whom  Franquis  seemed  not  to  have  so  much 


86 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


influence  as  over  his  predecessors,  he  acquitted  poor  Sandoval, 
and  enjoined  Franquis  from  prosecuting  him  any  further.  In 
January,  1744,  Sandoval  was  furnished  with  a summary  of  the 
proceedings  ; and  a copy  of  the  whole,  filling  thirty  volumes  of 
manuscript,  were  sent  to  the  king  of  Spain ! 

The  details  of  this  trial  arc  given,  not  only  because  it  was 
the  first  recorded  lawsuit  in  Texas,  but  because  we  can  gather 
from  it  something  of  the  mode  of  legal  procedure  in  those  days. 
It  is  also  an  important  link  in  the  great  diplomatic  controversy 
concerning  the  ownership  of  the  country.* 

Texas  in  1744,  after  all  the  expenses  that  had  been  incurred, 
and  the  pains  taken  by  the  missionaries  and  the  government, 
was  not  prosperous.  Governor  Bonco,  with  all  his  good  inten- 
tions, was  a weak  man,  and  ill  suited  for  pushing  forward  the 
great  enterprise  of  settling  a new  country.  All  the  efforts 
made  had  not  increased  the  population  since  1722.  The  with- 
drawal of  the  troops,  the  continual  wars  with  the  Indians,  the 
great  insecurity  of  life  and  property,  the  prohibition  of  com- 
merce with  the  French  of  Louisiana,  all  tended  to  continue 
Texas  a barren,  isolated  waste.  It  was  in  vain  that  the  fer- 
tility of  her  soil,  the  abundance  of  her  waters,  the  mildness  of 
her  climate,  the  excellence  of  her  game,  and  her  vast  resources 
in  general,  were  painted  in  bright  colors  to  the  council  of  the 


* In  the  discussions  of  1805  and  1818,  between  Spain  and  the  United  States, 
relative  to  Texas,  both  Cevallos  and  De  Onis  had  before  them  this  old  record. 
Yet  De  Onis  said,  in  his  letter  to  the  secretary  of  state,  dated  January  5,  ISIS: 
“It  is  unquestionable,  from  the  historical  series  of  facts,  and  the  most  unexcep- 
tionable documents,  that  the  province  of  Texas  extended  to  the  Mississippi,  and 
that  the  French  never  crossed  the  river  into  that  district  but  through  the  suffer- 
ance or  permission  of  the  Spanish  governors!”  — American  State  Papers,  vol.  xii., 
p.  37.  He  further  states,  in  the  same  letter,  that  Sandoval  had  granted  permis- 
sion to  the  French  to  remove  their  garrison;  for  which  he  was  taken  “under 
guard  to  Mexico,  to  be  tried  there  before  a court-martial  — which  vias  carried 
into  effect  with  all  the  rigor  of  the  law  !”  Kennedy,  following  De  Onis.  has  been 
alike  deceived. — History  cf  Texas,  vol.  i.,  p.  221. 


CONDITION  OF  TEXAS  IN  1744. 


87 


Indies : it  seemed  to  be  their  policy  from  the  beginning, to  leave 
the  province  as  an  unsettled  frontier — a barrier  against  the 
encroachments  of  the  Europeans  of  the  north.  By  a “ law  of 
the  Indies,”*  the  governors  of  the  colonies,  were  forbidden  to 
invest  any  amount  whatever  of  the  public  funds  in  defraying 
the  expenses  of  colonization,  discoveries,  or  improvements,  with- 
out special  instructions  for  that  purpose  from  the  king ; and 
these  orders,  when  asked,  were  almost  uniformly  refused. 

The  European  population  of  Texas,  at  this  period,  did  not 
exceed  fifteen  hundred,  which,  added  to  a like  number  of  con- 
verted Indians  QYndios  reducidos ),  was  divided  mostly  between 
Adaes  and  San  Antonio ; a few  only  being  at  La  Bahia,  and  a 
small  fort  and  mission  at  San  Saba,  which  had  been  established 
out  among  the  wild  Indians  for  the  humane  reason  of  the  friars, 
that  it  was  better  to  civilize  than  to  kill  them.  If  there  was  a 
mission  at  all  at  this  time  at  Nacogdoches,  it  was  dependent 
on  the  post  at  Adaes  for  protection.  Spain  and  France  were 
now  on  excellent  terms,  and  the  colony  of  Louisiana  was  grad- 
ually extending  its  trade,  but  without  disturbing  the  Spanish 
authorities  on  the  frontier.  The  settlements  on  the  south  of 
Texas  were  making  but  little  progress.  At  Monclova,  the 
capital  of  Coahuila,  there  was  a small  garrison  of  thirty-five 
men ; half  way  between  that  post  and  the  presidio  of  the  Rio 
Grande  (at  Sacramento,  on  the  Sabinas),  theie  was  another 
garrison  of  fifty  men  ; and  at  the  presidio  itself  thirty-two  more. 
The  province  of  Coahuila  extended  from  the  Medina  southward 
three  hundred  miles ; south  of  that,  again,  was  the  province  of 
New  Leon,  leaving  along  the  gulf-coast  a skirt  of  a hundred 
miles  of  country  unsettled  and  unorganized.  This  long  line  of 
coast  afforded  abundance  of  rich  pasturage,  whither  the  flocks 
of  the  provinces  were  driven  in  November,  and,  under  the  care 

* Leyes  de  las  Indias,  1.  xvii.,  t.  1,  L 4. 


88 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


of  escorts  and  soldiers  stationed  to  guard  them,  remained  till 
the  following  May ; but,  notwithstanding  all  their  precautions, 
the  Indians  along  the  coast  committed  frequent  robberies  and 
murders.* 

The  Texan  missionaries  kept  up  a regular  correspondence 
with  the  parent-convents  of  Queretaro  and  Zacatecas,  which, 
if  ever  published  to  the  world,  will  exhibit  a painful  history 
of  their  trials  and  privations.  In  the  ecclesiastical  organiza- 
tion of  New  Spain,  Texas,  with  Coahuila  and  New  Leon,  were 
attached  to  the  bishopric  of  Guadalaxara.f 

From  the  close  of  1744  to  1758  wTe  find  no  important  event 
in  the  history  of  Texas.  The  few  people  living  in  the  territo- 
ry, sunk  in  obscurity  and  indolence,  seem  only  to  have  been 
waiting  events.  Their  lives  were  merely  passive.  It  is,  of 
course,  understood,  however,  that  the  faithful  missionary  was 
doing  his  duty — that  he  was  enlarging  and  civilizing  his  flock. 
It  is  also  understood  that  the  wild  Apaches  and  Camanches 
permitted  no  opportunity  for  robbery  or  murder  to  pass  unno- 
ticed. 

In  1758,  however,  a tragic  scene  occurred  at  the  San  Saba 
mission.  The  Indians,  in  large  numbers,  assaulted  the  mission, 
took  it,  and  killed  all,  both  pastors  and  flock,  including  the 
small  guard  stationed  there.  Tradition  informs  us  that  none 
were  left  to  bear  the  news  of  the  dreadful  massacre.  This 
mission  had  been  established  far  beyond  the  then  Texan  fron- 

* Testimonio  de  un  Parecer,  <fcc.,  paraphos  6,  6. 

f lb.,  parapho  1.  Besides  the  thirty  books  of  manuscript  in  regard  to  the  suit 
between  Sandoval  and  Franquis,  there  were  forty  more,  giving  the  early  history 
of  Texas,  which  are  doubtless  now  among  the  archives  of  Simancas,  in  Spain. 
Dr.  Robertson,  speaking  of  the  impossibility  of  obtaining  these  records,  says: 
“Spain,  with  an  excess  of  caution,  has  uniformly  thrown  a veil  over  her  trans- 
actions in  America.  From  strangers  they  are  concealed  with  peculiar  solicitude. 
Even  to  her  own  subjects  the  archivo  of  Simancas  is  not  opened  without  a par- 
ticular order  from  the  crown.”  — History  of  America  : preface,  p.  4. 


MASSACRE  AT  SAN  SABA  MISSION. 


89 


tier.  We  have  seen  its  benevolent  object.  Such  a return  for 
such  love,  while  it  calls  down  blessings  upon  the  heads  of  the 
devoted  followers  of  the  cross,  is  enough  to  mahe  one  doubt 
whether  the  Indian  forms  a part  of  the  human  Yace.  This  fear- 
ful butchery  had  its  effect  in  causing  the  missions  in  Texas  to 
decline.  In  fact,  they  never  recovered  from  the  blow. 

Efforts  were  made  to  avenge  this  cruel  outrage.  Captain 
Don  Diego  Ortiz  de  Parilla  was  despatched  with  a body  of 
troops  to  chastise  the  ruthless  savages ; but  the  latter  fled  to 
their  strongholds,  and  we  have  no  evidence  that  they  were 
ever  punished.* 

* Kennedy,  vol.  i.,  p.  222.  In  1752,  there  was  discovered  at  San  Saba  4 silver- 
mine,  which  drew  to  the  fort  quite  an  increase  of  population.  It  is  probable 
that  the  bad  behavior  of  the  miners  toward  the  Indians  brought  on  the  terrible 
massacre  of  1758.  At  the  time  of  its  occurrence,  there  was  a fort,  surrounding 
an  acre  of  ground,  under  a twelve-feet  stone  wall,  enclosing  a church  and  other 
buildinga — Holly , History  of  Texas , p.  164. 


90 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

As  the  destiny  of  the  different  colonies  and  settlements  in 
America  depended  upon  the  political  changes  occurring  in  the 
parent-countries,  it  will  be  necessary  to  refer  to  them. 

Charles  II.  of  Spain,  the  last  sovereign  of  the  house  of  Haps- 
burg,  died  in  November,  1700,  and  by  his  will  appointed  Philip 
of  Anjou,  grandson  of  Louis  XIV.,  his  successor.  The  object 
of  this  testamentary  disposition  was  to  prevent  a division  of 
the  Spanish  monarchy,  which  had  been  determined  two  years 
before  in  a treaty  between  England,  France,  and  Holland,  in 
order  to  preserve  the  balance  of  power  in  Europe.  The  testa- 
mentary appointment  of  Charles  detached  Louis  XIV.  from  the 
house  of  Hapsburg,  and  thus  the  “ War  of  the  Succession”  be- 
gan. After  a long  struggle,  Philip  succeeded  in  retaining  his 
throne  ; but,  by  the  treaty  of  Utrecht,  in  1718,  Spain  was 
greatly  shorn  of  her  power,  losing  Gibraltar  and  a large  por- 
tion. of  her  European  possessions.  She  was  not  satisfied  with 
this  treaty;  and  it  was  the  ill-concealed  design  of  Cardinal 
Alberoni,  her  ambitious  minister,  to  reclaim  the  vast  territo- 
ries of  which  she  had  been  stripped.  To  counteract  this  inten- 
tion, France,  England,  and  Holland,  formed  a new  alliance  in 
1717.  This  alliance  was  confirmed  and  enlarged  by  another 
treaty  made  the  following  year,  in  which  the  emperor  of  Ger- 
many became  a party.  But  before  the  close  of  1718,  such  were 


THE  PRAGMATIC  SANCTION. 


91 


the  demonstrations  of  Spain,  that  England  and  France  both 
declared  war  against  her.  Finding  herself  alone,  and  all  the 
great  European  powers  arrayed  in  opposition  to  her,  Spain  in 
1720  signed  the  alliance.  But  still  her  ambitious  minister  was 
not  satisfied ; he  wished  to  restore  to  her  these  lost  possessions. 
Alberoni  was,  however,  degraded  at  the  close  of  this  year ; yet 
the  efforts  of  Spain  to  regain  her  territories  did  not  cease.  By 
confirming  to  the  emperor  of  Germany  his  portion  of  the  spoil, 
she  detached  him  from  the  quadruple  alliance,  and  engaged 
him  to  assist  her  in  the  recovery  of  Gibraltar. 

This  last-named  treaty,  concluded  April  30,  1725,  was  fol- 
lowed by  a counter-alliance  between  England,  France,  and 
Prussia,  entered  into  on  the  3d  of  September  following.  The 
impending  war  shortly  afterward  commenced. 

Charles  VI.,  emperor  of  Germany,  had  issued  in  1724  a 
royal  ordinance,  by  which  he  settled  his  hereditary  dominions 
on  his  eldest  daughter,  Maria  Theresa.  This  ordinance  was 
known  as  the  Pragmatic  Sanction.  One  of  the  provisions  of 
the  treaty  between  Spain  and  the  emperor  was  the  guaranty 
of  this  ordinance  by  the  former  power.  After  much  agitation 
and  many  treaties,  that  of  Vienna,  in  1731,  between  Great  Brit- 
ain, Holland,  and  Spain,  guarantied  the  pragmatic  sanction, 
and  restored  a seeming  peace  to  Europe.  France  agreed  to  it 
in  1738 ; but,  in  1740,  Charles  VI.  died,  and  Maria  Theresa 
succeeded  to  his  crown,  by  virtue  of  the  ordinance  so  well 
guarantied  by  Europe.  The  elector  of  Bavaria,  however,  now 
set  up  his  claim  to  the  empire,  and  a general  war  ensued — 
Spain,  France,  and  Sardinia,  supporting  the  elector ; and  Eng- 
land, Russia,  and  Poland,  the  empress  Maria.  The  elector  was 
declared  emperor  in  1742,  under  the  title  of  Charles  VII. ; he 
died  in  1745,  and  was  succeeded  in  the  imperial  office  by  tne 
duke  of  Lorraine,  husband  of  Maria  Theresa,  as  Francis  I. 


92 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


This  war  of  the  Pragmatic  Sanction , however,  ended  only  by 
the  peace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle,  in  1748 ; but  Spain  was  a gainer 
by  the  contest,  having  recovered  Naples,  Sicily,  and  Parma. 

In  none  of  the  previous  treaties,  however,  had  England  and 
France  settled  the  boundaries  of  their  American  possessions. 
This,  in  1755,  gave  rise  to  a war  between  them,  which  was 
carried  on  with  great  activity  in  the  English  and  French  colo- 
nies in  America.  It  was  the  school  in  which  our  revolutionary 
fathers  learned  their  first  lesson  of  independence.  The  rela- 
tions existing  between  France  and  Spain,  since  the  elevation 
of  Philip  of  Anjou  to  the  Spanish  throne,  drew  the  latter  into 
it.  The  contest  continued  until  the  peace  of  Paris,  in  Febru- 
ary, 1763  ; it  was  most  disastrous  to  France,  and  to  some  ex- 
tent injurious  to  Spain.*  At  the  close  of  1761,  France  was  so 
greatly  weakened  and  exhausted  by  the  war,  that  she  directed 
her  minister  to  inform  the  court  of  Spain  of  her  inability  to 
give  protection  to  the  colony  of  Louisiana,  and  to  solicit  aid 
from  Spain  in  furnishing  it  with  supplies,  and  in  preventing  the 
English  from  obtaining  its  possession.  The  activity  and  pro- 
gressive enterprise  of  the  English  colonies  were  well  known  to 
Spain  and  France  ; and  one  of  the  principal  arguments  used  by 
the  French  embassador,  in  this  application,  was,  that  Louisiana 
was  the  only  barrier  between  the  English  and  the  Spanish  pos- 
sessions south  of  it.  But  Spain  was  slow  in  action,  and  the 
war  grew  daily  more  disastrous  to  France.  At  length,  on  the 
3d  of  November,  1762,  France  ceded  Louisiana  to  Spain,  not 
from  the  pure  impulse  of  his  generous  heart , as  is  recited  in 
the  royal  act  of  Louis  XV.,  but  to  prevent  it  from  falling  into 
the  hands  of  the  English.  By  the  treaty  of  peace  in  the  follow- 
ing February,  France  ceded  to  England  Canada,  Nova  Scotia, 
and  in  fact  all  her  continental  possessions  in  North  America. 

* Encyclopaedia  Americana,  articles  Spain , France. 


CESSION  OF  LOUISIANA  TO  SPAIN. 


93 


Henceforth  the  line  of  boundary  between  Spain  and  England, 
commencing  at  the  source  of  the  Mississippi  river,  was  to  run 
down  the  middle  of  that  stream  to  the  river  Iberville.;  thence 
with  that  stream  and  Lakes  Maurepas  and  Ponchartrain  to  the 
gulf  of  Mexico  ; Spain  also  ceding  Florida,  and  the  navigation 
of  the  Mississippi  to  be  free  to  the  subjects  of  both  England 
and  France .*  This  last  concession  was  of  the  utmost  impor- 
tance to  the  possessions  of  England,  and  subsequently  to  the 
United  States. 

The  reader  of  history  is  not  unacquainted  with  the  utter  in- 
difference with  which  the  sovereigns  of  the  Old  World  trans- 
ferred their  colonics  in  the  New.  The  colonists,  however  much 
they  may  have  loved  their  sovereign,  their  country,  and  her 
institutions,  were  bought,  sold,  or  given  away,  without  their 
consent,  and  often  without  their  knowledge.  So,  in  this  case, 
the  act  of  cession  by  which  Louisiana  was  transferred  to  Spain 
was  kept  secret  for  more  than  eighteen  months  after  its  execu- 
tion ! That  portion  of  the  province,  however,  which  had  been 
ceded  to  England,  was  delivered  to  her  in  the  fall  of  1763. 

By  this  arrangement,  France  had  lost  a vast  territory ; but 
Spain  had  removed  her  landmarks,  and  acquired  what  she  had 
not  before,  a well-defined  boundary  on  the  north.  Her  new 
neighbors,  however,  were  lining  the  left  bank  of  the  Mississippi 
with  forts,  settlements,  and  adventurers.  A people  had  there 
obtained  a foothold,  which,  with  the  advantage  of  a right  to 
navigate  the  Mississippi,  were  destined  to  be  troublesome. 

We  can  trace  all  these  results  — the  loss  to  France  of  her 
American  possessions,  and  the  loss  to  Spain  of  a passive  power 
between  her  possessions  and  the  Anglo-American  colonies  — to 
the  overthrow  of  the  house  of  Hapsburg,  and  the  accession  of 
the  Bourbons  to  the  throne  of  Spain.  To  accomplish  the  latter 

* Gayarre,  History  of  Louisiana,  vol.  ii.,  p.  91,  et  seq. 


94 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


object,  Louis  XIV.  was  willing  to  break  a solemn  treaty  with 
England  and  Holland.  This  treaty  was  formed  to  preserve  the 
balance  of  power : the  result  was,  the  overthrow  of  that  bal- 
ance of  power,  and  the  building  up  a new  power  in  America, 
which,  forcing  a separation  from  the  parent-country,  has  far 
outstripped  all  others  in  noble  institutions  and  progressive 
energy. 

The  doctrine  of  the  “ preservation  of  the  balance  of  power” 
among  the  European  states  has  resulted  in  more  wars,  produced 
a more  fearful  devastation  of  human  life,  and  a greater  waste 
of  treasure,  than  all  other  causes  combined ! 

The  accession  of  Louisiana  to  the  crown  of  Spain  was  hardly 
desirable  to  that  government.  She  knew  the  troublesome  and 
restless  spirit  of  the  English  colonists,  and  seemed  to  antici- 
pate evil  from  their  proximity.  However,  the  king,  to  oblige 
his  cousin  of  France,  accepted  the  gift.  And,  as  the  posts 
along  the  old  frontier  were  no  longer  necessary,  the  troops  at 
Adaes  and  Orquisaco  were  shortly  thereafter  withdrawn.*  But 
the  new  addition  of  territory  to  the  Spanish  crown  required  a 
reformation  of  frontier  defences.  Accordingly,  the  marquis 
de  Rubi  was  sent  over  from  the  mother-country  to  examine 
into  the  condition  of  the  defences  of  New  Spain,  and  report  his 
opinion  thereon.  After  making  the  examination  and  report,  a 
new  series  of  posts  was  established,  forming  a cordon  militaire 
from  Sonora  to  the  gulf  of  Mexico.  In  this  new  arrangement, 
however,  but  two  posts  were  allowed  in  Texas — that  is,  at 
San  Antonio  and  La  Bahia.  The  missions,  moreover,  were  not 
broken  up,  but  remained  dependent  upon  the  forces  at  these 
posts  for  incidental  protection. 

The  Spanish  government  never  looked  upon  Louisiana  as 
altogether  her  own  property,  nor  did  she  treat  it  as  a legiti- 
# American  State  Papers,  vol.  xii.,  p.  300. 


COMMERCE  BETWEEN  TEXAS  AND  LOUISIANA. 


95 


mate  appendage  of  the  crown ; and  while  the  king  instructed 
D’Ulloa,  the  first  Spanish  governor  of  Louisiana,  that  there 
should  be  no  change  in  the  administration  of  its  government, 
he  also  directed  that  its  affairs  should  not  be  controlled  by  the 
council  of  the  Indies,  but  that  they  should  pass  through  the 
hands  of  the  minister  of  state.* 

Nevertheless,  the  principal  obstructions  to  the  commerce  be- 
tween Texas  and  Louisiana  were  now  removed,  and  the  two 
provinces  thereby  alike  benefited.  Texas  had,  it  is  true,  but 
little  to  sell ; yet,  as  the  neighbor  of  Louisiana,  she  was,  to 
some  extent,  the  merchant  of  that  colony  and  the  internal  prov- 
inces of  Mexico.  She  had,  of  her  own  production,  horses,  cat- 
tle, and  sheep : with  these  articles  of  trade  she  supplied  the 
Louisianians,  in  exchange  for  manufactured  goods.  The  pre- 
cious metals  sent  from  Chihuahua,  Coahuila,  New  Leon,  and 
even  from  New  Mexico,  passed  through  her  territories  to  New 
Orleans,  as  the  nearest  wholesale  market,  in  exchange  for  the 
various  manufactures  imported  thence  from  the  parent-state. 
These  transfers  were  made  on  mules,  travelling  generally  in 
caravans,  with  a guard  deemed  sufficient  to  protect  them  from 
the  Indians. 

Had  the  Spanish  government  permitted  a free  trade  between 
her  colonies  and  other  countries,  their  prosperity  would  have 
been  greatly  hastened : towns  and  marts  of  trade  would  have 
sprung  up  on  the  Texan  coast ; and  Galveston,  instead  of  re- 
maining an  uninhabited  island  even  up  to  the  date  of  the  Texan 
revolution,  would,  long  before,  have  grown  to  be  a considerable 
city.f  But  the  policy  of  Spain  was  barbarous  and  exclusive. 
The  trade  of  her  colonies  was  regulated  and  controlled  bv  a 

* Gaynrre,  History  of  Louisiana,  vol.  ii.,  p.  168. 

t Galveston  island,  first  discovered  by  the  colony  of  La  Salle/  was  known  as 
the  island  of  St.  Louis;  but,  about  the  year  1800,  it  was  called  Galveston^  in 
honor  of  Don  Jos6  Galvez. 


96 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


tribunal  known  as  the  Casa  de  Contratacion , which  was  es- 
tablished at  Seville.  The  colonists  were  prohibited  from  the 
manufacture  of  most  of  the  articles  which  could  be  furnished 
by  the  mother-country,  and  also  frotii  the  cultivation  of  the 
vine  and  the  olive ! All  their  exports  and  imports  were  re- 
quired to  be  conveyed  in  Spanish  vessels.  They  were  not  per- 
mitted to  trade  with  the  colonies  of  other  nations ; nor  were 
they  allowed  to  trade  with  each  other,  except  to  a very  limited 
extent : no  person  was  permitted  to  trade  with  them  under 
severe  penalties!*  All  this  had  a tendency  to  prevent  the 
growth  of  the  Spanish  colonies,  and  to  keep  them  dependent 
on  the  mother-country  for  the  necessaries  of  life.  It  had  a 
further  and  stronger  tendency  to  exasperate  the  colonists 
against  a parent  so  unfeeling  and  despotic.  The  prospect  be- 
fore them  was  indeed  gloomy.  The  enterprising  colonist  saw 
himself  deprived  of  that  hope  which  alone  makes  life  tolerable. 
He  found  himself  on  a soil  blessed  with  unusual  fertility,  which 
he  was  not  allowed  to  use,  except  for  a limited  purpose.  If 
to  this  we  add  the  significant  fact  that,  under  the  Spanish  rule, 
none  but  native-born  Spaniards  could  enjoy  the  important  offices 
in  the  colonies,  we  may  well  conclude  that  the  cup  of  their  op- 
pression was  full,  and  that  they  required  only  a favorable  occa- 
sion to  throw  off  a yoke  so  galling. 

The  trade  between  Spain  and  her  colonies  in  America  was 
at  first  carried  on  by  a convoy  of  ships  called  galleons,  which 
made  one  voyage  annually ; but  they  were  discontinued  in  1748, 
and  registered  vessels  introduced  in  their  stead.  After  the 
acquisition  of  Louisiana,  the  necessity  of  a more  frequent  and 
direct  intercourse  between  Spain  and  her  colonies  caused  the 
introduction  of  regular  monthly  mail-packets,  which  sailed  from 

* Recopilacion , lib.  ix.  tit  2’7.  Robertson’s  History  of  America,  book  viii., 

p.  354. 


POPULATION  AND  TRADE  OF  TEXAS  IN  1765. 


97 


the  mother-country  to  Havana,  whence  the  mails  were  de- 
spatched to  the  different  provinces.  In  addition  to  this  facility 
of  intercourse,  by  an  ordinance  of  the  kind-hearted  Charles  III., 
the  trade  of  the  West  India  islands  belonging  to  Spain  was,  in 
1765,  thrown  open  to  the  other  Spanish  provinces.*  Yet  the 
advantage  gained  by  Texas  in  these  ameliorations  was  small 
and  indirect.  Her  seacoast  was  a terra  incognita.  A chance 
vessel  of  the  buccaneers  may  have  strayed  into  Copano,  or  Gal- 
veston bay,  for  the  purpose  of  concealing  a prize ; but  Texas 
had  no  maritime  trade.  New  Orleans  and  Yera  Cruz  were  her 
only  ports.  For  the  growth  of  Texas,  and  most  of  the  prov- 
inces of  New  Spain,  they  were  indebted  to  the  contraband  trade 
carried  on  with  great  activity  by  the  English,  French,  and 
Dutch.  It  amounted  to  at  least  one  third  of  the  exports  and 
imports,  and  had  this  advantage,  that  it  paid  no  duties.  It 
was  the  natural  result  of  the  “ oyster  policy”  of  Spain ; and,  as 
a question  in  ethics,  it  rests  upon  the  same  principle  with  that 
other  yet-undecided  point,  whether  it  be  lawful  to  slay  a tyrant. 

The  population  of  Texas,  in  1765,  can  not  be  accurately  as- 
certained. The  chief  settlements  were  at  Adaes,f  San  Anto- 
nio, La  Bahia,  and  perhaps  a few  at  Nacogdoches,  Orquisaco, 
and  Mound  prairie.  In  the  two  first-named  places  there  were 
hardly  five  hundred  inhabitants,  exclusive  of  converted  Indians. 
The  whole  European  population  of  the  province  did  not,  per- 
haps, exceed  seven  hundred  and  fifty,  to  which  may  be  added 
a like  number  of  domiciliated  Indians.  The  trade  with  Lou- 
isiana, including  that  which  passed  through  Texas,  did  not 
exceed  sixty  thousand  dollars  per  annum. :f  Estimating  her 

* Niles’s  History  of  Mexico,  p.  81. 

f M.  de  Pages,  of  the  French  navy,  who  visited  Adaes  in  1768,  describes  it  as 
then  consisting  of  forty  houses,  a church,  and  a Franciscan  mission.  He  says  he 
obtained  nothing  there  to  eat  but  tortillas.  — J^rairiedom,  p.  29. 

\ Gayarre,  History  of  Louisiana,  vol.  ii.,  p.  353. 

VOL.  I.— 7 


98 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


trade  with  the  provinces  of  New  Spain  at  twice  that  amount, 
the  entire  annual  commerce  of  Texas  at  that  period,  including 
what  passed  through  her  territory,  was  not  over  one  hundred 
and  eighty  thousand  dollars.  It  may  be  safely  estimated  that 
one  half  of  this  amount  merely  passed  through  her  territory. 
This  would  reduce  the  total  sum  of  her  exports  and  imports  to 
ninety  thousand  dollars  per  annum. 

The  acquisition  of  the  vast  territory  owned  by  the  French, 
from  the  gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  to  the  river  Iberville,  had  given 
to  the  Anglo-American  colonies  an  impulse  which  hastened  the 
already-rapid  development  of  their  power.  It  was  not  perhaps 
so  much  the  oppression  of  which  they  complained,  as  the  love 
of  liberty,  that  moved  the  English  colonists  to  independence. 
For  this,  they  had  become  exiles  from  the  Old  World,  and  had 
endured  unparalleled  hardships  in  the  New ; and,  to  obtain 
this,  they  now  took  their  first  steps.  But  it  is  not  our  prov- 
ince to  detail  these  memorable  events,  further  than  as  they  are 
connected  with  our  subject. 

As  in  the  approach  of  a great  storm,  the  heavens,  except  in 
the  direction  whence  it  is  coming,  gradually  become  clear  and 
tranquil,  so,  during  the  few  years  preceding  the  American  Revo- 
lution, nations  adjacent  and  connected  with  England  or  with 
her  colonies  seemed  to  enjoy  that  quiescence.  France  looked 
on  with  mingled  hopes  and  fears.  She  was  still  haunted  with 
the  idea  of  the  “ balance  of  power.”  England  had  grown  too 
great,  and  her  old  enemy  would  gladly  see  her  stripped  of  her 
richest  possessions.  Furthermore,  it  would  be  to  France  a 
sweet  revenge  for  the  misfortunes  of  the  “ Seven  Years’  War.” 
On  the  other  hand,  the  colonies  were  all  republican : the  dis- 
ease might  become  infectious,  and  ultimately  drive  the  king 
from  his  throne.  But  the  French  people  were  with  the  colo- 
nies, and  they  prevailed. 


BUILDING  UP  OF  NACOGDOCHES. 


99 


Spain  was  more  delicately  situated.  Her  vast  possessions 
in  America,  seeing  a successful  revolt  of  the  English  colonies, 
would  doubtless  follow  the  example.  On  the  other  hand,  Spain 
wished  to  recover  Gibraltar,  Jamaica,  and  Florida ; and  such 
a war  would  afford  her  a good  opportunity  to  embark  in  the 
enterprise.  Besides,  she  was  governed  by  the  Bourbons,  and, 
of  course,  bound  to  the  same  destiny  with  France ; she  also 
thought  that  England  was  too  powerful.  Yet,  under  all  these 
considerations,  Spain  was  timid  ; and  while  France  was  secretly 
fanning  the  flame  of  revolution,  the  Spanish  government  was  in 
favor  of  mediation,  of  peace. 

In  the  meantime,  the  people  of  Texas,  few  in  number,  and 
poor,  were  quietly  pursuing  their  daily  pleasures  and  toils. 
The  missions  were  not  very  successful  in  the  conversion  of  In- 
dians, yet  the  establishments  were  well  sustained.  The  abo- 
riginal tribes  were  in  constant  wars.  The  powerful  nation  of 
the  Ccnis  were  already  driven  from  their  ancient  home  on  the 
Trinity.  The  Nassonites,  too,  were  disappearing  before  the 
migrating  tribes  driven  by  the  Europeans  from  the  valley  of 
the  Mississippi.  The  Indians  on  the  coast  were  less  disturbed, 
because  their  lands  were  less  desirable.  Thus  we  see  the  gen- 
eral movement  of  the  different  races : the  Anglo-Americans 
crowding  westward,  and  driving  before  them  the  aborigines ; 
the  latter  expelling  other  native  tribes ; the  Indians  passing 
through  the  Spaniards,  but  these  latter  also  retreat  before  the 
English.  Statesmen  and  philosophers  have  all  fallen  short  of 
the  truth  in  their  predictions  as  to  the  progress  of  the  dominant 
race.  It  has  outstripped  their  largest  calculations. 

The  annexation  of  Louisiana  to  the  Spanish  possessions, 
while  it  enabled  Spain  to  dispense  with  her  military  posts  on 
the  eastern  frontier,  likewise  afforded  her  an  opportunity  to 
build  up  Nacogdoches.  Many  persons  of  politeness  and  means 


100 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


were  induced  to  emigrate  from  Louisiana  to  that  point.  Thus 
the  old  missionary  station  became  a town,  and,  being  in  the 
neighborhood  of  an  active  commerce,  the  place  soon  acquired 
considerable  wealth,  and  a trade  of  its  own.  This  emigration 
occurred  about  the  year  1773.*  Captain  Gil  y Barbo,  the  first 
commandant  of  Nacogdoches,  was  a man  of  enterprise.  Be- 
sides an  arsenal  and  barracks  for  the  soldiers,  erected  on  the 
hill  west  of  the  Bafiita,  he  laid  the  foundations  of  the  old  stone 
house,  which  still  survives  as  a monument  of  his  industry. 

About  the  same  time,  the  garrison  was  finally  removed  from 
St.  Bernard’s  bay,  and  located  at  La  Bahia,  where  a consider- 
able town  sprang  up. 

* Kennedy,  vol.  i.,  p.  229.  Colonel  Forbes’s  Notes,  MS. 


DON  JOSE  GALYEZ. 


101 


CHAPTER  IX. 

During  the  American  Revolution,  Texas  was  quiet.  She 
was  safe  from  danger.  Her  harbors  were  unknown ; her  pov- 
erty offered  no  temptation  for  pillage  ; her  scattered  population 
could  afford  no  recruits.  Yet,  when  Spain  declared  war  against 
England  in  1779,  and  Don  Jose  Galvez,  then  governor  of  Lou- 
isiana, engaged  in  active  hostilities,  the  province  of  Texas  con- 
tributed her  mite  of  soldiers  for  his  armies,  and  joined  with 
Louisiana  in  rejoicing  over  his  victories  at  Natchez,  at  Fort 
Amity,  Fort  Charlotte,  Mobile,  and  Pensacola.*  But  the  treaty 

* Don  Jose  Galvez  was  a remarkable  man.  He  was  the  son  of  Don  Mathias 
de  Galvez,  viceroy  of  Mexico.  He  was  born  in  the  city  of  Malaga,  in  Spain,  and 
held,  under  the  king,  the  honorable  posts  of  intendant  of  the  army  and  member 
of  the  supreme  council.  In  1765,  he  was  appointed  visiter-general  of  New  Spain, 
which  office  he  discharged  with  such  fidelity,  that  in  1768,  he  was  appointed  to 
the  council  of  the  Indies.  In  1777,  he  was  made  governor  of  Louisiana.  In  the 
Revolution,  his  sympathies  were  with  the  United  States ; and  when  the  king  of 
Spain  informed  him  that  he  was  about  to  commence  hostilities,  he  joined  with 
the  people  of  Louisiana  in  the  joy  which  the  news  imparted.  He  prosecuted  the 
war  with  great  vigor,  and  recovered  for  the  king  the  whole  of  Florida,  taking 
eight  hundred  of  the  enemy  prisoners.  This  was  an  effectual  aid  to  the  United 
States.  For  these  important  services  he  was  appointed  brigadier-general;  after- 
ward captain-general  of  Louisiana;  then,  in  addition,  captain-general  of  Cuba; 
and  finally,  upon  the  death  of  his  father,  in  1785,  he  was  created  viceroy  of 
Mexico.  A more  able  and  enlightened  representative  of  the  king  had  never 
occupied  the  viceregal  palace.  He  facilitated  the  administration  of  justice, 
established  intendancies  for  the  protection  of  the  Indians,  and  effected  a general 
reformation  in  the  government.  He  was  exceedingly  popular  with  all  classes, 
but  especially  with  the  natives,  and  well  deserved  that  his  name  should  be  per- 
petuated in  that  of  the  chief  town  and  island  of  Texas.  — Historia  de  Mejico , p. 
39;  Banner's  History  of  Louisiana , p.  145,  et  scq. ; Niles's  Hist,  of  Mexico , p.  84. 


102 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


of  peace,  in  1783,  put  an  end  to  the  triumphs  of  Galvez,  and 
transferred  to  the  United  States  all  the  territory  east  of  the 
Mississippi  as  low  as  Fort  Adams,  and  north  of  the  thirty-first 
parallel  of  latitude,  to  the  Chattahoocha  river ; thence  down 
that  stream  to  the  junction  of  Flint  river ; thence  to  the  head 
of  the  St.  Mary’s  river,  and  down  the  same  to  the  sea.  This 
treaty  also  provided  that  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  from 
its  source  to  the  gulf  of  Mexico,  should  for  ever  remain  free 
and  open  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain  and  of  the  United 
States.*  Thus  a door  was  opened  to  the  egress  of  the  people 
of  the  Union.  But  Spain  did  not  so  regard  it ; and,  as  early 
as  June,  1784,  Don  Jose  Galvez,  of  the  “Department  of  the 
Indies,”  made  known  to  the  United  States,  through  the  Span- 
ish agent,  that  Spain  was  not  bound  by  the  treaty  of  limits 
made  between  the  former  and  Great  Britain ; that  both  sides 
of  the  Mississippi,  as  well  as  the  navigation  of  that  stream  be- 
low the  thirty-first  parallel,  belonged  to  Spain,  until  she  chose 
to  grant  them  in  whole  or  in  part ; and  that  vessels  of  the  Uni- 
ted States  navigating  that  stream  would  be  exposed  to  process 
and  confiscation.!  Here  began  a controversy,  which,  as  will 
be  seen,  continued  long,  and  ended  in  important  results.  La 
Fayette,  then  in  Paris,  undertook  an  informal  negotiation.  He 
proposed  that  Spain  should  cede  New  Orleans  to  the  United 
States,  or  at  least  make  it  a free  port.  But  in  March,  1785, 
the  marquis  informed  the  Continental  Congress  that  the  first- 
named  proposition  was  impossible ; and,  as  to  the  second,  he 
could  obtain  no  positive  answer.  J 

* Elliot’s  Diplomatic  Code  (treaty  of  September  3,  1783),  yol.  i.,  p.  237.  This 
boundary  was  also  agreed  to  by  Spain  (see  treaty  of  October  27,  1795,  ib.,  p.  391). 

f Diplomatic  Correspondence,  vol.  i.,  p.  135,  et  seq. 

X Ib.,  vol.  i.,  pp.  336,  421,  444,  445,  455.  At  that  time,  Spain  had  no  minister 
near  the  government  of  the  United  States.  Senor  Gardoqui,  her  first  minister, 
did  not  arrive  till  the  following  May.  — Divlomatic  Correspondence , vol.  vi.,  p.  72. 


UNSETTLED  QUESTIONS  WITH  SPAIN. 


103 


The  Congress  had  taken  strong  ground  on  the  subject.  So 
early  as  June,  1784,  they  had  resolved  that  our  ministers  should 
negotiate  no  treaty  with  Spain  by  which  they  should  relinquish 
or  cede,  in  any  event  whatever,  the  right  of  the  citizens  of  the 
United  States  to  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  from  its 
source  to  the  gulf  of  Mexico.  At  the  close  of  the  American 
Revolution,  Spain  and  the  United  States  were  good  friends, 
and  sincerely  so.  The  former  had  done  much  to  achieve  that 
independence  which  the  Union  enjoyed.  General  Don  Jose 
Galvez,  then  a powerful  personage  at  the  court  of  Madrid,  was 
warmly  devoted  to  the  United  States.  Through  his  influence, 
his  uncle,  Don  Diego  de  Gardoqui,  was  appointed  minister  to 
the  new  republic.  The  Spanish  government  had  also  mani- 
fested its  good  will  by  releasing  from  slavery  in  Algiers  many 
of  our  citizens  who  had  been  taken  by  the  corsairs.  Galvez 
and  Gardoqui  sailed  in  the  same  vessel  to  Havana — the  latter 
on  his  way  to  the  United  States,  the  former  to  take  charge  of 
his  captain-generalcy  of  Cuba.  Gardoqui  was  empowered  to 
treat  of  boundaries,  &c.,  but  directed  to  consult  Galvez.* 
Under  these  circumstances,  so  auspicious,  it  might  be  in- 
ferred that  the  boundary-line,  and  also  the  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi,  could  be  speedily  settled.  The  territory  and  the 
rights  claimed  by  the  two  powers  had  but  lately  come  into  their 
hands ; neither  of  them,  therefore,  could  treat  it  as  an  heir- 
loom. To  understand  the  points  at  issue,  let  us  refer  to  facts. 

The  commerce  of  the  Mississippi  river  had  rapidly  increased, 
even  during  the  Revolution ; but  after  its  close,  the  trade  on 
the  great  stream  had  become  indispensable  to  the  new  settlers 
on  its  upper  tributaries,  and  they  were  not  the  people  to  sur- 
render a right  resting  upon  a law  of  nature. f It  became 

* Diplomatic  Correspondence,  vol.  vi.,  pp.  65,  79,  et  seq. 
f La  Fayette,  in  bis  letter  to  Jay,  dated  Paris,  October  15,  1787,  says  he  could 


104 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


necessary  to  the  existence  of  the  Union  that  this  right  should 
be  preserved ; but,  as  Spain  owned  both  banks  of  the  lower 
Mississippi,  she  claimed  the  right  to  its  exclusive  use : and  the 
simple  right  of  navigation  to  the  ocean  would  have  been  im- 
practicable without  also  a place  of  deposite. 

In  regard  to  boundaries,  it  will  be  remembered  that,  in  the 
treaty  of  1T62,  Spain  had  ceded  Florida  to  England;  that,  in 
the  treaty  of  January  20,  1783,  that  province  was  retroceded 
to  Spain;  but,  in  the  treaty  of  November  30,  1782,  between 
England  and  the  United  States,  the  former  ceded  to  the  latter 
all  the  territory  east  of  the  Mississippi  down  to  the  thirty-first 
parallel  of  latitude  ; whereas  Spain  claimed,  as  part  of  Florida, 
conquered  by  her  arms,  all  the  territory  at  least  as  high  up  as 
Natchez,  and  the  settlement  around  that  place.*  The  treaty 
of  November  30, 1782,  being  anterior  to  that  between  England 
and  Spain,  the  latter  being  an  ally  of  the  United  States,  and 
the  disputed  territory  being  within  the  chartered  limits  of 
Georgia,  clearly  gave  the  United  States  the  best  right. f 

What  was  the  object  of  Spain  in  thus  contesting  so  strongly 
the  right  of  the  United  States  to  this  territory  north  of  the 
thirty-first  parallel  of  latitude,  and  the  joint  use  of  the  Missis- 
sippi river  ? The  answer  is  found  in  the  correspondence  be- 
tween the  French  embassador  at  Madrid  and  his  government. 
“ The  cabinet  of  Madrid,’’  says  he,  “ thinks  it  has  the  greatest 
interest  not  to  open  the  Mississippi  to  the  Americans,  and  to 
disgust  them  from  making  establishments  on  that  river,  as  they 

never  submit  to  the  idea  of  giving  up  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi ; that  it 
belonged  to  the  United  States  by  the  law  of  nature,  and  to  concede  it  to  Spain 
would  be  inconsistent  with  the  character  of  the  American  Union. — Diplomatic 
Correspondence , vol.  i.,  p.  455. 

* Oliver  Pollock  to  John  Jay,  June  8,  1785. — lb.,  vol.  vi.,  p.  79;  American 
State  Papers  ( confidential ),  vol.  x.,  p.  132. 

f See  the  entire  correspondence  in  the  tenth  volume  of  American  State  Papers, 
and  the  sixth  volume  of  Diplomatic  Correspondence. 


NAVIGATION  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI. 


105 


would  not  delay  to  possess  themselves  of  the  commerce  of  New 
Orleans  and  Mexico,  whatever  impediments  should  be  opposed 
to  their  progress,  and  that  they  would  become  neighbors  the 
more  dangerous  to  Spain  — as,  even  in  their  present  weakness , 
they  conceive  vast  projects  for  the  conquest  of  the  western  shore 
of  the  Mississippi .”  He  further  adds  that  “ Spain  is  decided 
to  make  the  savages  a barrier  between  her  possessions  and 
those  of  the  Americans.”'* 

The  discussion  of  these  questions  continued  between  the  Uni- 
ted States  and  Don  Diego  Gardoqui  until  the  adoption  of  the 
federal  constitution  in  1787,  neither  party  being  willing  to  give 
ground.  In  the  meantime,  the  settlers  in  the  present  states  of 
Kentucky,  Tennessee,  and  Mississippi,  were  taking  the  matter 
into  their  own  hands.  Such  men  as  George  Rogers  Clark, 
James  Wilkinson,  Thomas  Green,  and  William  Blount,  had  de- 
termined, at  all  events,  to  remove  the  Spaniards.  It  was  in 
vain  that  the  federal  government  endeavored  to  restrain  them. 
They  replied,  in  language  not  to  be  misunderstood — “If  the 
United  States  did  not  open  to  them  the  navigation  of  the  river, 
they  would  do  it  themselves  !”f 

In  the  meantime,  Washington  had  become  president,  and  Jef- 
ferson secretary  of  state.  England  had  gone  to  war  with  revo- 
lutionary France  ; and  the  French  people  having  beheaded  their 
king,  Spain  was  induced  to  join  England  in  the  league  against 
them.  England,  jealous  of  the  rising  commerce  of  the  United 
States,  restrained  Spain  from  making  concessions  to  the  latter. 
But  the  victorious  arms  of  France  drove  Spain  from  her  alli- 

* American  State  Papers,  vol.  x.,  pp.  185,  186. 

t During  the  early  part  of  this  discussion,  Mr.  Jay,  who  had  charge  of  it  on 
the  part  of  the  United  States,  was  rather  disposed  to  give  way  on  the  question 
of  navigation.  The  news  soon  spread  over  the  western  country.  The  people 
flew  to  arms;  and  it  became  necessary,  to  prevent  a war,  that  Jay  should  return 
to  his  first  position.  A public  declaration  was  also  made  by  Congress  that  they 
would  never  abandon  this  right  of  navigation. 


106 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


ance  with  England,  and  a change  of  ministry  occurred  at  Mad- 
rid : Manuel  Godoy,  the  “ Prince  of  Peace,”  became  the  main- 
spring of  Spanish  politics.  Spain  and  France  now  formed  an 
alliance ; and  the  latter  power,  willing  to  oblige  the  United 
States,  and  to  assist  iii  building  up  a rival  commerce  to  that 
of  Great  Britain,  aided  in  forming  a treaty.  Spain  at  last 
yielded,  but  wished  the  United  States  to  guaranty  her  Ameri- 
can possessions.  This  the  latter  declined.  Nevertheless,  the 
treaty  of  1795  was  agreed  to  and  signed.  It  made  the  thirty- 
first  parallel  of  latitude  the  southern  boundary  of  the  American 
Union,  and  confirmed  the  right  of  her  citizens  to  the  navigation 
of  the  Mississippi.  It  also  provided  that,  for  the  space  of  three 
years,  Spain  would  permit  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  to 
deposite  their  merchandise  and  effects  at  New  Orleans  ; and  if 
she  did  not  think  proper  to  continue  this  privilege  longer,  she 
would  then  assign  them  another  place  on  the  banks  of  the  river 
of  equal  utility  as  a place  of  deposite.* 

The  Spanish  settlement  at  Natchez,  meanwhile,  had  opened 
and  kept  up  an  intercourse  with  Texas,  through  Natchitoches. 
This  road  had  become  familiar  to  many  besides  the  Spaniards. 
On  their  return,  they  would  make  known  to  the  Americans  at 
Natchez  the  advantages  of  the  trade  in  Texas,  the  surpassing 
beauty  and  richness  of  the  country,  the  abundance  of  the  game, 
and  the  thousand  other  attractions  to  adventurers.  All  these 
recitals,  so  novel  to  the  pioneers  who  had  marched  to  the  ex- 
treme limits  of  the  United  States  on  the  Mississippi,  excited  in 
them  a curiosity,  a love  of  adventure,  and  a desire  to  see  the 
Texan  region,  which  the  dangers  incident  to  the  journey  served 
only  to  increase. 

The  Indians  in  Texas  had  again  become  troublesome.  The 

* Treaty  of  San  Lorenzo  el  Real  (October  27,  1795). — Elliot's  Diplomatic 
Code , vol.  i.,  p.  390. 


THE  OLD  MISSION  OF  THE  ALAMO. 


107 


Franciscan  fathers  had  not  met  with  the  desired  success  in  civ- 
ilizing them  ; nor  were  the  forces  at  the  posts  sufficient  to  over- 
awe them.  In  fact,  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  missionaries 
would  have  succeeded  better  without  the  soldiers : so  little 
does  the  arm  of  God  need  an  arm  of  flesh  to  propagate  his  gos- 
pel ! Such  was  the  daring  impudence  of  the  Camanches,  that 
the  troops  at  the  Alamo  were  compelled  for  safety,  in  1785,  to 
remove  their  tents  within  the  mission  walls.  This  venerable 
mission,  the  second  in  Texas,  deserves  some  consideration. 

It  was  first  founded  in  the  year  1703  by  Franciscans  of  the 
apostolic  college  of  Querctaro,  in  the  valley  of  the  Rio  Grande, 
under  the  invocation  of  San  Francisco  Solano.  Here  it  re- 
mained for  five  years,  but  for  some  reason  was  removed  to  a 
place  called  San  Ildephonso,  where  it  seems  to  have  remained 
till  1710,  at  which  time  it  was  moved  back  to  the  Rio  Grande, 
and  reinvocated  as  the  mission  of  San  Jose.  Here  it  remained 
under  the  guidance  of  the  good  father  Jose  de  Soto  till  the  1st 
of  May,  1718,  when,  on  account  of  the  scarcity  of  water,  it  was 
removed  to  the  west  bank  of  the  San  Pedro,  about  three  fourths 
of  a mile  northwest  of  the  present  parish-church  of  San  Anto- 
nio.* Here  it  remained,  under  the  protection  of  the  post  of 
San  Antonio  de  Valero,  whose  name  it  assumed,  until  1722, 
when,  on  account  of  troubles  with  the  Indians,  it  was  once  more 
removed,  with  the  post,  to  what  is  now  known  as  the  Military 
Plaza.  The  main  square,  or  Plaza  of  the  Constitution , was 
formed  in  1730  by  the  colonists  sent  out  at  the  request  of  De 
Aguayo.  The  establishment  around  the  Military  Plaza  was 

* Bexar  Archives,  MS.  I am  indebted  to  my  friend  F.  G fraud,  Esq.,  for  these 
data  in  regard  to  the  Alamo.  He  has  a more  accurate  and  critical  knowledge 
of  the  old  history  of  Texas  than  any  person  in  the  state.  “The  baptisms  and 
other  rites  are  said,  in  the  ‘Book  of  Baptisms,’  <fcc.,”  observes  Mr.  Giraud,  “to 
have  been  performed  in  the  parish  of  the  Pueblo  of  San  Jose  del  Alamo , a name 
which  I am  inclined  to  think  was  never  adopted  by  the  people  generally.”  See 
Appendix  No.  4. 


108 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


properly  called  San  Antonio  de  Bexar  (Vejar), while  the  town 
on  the  east  of  the  church  was  known  as  San  Fernando. 

In  May,  1744,  the  people,  tired  of  the  lawsuit  between  the 
ex-governors  Sandoval  and  Franquis,  laid  the  foundation  of  the 
church  of  their  old  mission,  where  it  now  stands  unfinished,  as 
the  church  of  the  Alamo.  It  had  been  seeking  a resting-place 
for  nearly  half  a century,  and  it  was  time  that  it  should  find 
one.  From  this  period  until  1788  it  was  still  known  and  con- 
ducted as  the  mission  of  San  Antonio  de  Valero.  In  the  mean- 
time, the  number  of  Indians  under  its  charge  increased,  and, 
as  they  became  civilized,  were  settled  around  the  mission,  thus 
forming  a town  on  the  east  side  of  the  river.  The  company  of 
San  Carlos  de  Parras  was  stationed  there  for  the  protection  of 
the  town  and  mission.  It  enjoyed  a separate  organization, 
and  had  its  own  alcalde , and  place  of  worship.  But,  about 
this  last-named  period,  the  place  ceased  to  be  a missionary  sta- 
tion. All  the  Indians  brought  in  for  conversion  had  for  some 
time  previously  been  taken  to  the  missions  below  the  town — 
perhaps  the  better  to  secure  them  against  its  corrupting  influ- 
ences ; so  that,  having  no  further  missionary  work  to  perform, 
San  xVntonio  de  Valero  became  an  ordinary  Spanish  town,  and 
the  old  missionary  church  of  the  Alamo  became  a common 
parish-church.  On  the  2d  of  January,  1793,  the  bishop  of 
Monterey  directed  the  church-records  of  the  mission  to  be 
passed  to  the  curate  of  San  Antonio  de  Bexar.  Accordingly, 
it  was  done  the  ensuing  August,  by  Father  Lopez,  the  last  of 
the  noble  followers  of  St.  Francis  that  had  labored  as  a mis- 
sionary in  the  Alamo.  And,  on  the  10th  of  April,  1794,  Don 
Pedro  de  Nava,  governor  of  Chihuahua,  whose  jurisdiction  also 
extended  over  Texas,  secularized  all  the  missions  within  the 
two  provinces ; by  which  all  the  temporalities  of  the  missions 
were  taker,  out  of  the  hands  of  the  friars,  and  delivered  to  the 


MISSIONS  OP  REFUGIO  AND  LA  BAHIA. 


109 


civil  officers  of  Spain.  The  people  of  the  missions,  however, 
were  not  left  destitute ; for,  by  the  same  decree,  the  mission- 
lands  were  divided  among  them,  and  titles  given  to  each  man. 

The  Adaes,  after  the  abandonment  of  that  post  by  the  Span- 
ish troops,  continued  to  languish  till  1790,  when  it  was  broken 
up  and  deserted,  and  the  inhabitants  removed  to  San  Antonio, 
where  places  were  assigned  them  on  the  east  bank  of  the  river, 
north  of  the  Alamo ; and  titles  were  also  extended  to  them  of 
the  irrigable  lands  between  the  Alamo  ditch  and  the  river. 
This  spot  is  still  known  as  the  Labor  de  los  Adaesenos. 

The  reforms  introduced  by  Galvez,  and  the  general  increase 
of  commerce  in  the  Mexican  gulf,  had  called  the  attention  of 
the  public  authorities  to  Aransas  bay.  Copano  had  been  for 
some  time  a place  of  landing,  principally  for  smuggling-vessels. 
To  watch  these  illicit  movements,  the  mission  of  our  Lady  of 
Rejuge  was  located  on  Mission  river,  some  ten  miles  above 
Copano,  in  the  direction  of  La  Bahia.  But  little  progress, 
however,  was  made,  either  in  the  conversion  of  the  Indians  or 
in  building  up  the  mission.  A corporal  with  a guard  was  sta- 
tioned there,  and,  instead  of  assisting  in  the  work,  took  posses- 
sion of  the  comfortable  quarters  erected  by  the  father  and  his 
Indian  flock ; and  instead  of  remaining  in  front  of  the  mission, 
to  guard  it,  took  shelter  under  its  pickets  ; and,  instead  of  aid- 
ing in  the  instruction  of  the  Indians,  were  imparting  to  them 
what  they  ought  not  to  know.* 

The  mission  at  La  Bahia  had  met  with  some  success.  It 
served  at  least  as  a settlement,  and  a place  of  defence.  The 
fathers  were  kind  to  the  Indians,  which  treatment  met  with  no 
bad  return.  This  was  evinced  in  after-years,  when  the  latter, 
flying  from  the  Anglo-Americans,  took  refuge  at  La  Bahia. 

* Bexar  Archives,  MS.  Letter  of  Brother  Antonio  de  Jesus  Garavita  to  Don 
Manuel  Minoz,  governor  of  Texas,  March  14,  1799. 


110 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


Suck  was  the  situation  of  Texas  toward  the  close  of  the  last 
century,  and  but  little  in  advance  of  what  it  had  been  seventy- 
five  years  earlier. 

But  the  American  Revolution  had  changed  the  face  of  things. 
A spirit  was  invoked  that  could  not  be  allayed : it  was  one  of 
liberty  of  thought  and  action  — of  inquiry  and  progress.  It 
soon  found  its  way  to  Texas.  It  came  first  in  search  of  wild 
horses,  of  cattle,  and  of  money ; it  came  to  see  and  admire ; 
it  came  to  meet  dangers  and  contend  with  them ; it  came  to 
say  that  no  people  had  a right  to  shut  their  doors  and  deny 
the  rights  of  hospitality ; it  came  to  diffuse  itself  wherever  it 
went.  It  was  in  vain  that  it  was  resisted  by  old  organizations 
and  systems — it  must  be  heard.  It  was  in  vain  that  the  con- 
ventional code  of  nations  was  pleaded — they  required  a new 
code.  The  shock  was  rude,  but  useful,  and  the  result  good  for 
the  world. 

Just  at  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century,  Texas  and  Mex- 
ico suffered  a serious  loss  in  the  death  of  Don  Jose  Galvez, 
their  excellent  viceroy.  Such  was  his  popularity  in  New  Spain, 
and  such  the  tyranny  of  the  parent-government,  that  in  1T9T 
the  people  rose  up  to  the  number  of  one  hundred  and  thirty 
thousand,  and  proclaimed  him  king  of  Mexico.  Galvez  pre- 
ferred his  loyalty  and  honor  to  his  ambition,  and,  mounting  his 
horse,  rode  out  among  the  mob,  attended  by  his  guard,  and  dis- 
persed them,  crying,  “ Long  live  his  catholic  majesty  Charles 
IY. !”  A like  pronouncement  occurred  in  a distant  part  of  the 
country.  He  sent  against  the  disaffected  ten  thousand  troops, 
and  dispersed  them,  having  four  of  the  ringleaders  beheaded. 
For  all  this,  Galvez  received  the  applause  of  the  Spanish  court 
— and  shortly  after  was  poisoned ! He  was  too  much  beloved 
in  New  Spain  to  be  relied  on  as  a servant  of  such  a tyrant.* 


* Pike,  Appendix  to  Part  III.,  p.  49. 


NOLAN’S  EXPEDITION  TO  TEXAS  IN  1800. 


Ill 


CHAPTER  X. 

Philip  Nolan  had  been  engaged  in  trade  between  San  An- 
tonio and  Natchez  since  the  year  1785.  This  trade  was  not 
legitimate,  but  was  perhaps  winked  at  by  the  Spanish  authori- 
ties. In  October,  1800,  he  started  on  another  expedition  into 
Texas,  having  with  him  a company  consisting  of  twenty  men. 
Among  them  was  Ellis  P.  Bean,  then  a young  man  seventeen 
years  of  age.'*  Nolan  had,  in  a previous  journey,  procured 
from  Don  Pedro  de  Nava,  commandant-general  of  the  north- 
eastern internal  provinces  of  Mexico,  a passport ; yet,  as  the 
present  expedition  was  well  known  at  Natchez  before  he  set 
out,  Vidal,  the  Spanish  consul  at  that  place,  entered  his  com- 
plaint before  Governor  Sargent  and  Judge  Bruin,  asking  that 
the  company  be  arrested  and  detained.*  Nolan  was  brought 
before  these  authorities,  and,  having  exhibited  his  passport,  he 
was  permitted  to  proceed. f The  company  crossed  the  Missis- 
sippi at  Walnut  Hills  ( Nogales ),  and  took  a westerly  course 
for  the  Washita.  In  the  meantime,  Vidal  the  consul  sent  an 
express  to  the  Spanish  commandant  at  Washita  to  stop  them. 
They  had  travelled  some  forty  miles  from  the  Mississippi,  when 
they  met  the  Spanish  patrol  of  fifty  men.  These,  seeing  No- 

* Sec  Bean’s  Memoirs,  Appendix  No.  2. 

| Winthrop  Sargent  was  appointed  governor  of  the  Mississippi  territory  in 
1798,  and  Peter  B.  Bruin  one  of  the  judges  of  the  superior  court.  — Valley  of  the 
Mississippi,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  342-3-14 


112 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


Ian’s  determined  movements,  gave  way  and  let  the  company 
pass.  Nolan,  avoiding  Fort  Washita,  continued  his  journey 
west,  without  any  road,  and  without  seeing  any  person.  Oc- 
casionally they  halted  to  kill  provisions  and  refresh  themselves. 
Before  they  reached  Red  river,  three  of  the  company  (Morde- 
cai  Richards,  John  Adams,  and  John  King)  strayed  off  and  got 
lost,  but  subsequently  returned  to  Natchez.  After  hunting  for 
them  some  days,  the  company  resumed  their  journey.  They 
passed  around  the  head  of  Lake  Bistineau  and  crossed  Red 
river,  four  miles  from  which  they  came  to  a Caddo  village, 
where  they  met  with  a kind  reception,  and  obtained  some  fine, 
fresh  horses.  In  six  days  more  they  crossed  the  Trinity,  and 
immediately  entered  upon  an  immense  rolling  prairie,  through 
which  they  advanced  till  they  came  to  a spring,  which  they 
named  the  Painted  spring.  This  they  did  because  at  its  head 
there  stood  a rock,  painted  by  the  Camanches  and  Pawnees,  in 
commemoration  of  a treaty  of  peace  once  celebrated  at  the 
spring  by  those  tribes.  In  the  vast  prairie  around  them  they 
could  find  no  other  fuel  than  dried  buffalo-dung.  These  ani- 
mals, though  once  numerous  there,  had  left,  and  for  nine  days 
the  company  were  compelled  to  subsist  on  the  flesh  of  mustang 
horses.  By  this  time  they  reached  the  Brasos,  where  they 
found  plenty  of  deer  and  elk,  some  buffalo,  and  “ wild  horses 
by  thousands.”  Here  they  built  an  enclosure,  and  caught  and 
penned  about  three  hundred  head  of  mustangs.  At  this  place 
they  were  visited  by  two  hundred  Camanche  Indians,  and,  upon 
invitation,  the  company  went  with  them  to  visit  their  chief, 
Necoroco,  on  the  south  fork  of  Red  river,  where  they  remained 
a month.  During  they  stay  they  were  visited  by  other  tribes, 
and  made  many  friends.  They  returned  at  length  to  their  old 
camp,  accompanied  by  an  escort  of  the  natives,  who  managed 
to  steal  eleven  head  of  the  domesticated  or  gentle  horses  of  the 


HORSES  STOLEN  AND  RECOVERED. 


113 


company,  and,  in  fact,  all  they  had  that  could  be  employed  in 
capturing  mustangs.* 

The  company  at  this  time  consisted  of  Captain  Nolan, f five 
Spaniards,  eleven  Americans,  and  one  negro.  As  they  could 
do  nothing  without  their  horses,  Captain  Nolan,  E.  P.  Bean, 
Robert  Ashley,  Joseph  Reed,  David  Farro,  and  Caesar  the  ne- 
gro, volunteered  to  go  after  them.  They  went  on  foot,  and, 
after  a march  of  nine  days,  found  four  of  the  horses,  under  the 
care  of  as  many  Indian  men  and  some  women ; the  other  horses, 
the  Indians  said,  had  been  taken  on  a buffalo-hunt  by  the  bal- 
ance of  their  own  party,  eight  in  number,  and  that  they  would 
return  that  evening.  They  further  stated  that  the  one  who 
had  stolen  the  horses  was  a one-eyed  Indian,  whom  they  would 
know  by  that  mark.  In  the  evening  the  Indians  came  in,  bring- 
ing the  horses,  and  an  abundance  of  meat.  The  whites  tied  the 
one-eyed  thief,  and  guarded  him  till  the  morning ; they  then 
took  from  him  provisions  for  their  journey,  and  returned  to 
their  camp  in  four  days. 

While  they  were  here,  resting  themselves  preparatory  to  en- 

* Bean’s  Memoirs,  p.  13,  MS.  Colonel  Bean  informs'  us  here  of  a custom  of 
the  Camanches.  Once  a year,  in  the  new  moon  in  June,  they  assemble  at  the 
residence  of  their  great  chief,  on  the  Salt  fork  of  the  Colorado,  where  he  causes 
all  their  fires  to  be  extinguished,  and  furnishes  each  sub-tribe  with  new  fire  for 
the  next  year.  Each  one  then  supplies  himself  with  rock-salt,  and  the  hunting- 
parties  go  out  in  a different  direction  to  hunt  on  new  ground  for  the  following 
season. 

f The  following  letter  by  General  Wilkinson,  written  in  cipher  to  Governor 
Gayoso  de  Lemos,  may  throw  some  light  upon  a suspicion  that  Nolan’s  expedi- 
tion was  connected  with  the  subsequent  mysterious  conduct  of  the  writer:  — 

“Natchez,  February  6,  1797. 

“This  will  be  delivered  to  you  by  Nolan,  who,  you  know,  is  a child  of  my 
own  raising,  true  to  his  profession,  and  firm  in  his  attachments  to  Spain.  I con- 
sider him  a powerful  instrument  in  our  hands  should  occasion  offer.  I will 
answer  for  his  conduct.  I am  deeply  interested  in  whatever  concerns  him,  and 
I confidently  recommend  him  to  your  warmest  protection. 

“ I am  evidently  your  affectionate 

“ Wilkinson.” 

“ Es  copia.  M.  Gayoso  de  Lemos.”  — Annals  of  Congress. 

Vol.  I.  — 8 


114 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


gaging  in  the  chase  of  mustangs,  a troop  of  one  hundred  and 
fifty  Spaniards,  sent  out  by  Don  Nimesio  Salcedo,  commandant 
general  of  the  northeastern  internal  provinces,  attacked  their 
camp.  About  one  o’clock  at  night,  on  the  22d  of  March,  1801, 
they  came  upon  the  outpost,  consisting  of  one  American*  and 
five  Spaniards,  engaged  in  guarding  the  horses,  and  took  them 
prisoners.  The  enemy  immediately  surrounded  Nolan’s  camp, 
but  remained  quiet  till  day  broke.  The  tramping  of  the  horses 
aroused  the  Americans,  then  consisting  of  only  twelve  persons, 
who,  seeing  the  danger,  prepared  for  defence.  They  had  built 
a square  enclosure  of  logs,  to  keep  off  the  Indians,  in  which 
they  slept.  At  break  of  day  the  Spaniards  commenced  their 
fire,  which  was  returned  from  the  log-pen.  In  ten  minutes 
Captain  Nolan  was  killed  by  a ball  in  the  head.  Bean  then 
assumed  the  command,  and  continued  the  fight.  By  nine 
o’clock,  A.  M.,  two  more  of  the  Americans  were  wounded. 
The  Spaniards  had  brought  with  them  on  a mule  a swivel,  with 
which  they  fired  grape.  At  this  time,  Bean  proposed  to  his 
men  to  charge  on  this  piece  of  artillery,  but  the  majority  oppo- 
sing, it  was  not  done.  It  was  next  proposed  to  retreat,  which 
was  agreed  to.  Each  one  filled  his  powder-horn,  and  the  re- 
maining ammunition  was  placed  in  charge  of  the  negro  Caesar. 
They  left  the  enclosure,  and  soon  gained  a small  creek.  While 
here,  engaged  in  fighting,  Caesar  and  one  of  the  wounded  men 
stopped  and  surrendered.  The  Americans  continued  the  re- 
treat half  a mile  without  further  loss,  though  under  a constant 
fire  from  the  enemy  on  both  sides.  Here  Bean  and  his  party 
took  refuge  in  a ravine,  and  for  a short  time  the  fight  ceased. 
At  length  the  enemy  began  to  close  in  upon  the  ravine,  but 
were  soon  driven  back.  About  two  o’clock  in  the  afternoon, 

* As  the  Mexicans  use  the  term  Americanos  to  designate  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  its  English  synonym  will  be  so  employed  in  this  work. 


REMNANT  OP  NOLAN’S  PARTY  MADE  PRISONERS.  115 

the  Spaniards  hoisted  a white  flag.  An  American,  with  the 
Spaniards,  was  appointed  to  hold  a parley  with  Bean.  They 
said  all  they  desired  was,  that  the  Americans  would  return  to 
their  own  country,  and  cease  to  come  among  the  Indians  in 
Texas. 

The  Americans  agreed  to  do  this ; and  a treaty  was  made, 
in  which  it  was  stipulated  that  both  parties  should  return  to 
Nacogdoches  in  company — the  Americans  not  to  surrender, 
however,  as  prisoners,  but  to  retain  their  arms.  They  soon 
reached  the  Trinity,  which  was  overflowing  its  banks.  Bean, 
who  was  naturally  expert  in  contrivances,  soon  had  constructed 
of  a dry  cottonwood-tree  a small  canoe,  and  managed  to  carry 
over  all  the  Spanish  troops,  leaving  behind  their  arms  and  com- 
mander. 

The  American  leader  now  proposed  to  his  men  to  throw  the 
arms  into  the  river,  start  the  commander  over,  and  again  march 
for  the  prairies ; but,  relying  on  the  promise  of  a speedy  return 
to  the  United  States,  they  declined  doing  it.  In  a few  days 
they  all  reached  Nacogdoches,  where  they  remained  a month, 
waiting  for  an  order  from  Salcedo,  at  Chihuahua,  to  return 
home. 

But,  instead  of  their  expected  liberty,  the  Americans  were 
severally  put  in  irons  and  marched  off  to  San  Antonio.  Here 
they  were  kept  in  prison  three  months ; they  were  then  sent  to 
San  Luis  Potosi,  where  they  remained  incarcerated  for  sixteen 
months.  The  prisoners,  being  without  clothes,  thought  of 
means  to  procure  them.  Bean  and  Charles  King  gave  them- 
selves out  as  shoemakers,  and  were  permitted  to  work  at  their 
prison-doors,  by  which  means  they  earned  some  money.  Then 
they  were  started  off  to  Chihuahua.  Arriving  at  Saltillo,  they 
were  handed  over  to  another  officer,  who  treated  them  with 
more  humanity ; he  took  off  their  irons,  and  permitted  them, 


116 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


at  places  where  they  would  stop,  to  walk  about  and  look  at 
the  buildings.* 

As  we  shall  again  hear  of  these  prisoners,  and  especially  of 
Bean,  we  will  not  at  present  follow  them  in  their  sufferings, 
but  return  to  other  events  of  more  importance. 

Notwithstanding  the  Spaniards  at  Natchez  were  required, 
by  the  treaty  of  October,  1795,  to  surrender  that  place  to  the 
United  States  within  six  months  after  the  exchange  of  ratifica- 
tions,! yet  under  various  pretences  they  refused  to  do  it.  The 
true  reason  was,  that,  from  the  depredations  committed  on 
American  commerce  by  France,  they  expected  a war  between 
these  two  powers ; and  as  Spain  was  in  alliance  with  France, 
she  wished  to  hold  these  posts  above  the  thirty-first  parallel  of 
latitude  as  a protection  to  her  possessions  at  New  Orleans.  Ul- 
timately, however,  partly  by  force  and  partly  by  agreement, 
the  Spanish  garrison  was  withdrawn,  and  the  territorial  govern- 
ment of  Mississippi  organized. 

The  French  government  had  long  desired  to  recover  the  pos- 
session of  the  colony  of  Louisiana,  and  had  so  informed  the  king 
of  Spain.  In  October,  1800,  the  two  governments  entered  into 
a secret  treaty , by  which  the  French  republic  engaged  on  its 
part  to  procure  for  the  infant  duke  of  Parma,  a grandson  of 
Ferdinand  VII.  of  Spain,  an  augmentation  of  territory  sufficient 
to  raise  the  population  of  his  estates  to  one  million  of  inhabit- 
ants, with  the  title  of  king ; this  augmentation  to  consist  of 
Tuscany,  or  the  three  Roman  ecclesiastical  provinces,  or  any 
other  Italian  provinces  that  would  form  a rounded  estate. 
And  the  Spanish  monarch  engaged  on  his  part  to  recede  to  the 

* Bean’s  Memoirs,  p.  23,  et  scq.,  MS.  This,  the  first  conflict  between  the  peo- 
ple of  the  United  States  and  Mexico,  in  which  twelve  men  contended  with  some 
success  for  nine  hours  against  one  hundred  and  fifty  cavalry,  was  calculated  to 
make  an  iwpression  on  the  people  of  Mexico  not  to  be  forgotten. 

f Elliot’s  Diplomatic  Code,  voL  i,  art  ii.,  p.  392. 


REPURCHASE  OF  LOUISIANA  BY  FRANCE. 


117 


French  republic,  six  months  after  the  latter  had  complied  with 
her  engagement,  the  province  of  Louisiana,  with  the  same  ex- 
tent that  it  then  had  in  the  hands  of  Spain,  and  had  while  in 
the  previous  possession  of  France,  and  such  as  it  then  ought  to 
be  in  conformity  with  the  treaties  subsequently  concluded  be- 
tween Spain  and  other  states.* 

This  treaty  was  unknown  for  some  time  in  the  United  States ; 
and,  in  fact,  when  the  minister  of  the  latter  power  applied  to 
Spain  to  purchase  the  island  of  New  Orleans,  he  was  informed 
that  Spain  had  already  transferred  it  to  France,  and  that  the 
United  States  must  negotiate  with  that  republic  for  such  terri- 
tory in  that  quarter  as  they  wished  to  acquire. f 

The  peace  of  Amiens,  contracted  on  the  25th  of  March,  1802, 
between  Great  Britain,  France,  Spain,  and  Holland,  was  seized 
upon  by  the  Spanish  governor  of  Louisiana,  as  a pretext  for 
violating  the  treaty  between  Spain  and  the  United  States,  in 
closing  the  port  of  New  Orleans,  without  appointing  any  other 
suitable  place  on  the  Mississippi  as  a deposite  for  American  com- 
merce.:!: The  news  of  this  interdict  produced  considerable  ex- 
citement among  the  people  on  the  upper  tributaries  of  this 
great  river.  The  subject  was  immediately  laid  before  Congress 
by  President  Jefferson.  It  was  believed,  however,  that  this 
interdict  of  the  Spanish  authorities  at  New  Orleans  was  with- 
out the  knowledge  or  approval  of  the  king  of  Spain  ; and  so  it 
afterward  appeared,  as  the  king  disavowed  the  act,  and  caused 
the  port  of  New  Orleans  to  be  reopened. 

* Elliot’s  Diplomatic  Code,  vol.  ii.,  p.  197. 

f American  State  Papers,  vol.  xi.,  p.  62. 

% See  the  proclamation  of  Governor  Morales,  dated  October  16,  1802.  — Amer- 
ican State  Papers , vol.  iv.,  p.  483 : Boston,  Thomas  B.  Waite,  third  ed.,  1819. 
Dr.  Monette  ( Valley  of  the  Mississippi,  vol.  i.,  p.  648)  seems  to  have  been  misled 
in  placing  this  occurrence  in  the  time  of  the  elder  Adams’s  administration.  The 
troops  sent  to  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio  were  to  operate  against  Spain  as  the  ally 
of  France,  in  case  of  a war  with  the  latter  power. 


118 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


The  object  of  France  in  repurchasing  Louisiana  is  not  cer- 
tainly known,  though  it  is  believed  to  have  been  done  with  a 
view  to  sell  it  to  the  United  States,  and  thus  raise  a fund  to 
carry  on  her  wars.  At  that  time,  Spain  was  completely  under 
the  control  of  France,  and  was  compelled  to  oblige  her  in  the 
cession  of  this  noble  province.  Yet  it  is  believed,  as  a part 
of  the  history  of  that  transaction,  that  there  was  a secret  un- 
derstanding between  the  two  powers  that  France  should  not 
transfer  Louisiana  to  the  United  States.  However  this  may 
be,  the  want  of  money  on  the  part  of  France,  and  the  fact  that 
on  the  14th  of  March,  1803,  hostilities  had  again  commenced 
between  her  and  Great  Britain,  hastened  a sale.  The  United 
States,  having  learned  through  Spain  that  France  had  the  dis- 
posal of  the  province,  sent  instructions  to  Messrs.  Monroe  and 
Livingston,  the  American  embassadors  at  Madrid  and  Paris, 
to  purchase,  not  the  whole  of  Louisiana,  but  only  the  island  of 
Orleans  and  Florida.  The  great  men  of  the  United  States  did 
not,  at  that  day,  see  any  necessity  for  acquiring  that  vast  ter- 
ritory on  which  has  since  grown  up  so  many  noble  states,  and 
given  homes  to  so  many  millions  of  inhabitants.  But  fortune 
did  more  for  the  young  republic  than  her  own  statesmen : Bo- 
naparte would  sell  it  all  together.*  Just  as  the  American 
minister  arrived  in  Paris,  there  appeared  in  a London  paper  a 
proposition  that  the  British  government  should  raise  fifty  thou- 

* “M.  Talleyrand  asked  me  this  day,  when  pressing  the  subject,  whether  we 
wished  to  have  the  whole  of  Louisiana.  I told  him,  no ; that  our  wishes  ex- 
tended only  to  New  Orleans  and  the  Floridas ; that  the  policy  of  France,  how- 
ever, should  dictate. 

“Paris,  April  11,  1803.” 

“ Paris,  May  13,  1803. 

“We  found,  as  we  advanced  in  the  negotiation,  that  M.  Marbois  was  abso- 
lutely restricted  to  the  disposition  of  the  whole ; that  he  would  treat  for  no  less 
portion,  and  that,  of  course,  it  was  useless  to  urge  it.  On  mature  consideration, 
therefore,  we  finally  concluded  a treaty  on  the  best  terms  we  could  obtain  for 
the  whole.” — Messrs.  Livingston  and  Monroe  to  the  Secretary  of  State  (Elliots 
Diplomatic  Code , vol.  ii,  p.  533,  et.  seq.) 


TRANSFER  OF  LOUISIANA  TO  THE  UNITED  STATES.  119 

sand  men  and  take  New  Orleans ; also,  in  reference  to  the 
troubles  in  the  United  States  concerning  the  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi,  and  the  probabilty  that  they  would  endeavor  to 
purchase  the  country,  it  was  intimated  that  some  two  millions 
of  dollars  had  been  distributed  among  the  high  officers  of 
France  as  bribes.  Bonaparte,  then  first  consul,  saw  these  arti- 
cles, and  determined,  on  the  one  hand,  that  the  province  should 
not  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  English ; and,  on  the  other,  that 
Marbois,  whose  integrity  was  unquestionable,  and  not  Talley- 
rand, should  conduct  the  negotiation.  The  treaty  was  soon 
made  and  ratified.*  Spain  had,  ever  since  the  secret  transfer 
of  the  province  to  France,  kept  the  possession ; and,  when  in- 
formed of  the  sale  to  the  United  States,  was  indignant.  She 
could  not  deny  that  France  had  paid  the  consideration  agreed 
upon.  The  duke  of  Parma  had,  by  treaty,  been  placed  in  pos- 
session of  Tuscany,  and  declared  king  of  Etruria.  Yet  the 
secret  understanding  was  violated ; and,  what  was  of  the  most 
consequence,  the  barrier  between  the  United  States  and  her 
American  possessions  was  removed,  and  a claim  would  be  pre- 
sented by  the  former  to  all  the  country  east  of  the  Rio  Grande. 
Spain  therefore  protested;  but,  overawed  by  Bonaparte,  she 
withdrew  her  protest,  and  gracefully  declared  that  she  did  so 
out  of  good  feeling  toward  the  United  States. f 

The  ceremony  of  the  delivery  and  transfer  of  the  territory 
of  Louisiana  from  Spain  to  France,  and  from  the  latter  to  the 


* Elliot’s  Diplomatic  Code,  vol.  i.,  p.  109.  April  30,  1803. 
f American  State  Papers,  vol.  v.  Letter  from  Don  Pedro  Cevallos  to  Mr. 
Pinkney,  February  10, 1804.  Annals  of  Congress  (eighth  Congress,  first  session), 
p.  1,268.  Pinkney’s  letter  to  the  secretary  of  state,  dated  Madrid,  August  2, 
1803:  “He  [Cevallos]  said  that,  in  the  cession  of  Louisiana  by  Spain  to  France, 
there  was  a secret  article  that  France  should  never  part  with  Louisiana,  except 
to  Spain;  that  if  she  (France)  should  ever  wish  to  dispose  of  it,  Spain  should 
always  have  the  right  of  pre-emption  : from  which  he  argued  that  France  had 
not  the  right  to  make  such  cession  without  the  consent  of  Spain.” 


120 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


dinted  States,  took  place  in  December,  1803,  in  the  city  of 
New  Orleans.* 

In  the  debates  in  the  United  States  Congress,  on  the  question 
of  the  appropriations  to  pay  the  purchase-money  for  Louisiana, 
we  can  perceive  the  germ  of  a sectional  controversy  between 
the  north  and  the  south,  which  has  since  assumed  an  impor- 
tance hardly  consistent  with  that  patriotic  feeling  which  should 
exist  between  the  distant  portions  of  a great  confederacy. 
Some  of  the  arguments  and  predictions  of  the  members  in  that 
discussion  are  interesting : — 

Samuel  White  (senator  from  Delaware)  : “ As  to  Louisiana, 
this  new,  immense,  unbounded  world,  if  it  should  ever  be  in- 
corporated into  this  Union — which  I have  no  idea  can  be  done 
but  by  altering  the  constitution — I believe  it  will  be  the  great- 
est curse  that  could  at  present  befall  us ; it  may  be  productive 
of  innumerable  evils,  and  especially  of  one  that  I fear  even  to 
look  upon.  Gentlemen,  on  all  sides,  with  very  few  exceptions, 
agree  that  the  settlement  of  this  country  will  be  highly  injuri- 
ous and  dangerous  to  the  United  States Louisiana  must 

and  will  become  settled  if  we  hold  it,  and  with  the  very  popu- 
lation that  would  otherwise  occupy  part  of  our  present  terri- 
tory  And  I do  say  that,  under  existing  circumstances, 

even  supposing  that  this  extent  of  territory  was  a desirable 
acquisition,  fifteen  millions  of  dollars  was  a most  enormous 
sum  to  give.”f 

James  Jackson  (senator  from  Georgia)  : “ The  frontier  peo- 
ple are  not  the  people  they  are  represented ; they  will  listen  to 
reason,  and  respect  the  laws  of  their  country ; it  can  not  be 
their  wish,  it  is  not  their  interest,  to  go  to  Louisiana,  or  see  it 
settled,  for  years  to  come.  The  settlement  of  it  at  present 

* American  State  Papers,  voL  v.,  p.  19,  et  seq. 
f Annals  of  Congress  (eighth  Congress,  first  session),  p.  33. 


OPINIONS  ON  TERRITORIAL  EXTENSION  IN  1803.  121 

would  part  father  and  son,  brother  and  brother,  and  friend  and 
friend,  and  lessen  the  value  of  their  lands  beyond  all  calcula- 
tion. If  Spain  acts  an  amicable  part,  I have  no  doubt  myself 
but  the  southern  tribes  of  Indians  can  be  persuaded  to  go  there. 
It  will  be  advantageous  for  themselves : they  are  now  [1803] 
hemmed  in  on  every  side ; their  chance  of  game  decreasing 
daily ; ploughs  and  looms,  whatever  may  be  said,  have  no 
charms  for  them ; they  want  a wider  field  for  the  chase,  and 
Louisiana  presents  it.  Spain  may,  in  such  case,  discard  her 
fears  for  her  Mexican  dominions,  for  half  a century  at  least . 
In  a century , sir,  we  shall  be  well  populated,  and  pre- 
pared to  extend  our  settlements;  and  that  ‘world  of  itself’ 
[Louisiana]  will  present  itself  to  our  approaches.”* 

Uriah  Tracy  (senator  from  Connecticut):  “We  can  hold 
territory ; but  to  admit  the  inhabitants  into  the  Union,  to  make 
citizens  of  them,  and  states,  by  treaty,  we  can  not  constitution- 
ally do : and  no  subsequent  act  of  legislation,  or  even  ordinary 
amendment  to  our  constitution,  can  legalize  such  measures.  If 
done  at  all,  they  must  be  done  by  universal  consent  of  all  the 
states,  or  partners  to  our  political  association.  And  this  uni- 
versal consent,  I am  positive,  can  never  be  obtained  to  such  a 
pernicious  measure  as  the  admission  of  Louisiana — of  a world, 
and  such  a world ! — into  our  Union.  This  would  he  absorb- 
ing the  northern  states , and  rendering  them  as  insignificant  in 
the  Union  as  they  ought  to  be , if  by  their  own  consent , the 
measure  should  be  adopted”] 

John  Randolph  (representative  from  Virginia)  : “ Is  not 
the  country  west  of  the  Mississippi  valuable,  since  it  affords 
the  means  of  acquiring  Florida  from  Spain  ? He  had  no  doubt 
of  the  readiness  of  Spain  to  relinquish  Florida  ....  for  a very 

* Annals  of  Congress  (eighth  Congress,  first  session),  p.  41. 

f lb.,  p.  58. 


122 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


small  portion  of  the  territory  which  we  claimed  in  virtue  of  the 

treaty  under  discussion This  boundary  would  embrace 

within  the  limits  of  Louisiana  some  very  valuable  dominions  of 
Spain,  including  the  rich  mines  of  St.  Barbe,  and  the  Gity  of 
Santa  Fe,  the  capital  of  New  Mexico.  On  the  other  hand,  in 
virtue  of  her  settlement  of  the  Adaes,  Spain  might  claim  the 
country  as  far  east  as  the  river  Mexicana  [Sabine],  and  to  the 
highlands  dividing  the  waters  of  the  Del  Norte  river  from  those 
of  the  Mississippi.  ...  In  settling  this  important  barrier,  there 
were  ample  materials  for  the  acquisition  of  Florida,  still  retain- 
ing to  ourselves  all  the  country  watered  by  the  Mississippi.’’* 

These  indications  of  public  sentiment  at  that  day  show  that 
the  northern  states  could  not  see  with  patience  the  power  and 
population  of  the  Union  extending  westward ; that  even  the 
friends  of  the  west  had  no  adequate  conception  of  the  future 
growth  of  that  country ; and  that  the  strongest  friends  of  the 
measure  only  wanted  the  region  west  of  the  Mississippi  as  a 
trading-capital  with  which  to  purchase  Florida  of  Spain.  Mr. 
Jackson  thought  “ a century”  hence  would  be  soon  enough  to 
think  of  settling  Louisiana.  Half  that  century  has  gone  by, 
and  the  settlements  are  on  the  Pacific ! In  all  growing  coun- 
tries, the  people  are  ahead  of  their  statesmen ; in  countries 
declining,  it  is  believed  to  be  the  reverse. 

No  sooner,  however,  had  the  United  States  begun  to  realize 
the  great  fact  that  they  were  owners  of  Louisiana — and,  as  a 
part  of  it,  Texas — than  they  began  to  inquire  into  the  geog- 
raphy and  capabilities  of  their  new  purchase.  Accordingly, 
early  in  1804,  the  committee  on  commerce  and  manufactures, 
in  Congress,  were  instructed  to  inquire  into  the  expediency  of 
an  exploration  of  the  country.  A year  previous,  Clark  and 
Lewis  had  been  despatched  up  the  Missouri ; but  the  Arkansas, 

* Annals  of  Congress  (eighth  Congress,  first  session),  p.  486. 


BOUNDARY  DISPUTES  WITH  SPAIN. 


123 


Red  river  above  Natcliitoclies — in  fact,  the  great  southwest — 
were  unknown  to  the  statesmen  of  the  United  States.  The 
above-named  committee,  in  their  report,  speak  of  Adaes  as  the 
u capital  of  the  province  of  Texas,  and  situated  on  the  river 
Mexicana”*  — when  there  was  not  at  that  time,  perhaps,  a 
single  person  in  the  place,  and  had  not  been  for  fourteen  years ! 

The  republic,  however,  had  no  sooner  got  fairly  seated  in 
her  southwestern  capital,  than  questions  arose  between  her  and 
Spain  touching  the  boundaries  of  Louisiana,  both  on  the  east 
side  and  on  the  west.  President'  Jefferson,  by  his  proclama- 
tion, had  declared  the  bay  and  river  of  Mobile  a district  for 
the  collection  of  duties.  Spain  protested  against  this,f  and  a 
collision  seemed  at  hand ; but,  to  avoid  it,  a special  embassy, 
consisting  of  Messrs.  Monroe  and  Pinkney,  was  despatched  to 
Madrid  to  treat  with  the  Spanish  government,  not  only  on  the 
subject  of  the  eastern  and  western  boundaries,  but  likewise  on 
other  differences  between  the  two  countries.  The  instructions 
to  the  American  ministers  proposed  that  Spain  should  relin- 
quish the  Floridas,  in  consideration  of  which  all  that  portion 
of  Texas  lying  between  the  Sabine  and  Colorado  rivers  should 
remain  neutral  ground,  not  to  be  settled  or  granted  by  either 

power  for years  ; and  the  United  States  to  pay  to  Spain 

a sum  not  exceeding  two  millions  of  dollars,  out  of  which  the 
amount  due  from  the  latter  to  American  citizens,  should  be  de- 
ducted. Such  were  the  instructions  of  the  15th  of  May,  1804. 
The  number  of  years  in  which  the  above-named  country  should 
be  a neutral  ground  was  not  to  exceed  twenty,  at  the  end  of 
which  time  the  two  powers  were  to  adjust  the  boundary  by 
another  treaty.  But,  on  the  8th  of  July  following,  the  Ameri- 

* Anuals  of  Congress  (eighth  Congress,  first  session),  p.  1124.  Report  of  March 
8,  1804. 

f Proclamation  of  May  20,  1804. — lb.,  p.  1234.  Also,  letter  of  the  marquis 
de  Casa  Yrujo. — lb.  (eighth  Congress,  second  session),  p.  688. 


124 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


can  ministers  were  instructed  to  propose  the  territory  between 
the  Colorado  and  the  Rio  Grande  as  the  neutral  ground .* 
The  discussion,  which  extended  over  five  months,  resulted  in 
nothing!  The  history  of  the  first  settlement  of  Texas  by 
France  and  Spain,  and  of  the  subsequent  occupancy  of  the 
country  by  both  nations,  was  as  fully  discussed  as  the  slender 
materials  before  them  would  permit.! 

Spain  was  at  that  period  still  under  the  influence  of  France. 
Manuel  Godoy,  a soldier  of  fortune,  was  omnipotent  at  the 
court  of  Madrid,  and  equally  obsequious  to  Bonaparte.  The 
latter,  having  an  eye  upon  Spain  and  her  possessions  in  Amer- 
ica, became  warmly  enlisted  in  her  behalf. 

In  the  meantime,  Spanish  troops  were  gathering  in  Texas, 
and  moving  toward  the  disputed  boundary  on  the  west  of  the 
Mississippi.  The  soldiers  and  inhabitants  having  been  with- 
drawn from  the  Adaes,  the  nearest  settlement  in  Texas  to 
Louisiana  was  Nacogdoches.  When  the  Spanish  authorities  in 
the  former  province  learned  of  the  transfer  of  the  latter  to  the 
United  States,  they  assumed  a jealous  and  exclusive  conduct, 
forbidding  intercourse,  and  endeavoring,  in  anticipation  of  the 
adjustment  of  a boundary-line,  to  extend  their  authority  as  near 
to  the  Mississippi  as  possible. 

In  1805,  Colonel  Freeman,  a gentleman  of  science,  who  had 
been  despatched  by  the  president  to  explore  Red  river,  was 
arrested  by  the  Spanish  troops,  and  sent  back.  About  the 
same  time,  three  other  Americans,  named  Shaw,  Irvine,  and 
Brewster,  were  taken  prisoners  within  twelve  miles  of  Natchi- 
toches, and  conducted  under  a guard  to  San  Antonio.  Again, 
several  slaves,  decoyed  away  by  Spaniards,  and  escaped  from 

* Annals  of  Congress  (eighth  Congress,  second  session),  pp.  1338,  1346. 

\ This  valuable  historical  correspondence  may  be  found  in  the  twelfth  volume 
of  “American  State  Papers,”  and  in  the  Appendix  to  the  “Annals  of  Congress” 
(eighth  Congress,  first  session). 


ANCIENT  SETTLEMENTS  ON  RED  RIVER,  ETC.  125 

Louisiana,  had  sought  and  found  an  asylum  at  Nacogdoches." 
Again,  at  a village  of  the  Caddoes,  a short  distance  above 
Nachitoches,  the  American  flag  was  displayed.  The  Spanish 
troops  directed  the  Americans  to  take  it  down,  which  the  lat- 
ter refused,  whereupon  the  troops  tore  it  down  themselves. 
And,  yet  again,  Lieutenant  Zebulon  M.  Pike,  of  the  United 
States  army,  having  been  ordered  to  explore  the  sources  of  the 
Mississippi,  became  lost,  and  was  arrested,  taken  to  Chihuahua, 
and  deprived  of  his  papers.  These  were  some  of  the  results 
of  Spanish  non-intercourse — of  the  royal  exterminating  order 
of  Philip  II.  In  addition  to  these  specific  cases  of  interrup- 
tion, there  was  manifested  a general  disposition  to  do  mischief, 
and  encroach  upon  the  United  States,  along  the  whole  frontier, 
from  the  seacoast  to  the  extreme  settlements  and  trading-posts 
up  Red  river. 

These  ancient  settlements  on  the  Red  river,  and  along  the 
frontier,  require  some  consideration.  The  first  settlement  above 
Natchitoches  was  made  at  the  mouth  of  Boggy  river,  on  the 
east  bank  of  Red  river,  in  1750,  by  a trading-company,  under 
the  direction  of  M.  Francois  Hervey,  who  had  a permit  for  that 
purpose  from  the  governor  of  Louisiana.  This  point,  near  the 
lower  boundary  of  Lamar  county,  is  about  five  hundred  and 
forty  miles  above  Natchitoches,  by  the  course  of  the  river. 
The  company  not  prospering,  Hervey  removed,  some  two  years 
after,  forty  miles  lower  down,  to  the  ancient  Caddo  village,  on 
the  Texan  side  of  the  river.  Here  he  engaged  in  trade,  being 
joined  by  Sergeant  Beson,  who  went  there  with  some  ten  or  a 
dozen  soldiers  under  his  command.  They  built  a fort,  which 
they  named  Sc.  Louis  de  Carloretlo , erected  a flag-staff,  and 
mounted  two  small  pieces  of  artillery.  Several  French  fami- 
lies settled  there,  and  cultivated  corn,  tobacco,  and  garden- 

* American  State  Papers,  vol.  v.,  pp.  144,  145. 


126 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


vegetables.  This  was  in  Red  river  county.  A creek  in  that 
county  perpetuates  the  name  of  this  worthy  commandant.  He 
was  succeeded  in  the  command  by  the  elder  Grappe,  and  the 
latter  by  Sergeant  Closo.  This  detachment  and  settlement 
continued  there  until  about  the  year  1770,  when,  Louisiana  hav- 
ing passed  into  the  hands  of  Spain,  no  attention  was  paid  to 
the  settlers,  and  their  little  colony  ceased  to  thrive.  In  the 
meantime,  their  children  had  been  growing  up  without  educa- 
tion or  the  advantages  of  society.  To  remedy  this,  although 
the  country  was  fertile  and  pleasant,  and  capable  of  becoming 
rich  and  populous,  they  broke  up  the  place,  and  removed  to 
the  vicinity  of  Natchitoches. 

About  the  time  of  the  erection  of  Fort  St.  Louis,  a settlement 
was  made  at  Yattasse  Point,  on  Bayou  Pierre,  about  seventy 
miles  above  Natchitoches,  under  the  direction  of  M.  Verge,  who 
carried  on  an  extensive  trade  with  the  Carankawaes,  Keechies, 
Yattassees,  and  other  Texan  Indians.* 

At  about  the  period  these  settlements  were  formed  on  Red 
river,  Captain  Bourne,  the  commandant  at  Natchitoches,  estab- 
lished a trading-house  on  the  south  side  of  the  Sabine,  some 
fifteen  miles  distant  from  the  river,  and  about  one  hundred  and 
thirty  miles  northwest  of  Natchitoches.  This  place,  known  as 
the  Dout , seems  to  have  been  removed  to  the  east  bank  of  the 
Sabine,  near  its  head,  and  located  in  a prairie,  where  the  re- 
mains of  the  fort  could  be  seen  for  many  years  after. 

All  these  settlements  made  by  the  French,  being  followed 
by  the  “ family  compact”  of  the  house  of  Bourbon,  were  per- 
mitted to  take  their  course.  And  in  this  condition  they  were 
found  by  the  Americans  when  Louisiana  came  into  their  hands. 
The  United  States  desired  that  they  should  remain  in  statu  quo 
until  the  two  nations  could  agree  upon  a boundary.  But  the 

* American  State  Papers,  vol.  v.,  p.  125,  et  seq. 


WARLIKE  ATTITUDE  OF  SPAIN. 


127 


policy  of  Spain  was  different.  She  regretted  the  loss  of  Lou- 
isiana ; and  her  high  functionaries — for  instance,  the  baron  de 
Bastrop  and  the  marquis  de  Casa  Calvo  — reported,  wherever 
they  went,  that  the  disputed  territory  would  soon  be  in  posses- 
sion of  the  Spaniards.*  This,  among  the  uninformed,  produced 
considerable  effect. 

Spain  was  at  this  time  really  hostile  to  the  United  States. 
Her  ships-of-war  had  ravaged  their  commerce  to  an  alarming 
extent  in  both  the  Mediterranean  and  West  India  seas.f  She 
had  levied  a tax  of  twelve  per  cent  upon  the  commerce  of  Mo- 
bile river  and  was  engaged  in  a constant  pilfering  warfare 
along  the  boundary-line  at  Fort  Adams.  To  sustain  herself 
against  the  forces  she  expected  would  be  opposed  to  her,  to 
repel  these  assaults  upon  the  Union,  she  was  strengthening  her 
posts  by  reinforcements.  Four  hundred  Spanish  troops  were 
ordered  from  Havana  to  Pensacola,  three  hundred  more  to 
Baton  Rouge,  and  eight  hundred  to  Texas.  ||  The  United 
States,  not  wishing  to  commence  an  aggressive  war,  were  nev- 
ertheless determined  that  the  Spanish  forces  should  not  cross 
the  Sabine  river.  Accordingly,  orders  were  given  by  the  sec- 
retary of  war,  on  the  20th  of  November,  1805,  to  Major  Porter, 
commanding  the  American  troops  at  Natchitoches,  to  prevent 
such  aggression. § 

The  new  governor  of  Texas,  Don  Antonio  Cordero,  arrived 
at  Nacogdoches  in  the  first  days  of  October,  1805,  having  with 
him  two  companies  of  one  hundred  and  ten  men  each.  Five 
other  companies  had  reached  San  Antonio,  and  wore  to  ad- 
vance east.  Two  other  detachments,  of  about  fifty  men  each, 
were  stationed,  one  at  Matagorda  and  another  above  the  mouth 
of  the  Trinity,  near  the  present  town  of  Liberty,  where  they 

* American  State  Papers,  vol.  v.,  pp.  102,  148. 

f lb.,  pp.  52,  92.  $ lb.,  p.  96.  ||  lb.,  p.  95.  § lb.,  vol.  x.,  p.  493. 


128 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


fortified  themselves  with  pickets.*  One  of  the  companies  that 
came  with  Governor  Cordero  to  Nacogdoches  was  despatched 
to  reinforce  the  station  above  the  mouth  of  the  Trinity  .f  A 
small  detachment,  under  the  command  of  Ensign  Gonzalez,  was 
sent  forward  to  the  old  post  at  Adaes,  where  he  took  his  posi- 
tion. Another  detachment  was  sent  down  in  the  vicinity  of 
Opelousas,  to  patrol  that  country.  Fortifications  were  raised 
at  Nacogdoches,  and  the  place  provisioned  and  put  in  a state 
of  defence.  Three  companies  were  stationed  at  Spanish  Bluff 
(a  few  miles  below  Robbins’s  ferry),  on  the  east  bank  of  the 
Trinity 4 But  the  object  of  Spain  was,  not  only  to  obtain  mili- 
tary possession  of  the  country  in  dispute,  but  to  settle  it.  Sev- 
eral hundred  families  came  into  Texas  by  way  of  San  Antonio ; 
and  a large  number,  that  shipped  from  Spain  for  Matagorda, 
put  in  at  the  Canary  islands.  || 

In  addition  to  these  arrangements,  the  old  San  Antonio  road 
was  put  in  order ; and  guards  were  stationed  at  each  of  the 
crossings  of  the  Trinity,  Brasos,  and  Colorado.  Previous  to 
this  period,  the  travel  upon  the  above  road  was  small.  The 
Spaniards,  to  avoid  the  Indians,  went  by  La  Bahia ; thence  on 
the  La  Bahia  road  to  the  old  road  at  Robbins’s  ferry.  Be- 
sides, most  of  the  travel  was  for  contraband  purposes : hence, 
new  roads,  called  contraband  traces , were  best  known  and 
most  used. 

The  station  at  Spanish  Bluff  was  made  a general  storehouse 
for  the  army  of  operations.  A large  number  of  beeves  and 

* The  station  near  the  present  town  of  Liberty  was  called  Arkokisa , tbe 
Indian  name  of  the  river.  The  troops  and  supplies  for  this  station  came  by 
La  Bahia,  and  marked  out  the  route  known  as  the  Atasca  sito  road — so  termed 
from  its  boggy  location. 

f American  State  Papers,  vol.  v.,  p.  146. 

t This  place  was  known  by  the  name  of  Trinidad.  Spanish  Bluff  is  used  in 
the  text  because  it  is  the  only  name  by  which  the  site  is  now  known. 

| American  State  Papers,  vol.  v.,  pp.  148,  149. 


GOVERNORS  HERRERA  AND  CORDERO. 


129 


horses,  and  a considerable  magazine  of  flour  were  collected 
there.  Several  of  the  new  settlers  had  established  ranches  on 
the  east  bank  of  the  river,  and  had  the  benefit  of  a priest  to 
watch  over  their  spiritual  affairs. 

With  these  troops  and  immigrants,  came  over  to  Texas,  on 
a pastoral  visit,  Don  Primo  Feliciana  Marin,  bishop  of  New 
Leon,  to  whose  diocese  the  province  of  Texas  appertained. 
He  placed  the  affairs  of  the  church  in  order,  and  made  a cir- 
cumstantial report  of  its  spiritual  condition.* 

At  the  very  commencement  of  the  difficulties  between  Spain 
and  the  United  States,  the  viceroy  of  Mexico,  Itturgaray,  and 
Salcedo,  the  commandant-general  of  the  northeastern  internal 
provinces,  held  a consultation,  and  determined,  and  so  ordered 
that,  if  the  Americans  crossed  the  Arroyo  Honda,  their  forces 
should  attack  them.  With  this  view,  Simon  D.  Herrera,  gov- 
ernor of  New  Leon,  was  appointed  to  take  command  of  the 
troops  in  the  field ; and  Antonio  Cordero,  governor  of  Texas, 
the  second  in  command.  Herrera  was  a native  of  the  Canary 
islands,  and  had  served  in  the  infantry  in  France,  Spain,  and 
Flanders.  He  had  travelled  in  the  United  States  during  the 
presidency  of  General  Washington,  and  entertained  a high 
veneration  for  his  character.  He  possessed  a thorough  knowl- 
edge of  men,  was  engaging  in  his  manners  and  conversation, 
spoke  the  French  language  with  fluency,  and  likewise  a little 
English.  Altogether,  he  was  a polite  gentleman,  of  affable 
demeanor,  and  an  ardent  lover  of  liberty.  He  had  married 
an  English  lady  at  Cadiz,  by  whom  he  had  several  children. 

Governor  Cordero,  whose  residence  was  at  Bexar,  was  a 
gentleman  of  considerable  learning,  and  spoke  the  Latin  and 


* American  State  Papers,  vol.  xii.,  p.  38.  The  bishop  also  visited  Natchito- 
ches, and  was  treated  by  Captain  Turner,  then  in  command  there,  with  the 
respect  due  to  his  profession. — Pike' a Expedition  : Appendix , p.  4. 

Vol.  I.— 9 


130 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


French  languages  fluently.  He  was  an  old  soldier,  and  one 
of  the  officers  sent  out  from  Spain,  in  1772,  to  discipline  the 
Mexican  troops,  and  carry  out  those  reforms  recommended  by 
Don  Jose  Galvez.  He  was  popular  as  a governor,  and,  though 
he  had  never  married,  knew  as  well  how  to  please  as  the  gov- 
ernor of  New  Leon.* 

* Pike’s  Expedition,  pp.  268,  269. 


SPANISH  TROOPS  DRIVEN  BEYOND  THE  SABINE.  131 


CHAPTER  XI. 

On  the  receipt  of  the  order  of  the  secretary  of  war,  of  the 
20th  of  November,  1805,  Major  Porter  made  known  to  Gov- 
ernor Cordero,  at  Nacogdoches,  the  limit  beyond  w’hich  he 
could  not  pass,  and  required  of  him  an  assurance  that  the  Span- 
ish troops  would  not  cross  the  Sabine.  The  governor  answered 
the  letter  on  the  4th  of  February,  1806,  refusing  the  assurance 
demanded.  In  the  meantime,  however,  on  the  1st  of  February, 
Major  Porter  despatched  Captain  Turner,  with  sixty  men,  to 
the  Adaes,  to  compel  any  Spanish  force  he  might  find  there  to 
withdraw  beyond  the  Sabine ; but  directed  him  to  avoid  the 
spilling  of  blood,  if  it  could  be  prevented.  Captain  Turner 
reached  the  Adaes  before  noon  on  the  5th.  The  Spanish  patrol 
having  given  notice  of  Turner’s  approach,  he  found  their  men 
in  some  confusion.  They  saddled,  mounted,  and  formed.  A 
conference  was  held;  and,  after  a good  deal  of  altercation, 
Ensign  Gonzalez  consented  to  retire  beyond  the  Sabine,  and 
Captain  Turner  gave  him  three  hours  to  prepare  to  march. 
He  begged  for  time  to  hunt  his  horses,  but  was  informed  that 
he  could  send  back  two  or  three  of  his  men  for  them ; so  he 
set  out  on  his  march.  The  next  day  Captain  Turner  advanced 
toward  the  Sabine,  and,  three  miles  from  the  Adaes,  overtook 
the  Spanish  ensign,  who  excused  himself  from  proceeding  on 
account  of  his  lost  horses.  Captain  Turner,  not  wishing  to 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


532 

trust  him  further,  took  his  written  promise  to  retire  beyond 
the  Sabine.* 

The  Spanish  authorities,  on  receiving  intelligence  of  this  ex- 
pulsion, hastened  their  preparations  to  marGh  to  the  disputed 
point.  Governor  Herrera,  with  his  quota  of  thirteen  hundred 
men  from  New  Leon,  and  Governor  Cordero,  with  a smaller 
force,  advanced  to  the  Sabine,  and  crossed  that  river  about  the 
first  of  August,  1806.  Colonel  Cushing,  then  in  command  at 
Natchitoches,  addressed  Governor  Herrera  a letter,  warning 
him  that  if  he  did  not  retire  beyond  the  Sabine,  he  would  be 
considered  an  invader  of  the  territory  of  the  United  States. 
This  letter  reached  Herrera  at  the  plantation  of  Mr.  Prud- 
homme,  a few  miles  only  from  Natchitoches.  On  the  next  day 
(August  6th),  Herrera  replied,  charging  the  government  of  the 
United  States  with  usurping  the  territory  of  Spain,  but  stating 
that  his  orders  were  not  to  break  the  good  understanding  which 
subsisted  between  the  two  countries. 

In  the  meantime,  Governor  Claiborne  had  called  out  the 
militia  of  Louisiana,  and  reached  Natchitoches  with  a consid- 
erable reinforcement  about  the  25th  of  August.  He  likewise 
addressed  a letter  to  Governor  Herrera,  in  which  he  enume- 
rated many  evidences  of  an  unfriendly  feeling  on  the  part  of 
Spain  toward  the  United  States,  and  assured  him  that,  if  he 
persisted  in  his  aggression  on  the  east  of  the  Sabine,  he  might 

* Annals  of  Congress  (ninth  Congress,  second  session),  p.  914.  This  document 
is  worth  recording : — 

“At  the  Adaes,  February  6,  1806. 

“I,  Jose  Maria  Gonzalez,  ensign,  commandant  of  his  most  catholic  majesty’s 
troops  on  this  side  of  the  river  Sabinas,  hereby  have  agreed  with  Captain  Ed- 
ward D.  Turner,  captain  in  the  United  States  army,  to  return  all  said  troops  of 
his  catholic  majesty  to  the  other  6ide  of  the  said  river  Sabinas,  as  soon  as  my 
horses  will  permit  it,  or  in  five  day3,  or  at  farthest  six,  and  to  take  my  march 
this  day ; and  I also  oblige  myself  not  to  send  any  patrols  on  this  side  of  the 
river  Sabinas.  “J.  M.  Gonzalez,  Ensign. 

“ Witness,  John  D.  Deforest.” 


CONFLICT  AVOIDED  — THE  NEUTRAL  GROUND. 


133 


readily  anticipate  the  consequences.  Governor  Herrora  re- 
plied on  the  28th  of  August,  denying  and  excusing  the  charges 
of  unfriendly  feeling  on  the  part  of  Spain. 

By  this  time,  General  James  Wilkinson  arrived  with  addi- 
tional forces  at  Natchitoches,  and  assumed  the  command.  On 
the  24th  of  September,  he  addressed  to  Governor  Cordero  a 
final  and  decisive  letter,  and,  in  a tone  which  could  not  be 
misunderstood,  demanded  the  immediate  withdrawal  of  the 
Spanish  troops  to  the  west  side  of  the  Sabine.  This  letter  was 
directly  transmitted  to  General  Salcedo : but,  in  the  meantime, 
the  Spanish  forces  fell  back  to  the  right  bank  of  the  Sabine, 
where  they  took  their  position ; and,  on  the  22d  of  October, 
General  Wilkinson  set  out  on  his  march  from  Nachitoches,  and 
established  his  quarters  on  the  left  bank  of  that  river.  The 
two  armies  being  separated  only  by  the  stream,  and  the  com- 
mander on  each  side- acting  under  positive  orders  from  his  gov- 
ernment, seemed  to  render  a conflict  unavoidable.  Herrera 
called  a council  of  war,  laid  before  them  the  orders  of  the  vice- 
roy and  the  commandant-general,  and  asked  their  advice.  They 
were  unanimous  in  the  opinion  that  they  should  commence  a 
predatory  warfare,  but  avoid  a general  engagement.  Herrera, 
in  opposition  to  this  view  of  the  council,  entered  into  an  agree- 
ment with  General  Wilkinson,  that,  until  the  question  of  bound- 
ary between  the  two  governments  was  settled,  all  the  territory 
between  the  Sabine  and  the  Arroyo  Honda  should  be  a neutral 
ground,  not  to  be  occupied  by  either  party : and  thus  a conflict 
was  avoided.  The  agreement  was  approved  by  both  govern- 
ments, and  General  Herrera  actually  received  the  thanks  of  the 
viceroy  for  his  conduct  in  the  affair  !* 

The  fortunate  conclusion  of  this  campaign,  together  with  the 

* Annals  of  Congress  (ninth  Congress,  second  session),  p.  913,  et  seq.  Pike'* 
Expedition,  p.  270. 


134 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


fact  that  Spain  recognised  the  doctrine  that  the  flag  protected 
the  cargo,  to  which  may  be  added  the  fearful  war  then  ravaging 
Europe,  produced  a temporary  calm  in  the  relations  between 
this,  power  and  the  United  States. 

The  expedition  of  Captain  Zebulon  M.  Pike,  of  the  United 
States  army,  has  been  referred  to.  Under  instructions  from 
President  Jefferson,  he*  had  been  successfully  engaged,  between 
the  9th  of  August,  1805,  and  the  last  of  April,  1806,  in  explo- 
ring the  sources  of  the  Mississippi  river.  In  the  middle  of 
July,  of  the  latter  year,  he  set  out  again,  under  orders  from 
General  Wilkinson,  to  make  certain  friendly  arrangements  with 
the  Camanche  Indians,  and  to  explore  the  Arkansas  and  Red 
rivers.*  The  company  consisted  of  twenty-three  persons, 
among  whom  was  Dr.  John  II.  Robinson,  a gentleman  of  sci- 
ence, who,  though  not  belonging  to  the  army,  joined  the  expe- 
dition as  a volunteer. 

While  the  party  had  been  making  preparations  at  St.  Louis 
to  depart,  information  of  the  intended  expedition  was  conveyed 
by  the  Spaniards  at  that  place  to  Captain  Sebastian  Rodriguez, 
commandant  at  Nacogdoches,  by  whom  it  was  transmitted  to 
Governor  Cordero,  and  thence  to  the  seat  of  government ; and 
an  expedition  was  immediately  set  on  foot  to  intercept  Pike. 
It  was  placed  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant  Don  Fecunda 
Malgarcs,  and  consisted  of  one  hundred  dragoons  of  the  regu- 
lar service,  and  five  hundred  mounted  militia.  They  set  out 
from  Santa  Fe  with  more  than  two  thousand  horses  and  mules, 
and  six  months’  provisions.  They  descended  Red  river  six 
hundred  miles,  and  then  passed  over  to  the  Arkansas,  making 
friends  of  the  different  tribes  of  Indians,  and  giving  to  their 
chiefs  commissions,  medals,  flags,  horses,  and  other  presents. 
They  also  arrested  and  took  with  them  on  the  route  all  the 
* Pike’s  Expedition,  pp.  107,  108,  111. 


PIKE’S  EXPEDITION  — HIS  JOURNAL. 


135 


American  traders  they  found,  left  them  on  the  river  above 
Natchitoches,  and  returned  to  Santa  Fe  in  October,  without 
having  met  Captain  Pike,  who  did  not  cross  their  path  until 
they  had  returned.* 

Captain  Pike,  in  this  expedition,  appears  to  have  been  mis- 
led in  endeavoring  to  follow  the  trail  of  the  Spaniards,  and  got 
lost.  He,  however,  made  his  way  to  the  Rio  Grande,  where 
his  party  was  found  by  the  authorities  of  New  Mexico,  about 
the  beginning  of  the  year  1806,  and  conducted  to  Santa  Fe.f 
Here  they  were  treated  kindly  by  Governor  Allencaster,  but 
deprived  of  important  papers,  and  then  sent  under  an  escort 
to  General  Salcedo,  the  commandant-general,  at  Chihuahua. 
After  some  detention,  Captain  Pike  and  a portion  of  his  com- 
pany were  despatched  to  Natchitoches,  by  way  of  San  Antonio, 
accompanied  by  an  escort. 

On  his  return  to  the  United  States,  Captain  Pike  published 
a journal  of  his  expedition,  with  a copious  appendix,  giving  a 
description  of  the  country,  the  inhabitants,  their  manners,  and 
love  of  independence,  together  with  an  account  of  the  mines, 
productions,  and  resources,  of  the  different  provinces.  This 
work  came  before  the  American  public  at  a time  when  Spain 
had  fallen,  and  the  crown  of  her  sovereign  was  at  the  disposal 
of  Bonaparte.  It  imparted  to  the  adventurers  in  the  United 


* Pike’s  Expedition,  p.  142. 

f At  Santa  Fe,  Captain  Pike  found  Solomon  Colly,  one  of  tlie  men  captured 
with  Bean.  He  was  kept  at  Santa  F6  as  a prisoner.  As  the  captain  was  leav- 
ing, Colly  came  to  him,  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  and  requested  him  not  to  forget 
him  when  he  returned  to  the  United  States. — lb.,  p.  218. 

% Captain  Pike  also  found  at  Chihuahua  David  Farro  (or  Fero),  another  of 
Bean’s  men.  He  had  formerly  been  an  ensign  under  Pike’s  father.  The  meet- 
ing was  affecting.  Farro,  confined  at  St.  Jerominie,  had  escaped,  to  have  an 
interview.  Captain  Pike  promised  to  do  for  him  what  he  could,  divided  with 
him  his  purse,  and  they  separated.  — lb.,  p.  240.  The  old  negro  Csesar,  of  Bean’s 
party,  was  also  living  there.  Captain  Pike  found  him  extremely  communicative 
and  useful. — lb.,  p.  247. 


136 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


States  new  ideas  and,  excited  in  them  a sympathy  for  the  cre- 
oles of  Mexico — who  hated  the  French  sincerely — which  sym- 
pathy they  desired  only  an  occasion  to  manifest,  by  an  invasion 
of  New  Spain. 

At  the  close  of  1806,  Texas  was  in  a more  flourishing  con- 
dition than  it  had  been  previously.  The  introduction  of  new 
settlers,  the  marching  and  display  of  so  many  troops,  the  pres- 
ence of  so  many  distinguished  generals,  and  the  introduction 
from  Louisiana  of  considerable  wealth,  brought  in  by  the  immi- 
grants hither  in  consequence  of  the  transfer  of  that  country  to 
the  United  States — all  these  causes  seemed  to  impart  life  and 
cheerfulness  to  the  province.  The  regular  military  force  in 
Texas  was  little  short  of  a thousand  men.  Four  hundred  of 
these  were  stationed  at  Spanish  Bluff,  the  contraband  crossing 
of  the  Trinity  ; a hundred  more  at  Robbins’s  ferry,  on  the  same 
river ; a hundred  more  at  Nacogdoches ; and  nearly  four  hun- 
dred at  San  Antonio.* 

At  Nacogdoches,  the  commandant  Rodriguez  had  been  re- 
moved and  sent  to  Chihuahua  for  trial,  for  visiting  Natchitoches 
with  the  marquis  de  Casa  Calvo  ; and  Don  Francis  Viana  was 
appointed  in  his  place.  The  latter  was  an  old  veteran — one 
of  the  officers  sent  out  from  Spain  with  Colonel  Cordero.  He 
was  a man  of  great  frankness,  but  gave  his  opinions  too  freely 
for  promotion. j-  He,  however,  kept  a good  watch  over  the 
king’s  interests. 

In  spite  of  guards  and  prisons,  and  even  the  fear  of  death, 
several  Americans  had  settled  along  the  San  Antonio  road, 
on  both  sides  of  Nacogdoches,  and  exhibited  their  nationality 
in  the  opening  of  productive  farms.  Among  them,  Messrs. 
Barr  and  Davenport,  who  had  .come  to  Texas  toward  the  close 

* Pike’s  Expedition : Appendix,  p.  84. 
f lb.,  p.  275. 


CONDITION  OF  TEXAS  IN  1806. 


137 


of  the  last  century,  had  a settlement  two  miles  east  of  the  An- 
gelina ; they  also  carried  on  business  in  the  town ; and,  after 
the  cantonment  of  the  troops  at  Spanish  Bluff,  they  established 
an  extensive  cattle-ranche  on  the  east  of  the  Trinity,  below 
Bobbins’s  ferry. 

Society  at  Nacogdoches,  though  not  extensive,  was  good. 
Dinners,  dances,  and  other  social  parties,  were  common  and 
agreeable.  The  commandant,  Captain  Herrera,  and  Colonel 
Davenport,  were  the  leading  men.  They  kept  up  a correspon- 
dence with  the  United  States,  took  newspapers,  and  toasted 
the  king  and  the  governor  of  Texas.  The  town  then  contained 
about  five  hundred  inhabitants. 

At  the  Spanish  Bluff  a considerable  town  was  growing  up. 
Many  Mexican  families  had  removed  there ; and  the  eastern 
slope  of  the  Trinity  valley,  for  some  miles  above  and  below 
the  town,  was  covered  with  cattle  and  horses.  The  spiritual 
interests  of  the  people,  under  the  guidance  of  Father  Jose  An- 
gel Cabaso,  were  duly  carried  for.* 

There  was  a guard  stationed  at  the  Brasos — as  there  was 
at  all  the  large  rivers — and,  what  was  of  most  importance,  a 
ferry-boat,  probably  the  only  one  in  Texas. 

San  Antonio  was  in  a flourishing  state.  True,  the  buildings 
were  mostly  mud-houses,  yet  the  place  was  extensive.  The 
troops  were  stationed  on  the  east  side  of  the  river,  near  the 
Alamo,  in  the  new  parish  of  Valero,  then  under  the  care  of 
Father  Clemente  Delgado.  The  old  town  had  a separate  cu- 
rate. The  missions  below  the  town,  having  been  secularized, 
were  all  unoccupied,  except  that  of  San  Jose.  These  old  mis- 
sions, the  work  of  other  days,  had  long  been  the  seat  of  hospi- 
tality, of  refuge,  and  of  prayer;  but  they  had  survived  the 
brains  that  conceived  and  the  hands  that  reared  them,  and 


* Pike,  p.  273. 


138 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


stood,  ir.  1806,  as  they  still  stand,  in  silent  majesty,  surveying 
the  changes  around  them.  Let  no  Vandal  innovator  disturb 
their  solid  proportions ; but  let  them  go  down  to  the  future,  as 
monuments  of  the  faith  of  the  Franciscan  fathers,  and  the  works 
of  their  neophytes  ! * 

The  population  of  Texas  was,  at  this  time,  about  seven  thou- 
sand, of  which  some  two  thousand  lived  in  San  Antonio.  This 
population  was  made  up  of  Spaniards,  creoles,  and  a few  French, 
Americans,  civilized  Indians,  and  half-breeds.  Their  habits 
were  wandering,  the  most  of  them  being  engaged  in  hunting 
buffaloes  and  wild  horses.  The  former  furnished  them  meat ; 
with  the  latter  they  carried  on  a contraband  trade  with  Lou- 
isiana. To  check  in  some  degree  this  rambling  life,  Governor 
Cordero  restricted  the  hunting  of  buffaloes  to  a particular  sea- 
son of  the  year,  and  obliged  every  family  to  cultivate  a certain 
quantity  of  land. 

Society  had  been  greatly  improved  in  San  Antonio  by  the 
officers  of  the  army  as  well  as  the  new  settlers.  Among  the 
leaders  of  fashion  and  polite  manners  were,  next  to  the  gov- 
ernor, Father  M‘Guire,  Doctor  Zerbin,  Captain  Ugarte  and  his 
lady,  and  Colonel  Delgado.  These  attended  to  the  hospitali- 
ties of  the  town,  and  introduced  among  the  inhabitants  a suavity 
of  manners  and  a fondness  for  social  intercourse  which  served 
much  to  make  San  Antonio  by  far  the  most  pleasant  place  in 
Texas.  Too  much  time,  however,  was  spent  at  cards.  Yet 
at  the  governor’s  levee  in  the  evening,  or  on  the  public  square 
after  supper,  where  the  people,  from  the  chief  magistrate  down, 
joined  in  the  Mexican  dance,  there  was  great  cheerfulness,  ele- 
gant manners,  and  much  interesting  conversation.! 

The  people,  with  the  exception  of  a few  foreigners,  were 

* Pike:  Appendix,  p.  32.  Bexar  Archives,  MS. 
f lb.,  p.  265,  ct  seq. 


A SCENE  AT  ALBUQUERQUE. 


139 


strictly  catholics — the  most  of  them  zealously  and  sincerely 
so.  A scene  between  Captain  Pike  and  Father  Guerra,  at  Al- 
buquerque, as  illustrative  of  this  point,  is  too  interesting  to  be 
omitted  here.  “We  were  received,”  says  the  captain,  “by 
Father  Ambrosia  Guerra  in  a very  flattering  manner,  and  led 
into  his  hall ; thence,  after  taking  some  refreshment,  into  an 
inner  apartment,  where  he  ordered  his  adopted  children  of  the 
female  sex  to  appear,  when  they  came  in  by  turns,  Indians  of 
various  nations,  Spanish,  French,  and  finally  two  young  girls, 
who,  from  their  complexion,  I conceived  to  be  English.  On 
perceiving  that  I noticed  them,  he  ordered  the  first  to  retire, 
many  of  whom  were  beautiful,  and  directed  these  to  sit  down 
on  the  sofa  beside  me.  Thus  situated,  he  told  me  that  they 
had  been  taken  to  the  east  by  the  Tetaus  [Camanches] , passed 
from  one  nation  to  another,  until  he  purchased  them,  at  that 
time  infants,  but  they  could  recollect  neither  their  names  nor 
language ; but  concluding  they  were  my  countrywomen,  he  or- 
dered them  to  embrace  me,  as  a mark  of  their  friendship,  to 
which  they  appeared  nothing  loath.  We  then  sat  down  to  din- 
ner, which  consisted  of  various  dishes,  excellent  wines,  and,  to 
crown  all,  we  were  waited  on  by  half  a dozen  of  those  beautiful 
girls,  who,  like  Hebe  at  the  feast  of  the  gods,  converted  our 
wine  to  nectar,  and  with  their  ambrosial  breath  shed  incense 
on  our  cups.  Some  time  after  the  cloth  was  removed,  the 
priest  beckoned  me  to  follow  him,  and  led  me  into  his  sanctum 
sanctorum , where  he  had  the  rich  and  majestic  images  of  vari- 
ous saints,  and  in  the  midst  the  crucified  Jesus  crowned  with 
thorns,  with  rich  rays  of  golden  glory  surrounding  his  head ; 
in  short,  the  room  being  hung  with  black-silk  curtains,  served 
but  to  augment  the  gloom  and  majesty  of  the  scone.  When  he 
conceived  my  imagination  sufficiently  wrought  up,  he  put  on  a 
black  gown  and  mitre,  kneeled  before  the  cross,  and  took  hold 


140 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


of  my  hand,  and  endeavored  gently  to  pull  me  down  beside 
him.  On  my  refusal,  he  prayed  fervently  for  a few  minutes, 
and  then  rose,  laid  his  hands  on  my  shoulders,  and,  as  I corn 
ceived,  blessed  me.  lie  then  said  to  me,  4 You  will  not  be  a 
Christian — oh,  what  a pity ! oh,  what  a pity !’  He  then  threw 
off  his  robes,  took  me  by  the  hand,  and  led  me  out  to  the  com- 
pany smiling ; but  the  scene  I had  gone  through  had  made  an 
impression  on  my  mind  too  serious  to  be  eradicated  until  we 
took  our  departure,  which  was  in  an  hour  after,  having  received 
great  marks  of  friendship  from  the  father.”* 

The  Indians,  overawed  by  such  a display  of  military  force, 
had  been  quiet  for  some  time.  Along  the  San  Antonio  road 
none  were  to  be  found,  except  the  Tonkawas,  who  numbered 
some  six  hundred  warriors.  They  had  lodges  on  the  right 
bank  of  the  Guadalupe  and  on  the  Brasos.  They  were  miser- 
ably poor,  and  badly  treated.  Upon  the  evacuation  of  Louisi- 
ana by  the  Spaniards,  many  of  the  Indian  tribes,  still  wishing 
to  be  under  their  jurisdiction,  followed  them  over  to  Texas. 
Among  these  may  be  named  the  Alibamons  QAlabamas ),  once 
a powerful  nation  residing  on  the  banks  of  the  river  that  bears 
their  name,  who  have  retreated  and  wasted  away  before  the 
white  race,  until  a small  remnant  of  less  than  a hundred,  in- 
cluding a kindred  tribe,  the  Cushattas,  are  now  surrounded  on 
the  banks  of  the  Trinity,  where  they  must  shortly  expire. 

The  principal  commerce  of  Texas  in  1806  was  with  Mexico, 
by  way  of  Monterey  and  Monclova,  and  with  New  Orleans,  by 
way  of  Natchitoches — the  last  being  contraband.  Their  neigh- 
bors on  the  south  had  made  some  progress.  The  new  province 
of  Santander  (now  Tamaulipas)  had  been  organized ; and  the 
capital  of  the  same  name  (now  San  Fernando)  wrns  located 
forty  miles  from  the  gulf,  and  ninety  miles  south  of  the  Rio 
* Pike,  p.  222:  Journal  of  March  7,  1807. 


PASO  DEL  NORTE  — TEXAN  SOCIETY  IN  1806. 


141 


Grande,  on  the  Conchos  river.  The  country  between  that 
river  and  the  Rio  Grande  being  excellent  for  pasturage,  some 
flocks  and  herds  of  horses,  cattle,  and  sheep,  were  found  scat- 
tered over  it. 

The  population  of  Coahuila  had  in  the  meantime  increased 
to  seventy  thousand,  of  which  Monclova  had  thirty-five  hun- 
dred ; but  Parras  and  Santa  Rosa  were  each  more  populous. 
The  presidio  numbered  about  twenty-five  hundred,  mostly  In- 
dians, civilized  at  the  four  handsome  missions  erected  there. 
The  government  kept  here  a powder-magazine  for  the  supply 
of  Texas. 

The  town  of  Paso  del  Norte  was  in  a flourishing  condition. 
It  had  numerous  vineyards,  which,  producing  fine  'wines,  sup- 
plied New  Mexico,  Chihuahua,  and  even  Coahuila.  It  also 
produced  excellent  wheat  and  other  small  grains.  About  two 
miles  above  the  town,  the  authorities  had  constructed  a bridge 
across  the  Rio  Grande,  which  formed  the  great  passway  from 
New  Mexico.  From  this  bridge  a canal  was  cut  to  the  town, 
which  irrigated  all  the  farms  below.  In  addition  to  this,  im- 
mense flocks  of  sheep  were  raised  here,  and  annually  driven 
to  the  markets.  Don  Francisco  Garcia,  a wealthy  merchant 
and  planter ; Don  Pedro  Roderique  Rey,  the  lieutenant-gov- 
ernor ; Father  Jose  Prado,  the  curate ; and  Captain  Allencas- 
ter,  the  brother  of  the  governor  of  New  Mexico,  were  among 
the  leaders  of  taste  and  good  society  in  this  place  of  luxurious 
living. 

When  we  speak  of  society  in  Texas,  at  the  beginning  of  the 
present  century,  allusion  is  made  to  the  Spaniards,  many  of 
whom  had  come  from  the  polite  cities  of  the  mother-country, 
or  from  the  viceregal  palace  in  Mexico.  The  priests  generally 
were  men  of  good  classical  reading,  as  were  many  of  the  offi- 
cers in  the  regular  service.  These  set  a good  example  of  taste 


142 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


and  elegance,  which,  of  course,  produced  its  imitative  effect  on 
the  creoles  and  civilized  Indians.  Thus  was  the  fierce  temper 
of  a frontier  life  guided  and  moderated ; and  the  people,  hav- 
ing no  care  of  politics,  passed  their  leisure  time  in  playing  at 
games,  in  dancing,  and  in  conversing,  mostly  upon  one  of  the 
subjects  of  money,  women,  or  horses. 

On  occasions  of  religious  festivals,  so  frequent  in  every  Ro- 
man catholic  country,  all  ranks  of  the  people  participated  with 
a hearty  good  will,  though  not  always  to  their  own  edification, 
or  to  the  credit  of  the  church. 


DON  FRANCISCO  MIRANDA. 


143 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Don  Francisco  Miranda  was  the  first  advocate  and  mar- 
tyr of  freedom  in  Spanish  America.  His  grandfather  was  once 
governor  of  the  province  of  Caraccas,  where  he  was  born.  In 
1783,  he  visited  the  United  States,  and  drank  deep  of  the  spirit 
of  the  American  Revolution.  He  travelled  over  a good  part 
of  Europe  on  foot.  In  1789,  he  was  at  St.  Petersburg;  and, 
though  strongly  pressed  by  the  empress  Catherine  II.  to  enter 
her  service,  he  felt  an  irresistible  impulse  that  led  him  to  join 
in  the  wars  of  France.  Here  he  became  attached  to  Petion, 
who  had  him  sent  on  a mission  to  England,  and  gave  him  the 
appointment  of  major-general.  After  engaging  in  many  battles 
in  Belgium  and  Holland,  he  barely  escaped  falling  into  the 
hands  of  Robespierre,  then  of  the  directory,  and  again  of  Bo- 
naparte. He  devoted  his  time  and  great  talents  to  the  de- 
struction of  the  Spanish  power  in  America.  It  is  not  necessary 
further  to  trace  the  eventful  history  of  his  life,  than  to  refer  to 
the  fact  that  he  started  an  expedition  in  1806  from  New  York 
to  Central  America,  and  then  another  in  1810,  both  of  which 
were  unsuccessful.  Miranda  had  the  countenance  of  Pitt  in 
his  expeditions : but  it  is  equally  true  that  the  United  States, 
although  sympathizing  deeply  with  their  oppressed  brethren 
under  the  Spanish  yoke,  afforded  no  aid  and  took  no  part  in 


144 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


Miranda’s  movements.  The  positive  declarations  of  Presidents 
Adams  and  Jefferson  on  this  point  should  be  satisfactory.* 
From  the  close  of  the  American  Revolution  there  were  many 
choice  spirits  in  Mexico,  who  were  impatient  for  an  occasion 
to  achieve  their  independence.  But  the  great  mass  of  the  peo- 
ple had  been  too  greatly  oppressed,  and  were  too  ignorant,  at 
once  to  grasp  and  comprehend  the  great  idea  of  civil  liberty. 
They  had  a dim  view  of  it  only,  which  made  them  restless. 
The  prospect  of  a war  between  the  United  States  and  Spain, 
from  the  year  1801  to  1806,  excited  the  sympathy  between  the 
people  of  the  United  States  and  the  Mexican  creoles.  From 
this  grew  up  a correspondence,  an  understanding,  between 
them,  that  at  the  outset  of  such  a war  the  adventurers  of  the 
American  Union  were  to  invade  Mexico,  and  join  the  creoles 
in  sustaining  their  independence.  At  the  head  of  this  party  in 
the  United  States  was  Aaron  Burr.  It  was  Burr’s  intention, 
in  the  event  of  such  a war — then  deemed  almost  certain — to 
establish  an  independent  government  in  Mexico ; and  there  is 
little  doubt  that,  in  this  enterprise,  he  had  the  promised  co- 
operation of  General  Wilkinson.  To  prepare  for  this  state  of 
things,  and  be  nearer  the  scene  of  action,  Burr  had  contracted 
for  a large  quantity  of  land  on  the  Washita,  and  doubtless  in- 
tended to  make  it  his  headquarters.  In  the  event  of  there 
being  no  war,  it  is  probable  that  Burr  himself  had  but  a con- 
fused idea  of  the  course  he  would  pursue.  Perhaps,  in  the 
language  of  Commodore  Truxton  (who  was  a witness  on  Burr’s 
trial),  he  would  be  on  the  frontier,  and  ready  to  move  when- 
ever a war  took  place.  Burr  may  have  intended  to  invade 
Mexico  at  all  events — in  fact,  it  is  likely  that  he  did — but  his 


* This  charge  against  the  United  States,  of  a violation  of  her  neutrality,  is 
made  by  Mr.  Foote,  in  his  “ History  of  Texas,”  vol.  i.,  chap.  vii.  Encyclopaedia 
Americana,  article  Miranda. 


AARON  BURR’S  EXPEDITION. 


145 


arrest,  and  the  treaty  between  Wilkinson  and  Herrera,  put  an 
end  to  all  his  plans.* 

Burr  was  descending  the  Mississippi,  and  on  the  17th  of 
January,  1807,  surrendered  himself  at  Bayou  Pierre,  with  nine 
boats  and  a hundred  men,  “ a majority  of  whom  were  boys,  or 
young  men  just  from  school.”  Thus  ended  his  enterprise,  but 
not  its  effects. 

Burr  was  brought  to  trial ; the  whole  Union  was  aroused, 
and  information  eagerly  sought.  The  public  mind  was  directed 
to  Burr,  to  his  supposed  plans,  and  to  the  country  he  proposed 
to  invade.  The  adventurers  of  America  were  studying  the 
geography  of  Mexico  and  of  Texas.  The  creoles  of  Mexico, 
groaning  under  an  oppression — the  more  galling  because  they 
saw  their  neighbors  of  the  United  States  free  and  happy — had 
also  commenced  the  study  of  geography  and  the  art  of  free 
government. 

The  victories  of  Bonaparte  had  placed  continental  Europe 
at  his  feet.  So  early  as  1805  he  had  formed  the  design  of 


* Burr’s  Trial ; Annals  of  Congress  (ninth  Congress,  second  session),  p.  1008. 
There  is  something  mysterious  in  the  conduct  of  General  Wilkinson  in  the  hasty 
conclusion  of  the  agreement  with  Herrera,  his  sudden  departure  for  New  Or- 
leans, and  his  immediate  action  in  regard  to  Burr  and  his  partisans ; but,  above 
all,  in  sending  Captain  Walter  Burling  to  Mexico.  Captain  Pike,  in  his  journal 
of  the  20th  of  April,  1807  (he  was  then  at  Chihuahua),  says:  “We  this  day 
learned  that  an  American  officer  had  gone  on  to  the  city  of  Mexico.  This  was 
an  enigma  to  us  inexplicable,  as  we  conceived  that  the  jealousy  of  the  Spanish 
government  would  have  prevented  any  foreign  officer  from  penetrating  the  coun- 
try; and  what  the  United  States  could  send  an  authorized  agent  to  the  viceroy- 
alty for,  when  the  Spanish  government  had,  at  the  seat  of  our  government,  a 
charge  des  affaires , served  but  to  darken  the  conjectures.  The  person  alluded 
to  was  Mr.  Burling,  a citizen  of  Mississippi  territory,  whose  mission  is  now  well 
known  to  the  government .”  It  appears,  from  Davis’s  Memoirs  of  Burr  (voL  ii., 
p.  400),  that  the  object  of  Captain  Burling  was  to  procure  from  the  Spanish  gov- 
ernment a large  sura  for  Wilkinson’s  services  in  arresting  the  designs  of  Burr. 
Burling  must  have  obtained  a passport  from  the  governor  of  Texas;  and  this 
matter  must  have  been  arranged  on  the  banks  of  the  Sabine,  at  the  time  they 
agreed  upon  the  neutral  ground. 

VOL.  I.— 10 


146 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


placing  one  of  his  family  on  the  throne  of  Spain ; and,  in  ac- 
quiring that  country,  he  expected  also  to  obtain  possession  of 
her  American  colonies,  then  numbering  at  least  fifteen  millions 
of  inhabitants.  It  was  for  this  reason,  and  with  this  view,  that 
he  took  part  with  Spain  in  her  controversy  with  the  United 
States  touching  the  boundaries  of  Louisiana.*  As  he  had 
formed  the  design  to  acquire  the  Spanish-American  colonies, 
he  wished  them  as  large  as  possible.  Executing  with  celerity 
and  without  scruple  his  plans  of  aggrandizement,  he  invaded 
the  Spanish  territory.  A domestic  quarrel  in  the  royal  family 
favored  his  designs.  Charles  IY.  was  a weak  and  helpless 
monarch ; he  was  ruled  by  his  wife,  and  she  by  her  favorite, 
Manuel  Godoy,  known  as  the  “ Prince  of  Peace.”  Between 
the  two  latter  there  was  said  to  be  an  intimacy  not  creditable. 
Spain  saw  it,  and  Ferdinand,  the  king’s  son,  saw  it ; but  the 
king  did  not : hence  a quarrel  between  Godoy  and  Ferdinand. 
The  king  and  Queen  took  part  with  Godoy.  In  this  unhappy 
state  of  their  affairs,  Bonaparte  was  called  in  to  decide  be- 
tween them.  He  did  so  by  sending  both  parties  into  a more 
honorable  banishment  than  they  deserved,  and  took  possession 
of  their  kingdom.  This  was  ratified  by  the  treaty  of  Bayonne, 
on  the  5th  of  May,  1808  ; and  shortly  thereafter,  Joseph  Bona- 
parte ascended  the  Spanish  throne. t The  inhabitants  of  Spain 
did  not  long  submit  to  this  summary  transfer  of  their  govern- 
ment. Early  in  June  following,  the  war  commenced  between 
the  French  and  the  Spanish  patriots.  The  latter  were  directed 
by  juntas , or  revolutionary  committees,  acting  with  little  con- 
cert or  system,  but  with  desperate  valor.  While  this  contest 
was  raging  in  Spain,  the  news  was  received  in  Mexico  of  the 

* American  State  Papers,  vol.  xii.,  pp.  49,  97,  98. 

f This  imperial  robbery  of  Napoleon  has  been  elegantly  decorated  by  Mr. 
Abbott  Had  it  been  on  a smaller  scale  — the  act  of  a private  individual— 
Mr.  Abbott  would  have  been  among  the  first  to  denounce  it  as  a great  crime. 


REVOLUTIONARY  MOVEMENTS  IN  MEXICO. 


147 


overthrow  of  the  house  of  Bourbon,  and  the  usurpation  of  the 
Bonapartes.  This  was  immediately  followed  by  emissaries  from 
Joseph  Bonaparte  and  the  different  Spanish  juntas,  each  asking 
and  claiming  the  allegiance  and  support  of  the  Mexican  people. 
Here  was  a fine  opportunity  for  an  escape  from  European  bond- 
age. They  were  released  from  their  oath  of  fealty  to  Charles 
IV. ; and  the  parent-country  was  so  involved  in  war  at  home, 
that,  with  union  and  concert,  the  Mexicans  could  easily  have 
achieved  their  independence. 

In  the  last  days  of  July  the  news  of  the  rising  of  the  Span- 
ish patriots  against  King  Joseph  Bonaparte  reached  the  city  of 
Mexico.  The  native  Spaniards  and  official  authorities  in  Mex- 
ico, with  the  exception  of  the  viceroy  Iturigaray,  were  willing 
to  acquiesce  in  the  order  of  the  council  of  the  Indies,  transfer- 
ring the  American  colonies  to  Bonaparte  ; but  the  viceroy  and 
the  natives  of  Mexico  opposed  it.  Among  the  revolutionary 
juntas  in  Spain,  that  of  Seville  was  the  most  prominent.  The 
emissaries  of  this  junta  demanded  that  Mexico  should  adhere 
to  the  Bourbon  family.  These  were  followed  by  the  agents  of 
other  juntas,  each  claiming  the  control  of  the  colony. 

In  this  distracted  condition  of  their  affairs,  the  people  of 
Mexico  proposed  to  the  viceroy  what  had  never  been  proposed 
before  in  that  country — the  call  of  a convention*,  or  governing 
junta  of  delegates  from  the  people.  The  viceroy  was  about  to 
comply  with  a request  so  reasonable,  when  the  Spaniards,  fear- 
ful of  a popular  assembly,  and  of  the  loss  of  the  offices — for 
they  held  them  all  — formed  a conspiracy  against  him ; and,  at 
midnight,  on  the  15th  of  September,  1808,  seized  his  person, 
and  committed  him  to  the  prison  of  the  Inquisition.*  All  this 
was  approved  by  the  junta  of  Seville,  who  appointed  the  then 
archbishop  of  Mexico  as  viceroy.  As  he  was  a person  of  great 

* Niles’s  Mexico,  p.  138. 


148 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


mildness,  and  much  venerated  by  the  Mexican  creoles,  dissat- 
isfaction was  allayed. 

But  the  Mexican  patriots  were  again  aroused  by  the  removal 
of  the  archbishop,  and  the  intrusting  of  the  government,  for  the 
time  being,  to  the  “ Court  of  Audience.”  This  court  was  the 
exponent  of  genuine  Spanish  despotism,  and  justly  abhorred 
by  all  liberal  men  in  Mexico.  In  the  meantime,  the  victories 
of  Napoleon  in  Spain  had  overturned  and  dispersed  the  junta 
of  Seville,  thus  offering  to  the  people  of  Mexico  another  hon- 
orable and  bloodless  opportunity  of  being  free.  If  they  did 
not  accept  it,  they  thereby  proved  themselves  unworthy  of  a 
destiny  so  exalted. 

The  junta  dispersed  at  Seville  again  reappeared  at  Cadiz, 
and  sent  out  Don  Jose  Yenegas  as  viceroy.  He  exhibited  his 
dislike  for  the  native  Mexicans  by  conferring  all  his  favors 
upon  the  European  Spaniards.  He  also  stationed  his  most 
reliable  forces  at  the  disaffected  points,  thus  showing  his  dis- 
position to  rely  upon  the  sword  for  success  in  keeping  Mexico 
in  subjection  to  the  junta  from  which  he  derived  his  power. 

By  this  time  the  torch  of  revolution  had  been  lighted  over 
the  whole  of  Spanish  America.  England  had  at  first  encour- 
aged and  taken  part  in  the  revolt  of  the  different  provinces  : 
but  when  the  war  broke  out  between  France  and  the  Spanish 
patriots,  Great  Britain  formed  an  alliance  with  the  latter;* 
while  Napoleon,  finding  he  could  not  secure  the  colonies  for 
himself,  took  part  in  favor  of  their  independence. 

Before  the  arrival  of  the  viceroy  Yenegas,  Don  Miguel  Hi- 
dalgo, a curate  of  Dolores  in  the  province  of  Guanaxuato,  a 
great  friend  to  the  native  Mexicans,  and  withal  a man  of  good 
sense  and  gentle  manners,  had  raised  the  standard  of  revolt. 
The  Indians,  longing  to  avenge  the  atrocities  of  Cortez  and  the 

* January  14,  1809. 


TERMS  OF  CONCILIATION  REJECTED. 


149 


oppressions  of  so  many  years,  flew  to  his  aid.  He  was  joined 
by  several  companies  of  the  royal  troops,  and  marched  to  the 
city  of  Guanaxuato,  his  army  increasing  daily.  He  took  the 
place  with  little  opposition,  and,  what  was  most  important  to 
him,  he  replenished  his  military  chest  with  five  millions  of  dol- 
lars taken  from  the  treasury  of  the  city. 

The  town  of  Queretaro,  equal  in  importance  to  that  of  Guan- 
axuato, was  in  favor  of  the  revolution  ; and,  to  prevent  it  from 
falling  into  the  hands  of  Hidalgo,  the  viceroy,  toward  the  last 
of  September,  1810,  sent  General  Cadena,  with  three  thousand 
troops,  to  defend  it.  He  also  organized  several  corps  of  gue- 
rillas ; but  without  effect.  The  revolt  became  general ; and 
Hidalgo,  after  providing  himself  with  munitions,  and  putting 
in  some  sort  of  order  the  immense  host  of  creoles,  Indians,  and 
mestizoes,  that  followed  his  standard,  set  out  on  his  march  for 
the  capital. 

The  Spanish  junta,  in  October,  1809,  had  decreed  terms  of 
conciliation  to  be  submitted  to  their  revolted  colonies.  These 
were — that  tfib  colonies  should  have  an  equal  representation 
in  the  national  cortes ; that  their  American  and  Asiatic  colonies 
should  enjoy  a free  trade ; that  the  king’s  monopolies  should 
be  suppressed ; that  the  working  of  the  quicksilver-mines  in 
America  should  be  free  ; that  native  Americans  should  be 
equally  eligible  with  European  Spaniards  to  all  offices  in 
church  or  state ; that,  to  prevent  disputes  as  to  the  meaning 
of  this  last  proposition,  there  should  be  an  equal  number  of 
each  of  the  two  classes ; and,  to  fill  them,  there  should  be  a 
consultive  junta  in  each  province  to  make  nominations.*  These 
propositions  were  presented  to  the  Mexican  people  on  the  23d 
of  September,  1810.  But  they  came  too  late.  Hidalgo  was 
at  the  head  of  an  enthusiastic  army ; he  had  sufficient  supplies, 


* Niles’s  Colombia,  p.  44. 


150 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


had  thrown  aside  the  gown  and  breviary  for  the  sword,  and 
wished  a solution  of  the  questions  at  issue  at  some  point  nearer 
the  capital.  On  his  march  he  overthrew  all  opposing  forces ; 
and  it  appeared  that  he  would  have  no  difficulty  in  making 
himself  master  of  the  city.  Venegas  had  only  two  thousand 
troops  for  its  defence.  Cadena  was  supposed  to  be  at  Quere- 
taro,  and  Calleja  at  San  Luis  Potosi — both  too  distant  to  afford 
relief.  At  this  crisis,  Venegas  applied  the  spiritual  weapon, 
which,  among  a superstitious  people,  never  fails  to  have  its 
effect.  Hidalgo  and  his  adherents  were  solemnly  excommuni- 
cated. The  revolted  chieftain,  who  had  too  much  sense  to  be 
overawed  by  such  fancies,  replied.  But  not  so  with  his  igno- 
rant followers.  The  prestige  of  victory  had  departed.  He 
marched  to  the  suburb  of  the  city,  but  the  next  day  set  out  on 
his  retreat. 

In  the  meantime,  the  forces  of  Cadena  and  Calleja,  having 
made  forced  marches  to  relieve  the  capital,  united,  and  at- 
tacked and  defeated  Hidalgo,  first  at  Aculco,  then  at  Guanax- 
uato,  and  again  on  the  11th  of  January,  1811,  not  far  from 
Guadalaxara.  The  latter  retreated  to  Zacatecas,  and  then  to 
San  Luis  Potosi.  He  was  pursued  by  Calleja,  and  continued 
his  retreat,  intending  to  pass  Saltillo,  and  make  his  way  into 
Louisiana,  there  to  remain  until  his  affairs  should  be  more  pro- 
pitious. But  General  Salcedo,  commandant  of  the  northeast- 
ern provinces,  had  sent  out  a force  to  cut  him  off  in  that  direc- 
tion ; while  Arredondo,  in  command  of  a Spanish  force,  was 
close  upon  his  rear.  In  this  critical  position,  Hidalgo  was  be- 
trayed by  Don  Y.  Elisondo,  one  of  his  own  officers,  at  Acatita 
de  Bajan,  on  the  11th  of  March,  1811.  Many  of  his  followers 
were  executed  on  the  spot ; others  were  put  to  death  wherever 
found.  Hidalgo  was  taken  to  Chihuahua,  and  put  to  death  on 
the  27th  of  July.  Among  his  adherents,  Colonel  Delgado  was 


THE  NEUTRAL-GROUND  FREEBOOTERS. 


151 


apprehended  at  San  Antonio,  executed,  and  his  head  stuck  on 
a pole  at  the  crossing  of  the  river  between  the  Alamo  and  the 
town.  Another,  Bernardo  Gutierres,  effected  his  escape,  and 
took  refuge  at  Natchitoches.  The  names  of  some  of  Hidalgo’s 
followers  in  the  last  days  of  his  career  are  here  mentioned, 
because  of  the  important  parts  played  by  them  in  subsequent 
transactions  in  Texas. 

The  territory  lying  between  the  Arroyo  Honda  and  the  river 
Sabine,  which  had  been  left  as  neutral  ground  by  the  agree- 
ment between  Wilkinson  and  Herrera,  had  become  the  rallying- 
point  and  refuge  of  a large  number  of  desperate  men.  Many 
had  removed  there  with  their  families,  and  established  perma- 
nent residences.  They  made  war  upon  all  enemies,  and,  like 
the  buccaneers,  lived  upon  the  fruits  of  their  trespasses.  They 
were  more  particularly  partial  to  the  Mexican  traders,  who 
brought  horses  and  specie  from  the  interior  to  exchange  for 
merchandise  at  Natchitoches.  These  they  preferred  as  vic- 
tims, because  they  could  rob  them  with  the  greater  impunity. 
They  had  a regular  organization,  their  headquarters,  outposts, 
and  whatever  else  of  contrivance  they  deemed  necessary  to 
carry  out  their  objects.  The  Spanish  authorities  had  done  what 
they  could  to  suppress  them.  Twice  had  the  military  forces 
of  the  United  States  entered  the  territory,  and  drove  them  off, 
burning  their  houses  and  fixtures.*  They  were  not  to  be  thus 
driven  away. 

On  one  occasion,  a number  of  Mexican  traders,  loaded  with 
silver,  had  reached  Salitre  prairie,  on  the  west  bank  of  the 
Sabine,  on  their  way  to  Natchitoches.  A small  Spanish  force 
was  stationed  at  this  point,  for  the  protection  of  trade,  as  well 
as  to  prevent  adventurers  from  passing  over  to  Mexico.  They 
sent  to  Major  Wolstoncraft,  then  commanding  at  Natchitoches, 

* American  State  Papers,  voL  xi,  p.  806. 


152 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


for  an  escort  to  guard  the  traders  across  the  neutral  ground. 
The  request  was  granted,  and  a small  guard  was  despatched 
under  the  command  of  Lieutenant  Augustus  W.  Magee.*  The 
traders  were  brought  safely  as  far  as  La  Nan,  a small  creek 
west  of  the  Adaes.  At  this  point  the  creek  made  a bend  in 
the  form  of  a horseshoe,  the  convex  side  being  toward  Natchi- 
toches. The  freebooters  of  the  neutral  ground,  thirteen  in 
number,  had  stationed  themselves  opposite  the  bend,  on  both 
sides  of  the  road,  having  the  creek  between  them  and  the 
road. 

When  the  traders  had  all  passed  into  the  bend,  and  just  as 
Lieutenant  Magee  and  his  guard,  who  were  in  front,  were  cros- 
sing the  creek,  the  robbers  advanced  and  fired.  Magee,  seeing 
himself  overpowered,  fled  with  his  guard  to  Natchitoches ; and 
the  poor  traders  were  relieved  of  all  their  valuables,  and  sent 
back  to  Salitre  prairie.  For  the  time,  the  money  taken  was 
concealed  by  the  leaders  of  the  gang  under  the  bank  of  the 
creek,  and  they  repaired  to  their  several  homes  to  await  what 
would  follow.  The  amount  taken  was  so  large,  that  it  could 
not  pass  unnoticed.  The  next  day,  Magee,  having  been  rein- 
forced, returned  to  make  search  for  the  robbers.  He  met  two 
of  them  going  into  Natchitoches,  and,  recognising  them,  took 
them  into  custody.  As  legal  proceedings  at  this  period  were 
not  much  regarded,  they  were  tied  to  trees  and  whipped,  with 
a view  to  make  them  disclose  their  associates.  Failing  in  this, 
a live  coal  of  fire  was  passed  along  their  naked  backs ; but  still 
no  disclosure  could  be  obtained.  They  were  then  taken  to 

* Lieutenant  Magee  was  a native  of  Massachusetts.  He  graduated  at  the  mili- 
tary academy  on  the  23d  of  January,  1809,  and  received  the  appointment  of 
second  lieutenant  in  the  regiment  of  artillery,  which  he  held  at  the  time  here 
referred  to.  — Register  of  Officers  and  Graduates  of  the  U.  S.  Military  Academy , 
by  Captain  Cullum,  p.  58.  Magee,  stationed  at  Natchitoches,  had  caught  the 
spirit  of  the  Wilkinson  school.  The  entire  emigration  from  the  United  States  to 
Louisiana  was  full  of  it 


PLANS  FOR  CONQUERING  TEXAS  IN  1812. 


153 


Natchitoches,  and  delivered  into  the  hands  of  the  civil  authority 
for  trial.* 

During  the  time  of  these  occurrences,  Colonel  Bernardo  Gu- 
tierres  arrived  at  Natchitoches.  He  formed  an  acquaintance 
with  Magee,  and  they  had  together  many  long  conferences. 
Magee  was  young,  bold  and  romantic  in  his  disposition,  and 
drank  with  eagerness  the  marvellous  tales  of  Bernardo.  As 
republican  revolutionists  of  Mexico  had  in  view  a federative 
system  like  that  of  the  United  States,  Magee  had  conceived 
the  idea  of  conquering  Texas  to  the  Rio  Grande,  and  building 
up  a republican  state,  with  a view  of  ultimately  adding  it  to 
the  American  or  the  Mexican  Union  as  circumstances  should 
admit.  He  informed  himself  fully  of  the  geography  and  re- 
sources of  Texas,  of  the  distracted  condition  of  Mexico  and 
Spain,  and  made  his  arrangements  with  consummate  skill  and 
secrecy.  It  would  be  necessary  to  have  the  aid  of  the  Mexi- 
can population  of  Texas ; and  this  would  require  the  use  of 
the  name  of  Bernardo  as  commander-in-chief.  It  would  also 
be  necessary  to  have  the  aid  of  the  freebooters  of  the  neutral 
ground : this  Magee  engaged  himself  to  secure.  It  would  like- 
wise be  requisite  to  have  as  auxiliaries  the  Texas  Indians: 
these  could  be  obtained  through  John  M‘Farland  and  Samuel 
Davenport,  both  Indian  agents,  and  decided  republicans.  And 
finally,  it  would  be  necessary  to  have  supplies : Colonel  Daven- 
.port  had  the  wealth  and  disposition  to  serve  as  quartermaster 
and  contractor  to  the  army. 

The  arrangements  all  being  completed,  proposals  were  pub- 

* These  two  men  were  convicted,  and  sentenced  to  imprisonment  for  a number 
of  years.  When  enlistments  were  wanted  for  the  war  with  Great  Britain,  they 
were  offered  a pardon  if  they  would  enlist.  One  of  them,  White,  accepted  the 

offer ; the  other, , remained  till  his  time  expired,  reclaimed  his  booty  from 

La  Nan,  took  it  to  Georgia,  invested  it  in  negroes,  reformed  his  manners,  and 
afterward  emigrated  as  one  of  the  first  colonists  of  Texas,  where  he  died  a few 
years  since  much  respected. — Narrative  of  Captain  M'Kim,  MS. 


154 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


lislied,  in  the  name  of  Don  Bernardo  Gutierres,  for  raising  the 
“ Republican  Army  of  the  North.”*  The  publication  prom- 
ised to  each  volunteer  forty  dollars  per  month,  and  a league 
of  land  to  be  assigned  him  within  the  boundaries  of  the  new 
republic.!  Magee  saw  the  leaders  of  the  freebooters,  and  no- 
tified them  to  repair  in  June,  1812,  to  the  rendezvous  at  the 
Saline  on  the  east  side  of  the  Sabine  river.  He  himself  visited 
New  Orleans,  where  he  obtained  a few  supplies,  and  engaged 
some  young  men  of  respectable  character  to  join  him.!  Hav- 
ing arranged  these  matters,  he  returned  to  Natchitoches. 

To  carry  out  the  plan  agreed  on,  Bernardo  repaired  to  the 
rendezvous  on  the  14th  of  June.  His  force  there  amounted  to 
one  hundred  and  fifty-eight  men.  They  were  of  the  neutral 
ground,  and  could  not  be  conquered.  They  were  ready  and 
able  to  do  anything  that  the  same  number  of  men  could  do. 
It  was  understood  that  Magee  should  remain  yet  longer  at 
Natchitoches,  and  forward  supplies  and  recruits ; and,  in  the 
meantime,  the  force  at  the  Saline  was  to  cross  the  Sabine  at 
Gaines's  ferry,  drive  the  enemy  before  them,  and  halt  at  the 
Spanish  Bluff  on  the  Trinity  for  further  orders. 

Bernardo  and  his  men  set  out  about  the  middle  of  June, 
crossed  the  river,  attacked  the  Spaniards  at  Salitre  prairie, 
and,  after  a running  fight  of  about  an  hour,  drove  them  away. 
In  this  fight  the  Americans  lost  two  killed  and  three  wounded ; 
the  loss  of  the  enemy  was  not  ascertained.  The  Spaniards 


* “ El  ezercito  Republicano  del  Norte  mandado  por  elson  Gral  en  Jefe  Don 
Bernardo  Gutierres So  reads  the  caption  of  the  original  quartermaster’s  ac- 
count, certified  by  General  Toledo,  and  now  before  me.  The  history  of  this 
campaign,  where  other  authorities  are  not  referred  to,  is  taken  from  the  manu- 
script narrative  of  Captain  James  M‘Kim,  an  old  citizen  of  Texas,  who  joined 
Bernardo  at  the  Sabine,  and  continued  in  the  service  till  the  close  of  the  war. 

| This  was  the  origin  of  the  league  head-rights  afterward  granted  in  Texas. 

\ Breckenridge’s  Memoirs,  quoted  by  Mrs.  Holly  in  her  “ History  of  Texas,” 
p.  304. 


ROUT  OF  THE  SPANISH  FORCES. 


155 


retreated  and  fortified  the  hill  overlooking  the  town  of  Nacog- 
doches on  the  east.  The  Americans  being  in  close  pursuit,  the 
breastwork  was  hastily  constructed,  and  composed  in  part  of 
bales  of  wool  intended  for  the  Louisiana  market.  When  the 
Americans  came  in  sight  of  the  breastwork,  they  charged  upon 
it,  and  the  enemy  fled.  The  former  did  not  even  get  a fire  at 
them ; and  when  they  took  possession  of  the  works,  the  Span- 
iards were  flying  through  the  town,  and  without  any  consider- 
able halt  continued  their  retreat  to  the  Spanish  Bluff.  The 
Americans  sent  off  the  wool  taken  on  the  hill  to  Natchitoches 
to  purchase  supplies,  and  continued  the  march.  Their  num- 
bers were  continually  increased  by  reinforcements  forwarded 
by  Magee.  The  contractor,  Colonel  Davenport,  was  also  inde- 
fatigable in  procuring  and  despatching  supplies.*  The  fort  at 
the  Bluff,  occupied  by  about  four  hundred  Spaniards,  was  evac- 
uated on  the  approach  of  the  Americans.  The  latter  took  pos- 
session, and  found  also  there  a large  supply  of  provisions  and 
ammunition.  Here  they  waited  for  reinforcements.  Magee, 
on  the  22d  of  June,  1812,  resigned  his  commission,  prepara- 
tory to  leaving  the  United  States ; and,  after  making  his  ar- 
rangements, and  collecting  his  friends  and  the  recruits  just 
arrived,  he  set  out  for  the  headquarters  of  the  invading  army. 
He  left  behind  him  Captain  James  Gaines  at  the  crossing  of 
the  Sabine,  to  forward  recruits  and  maintain  the  communica- 
tion with  the  advanced  forces. 

The  Americans  remained  at  the  Bluff  till  about  the  middle 
of  October.  The  Spaniards  in  the  meantime  were  not  idle. 
His  excellency  Don  Manuel  de  Salcedo,  governor  of  Texas, 

* There  is  charged  in  Colonel  Davenport’s  account  the  freight  of  twenty  mule- 
loads of  flour  and  salt  from  Natchitoches.  These  were  doubtless  part  of  the 
supplies  laid  in  by  Magee  at  New  Orleans;  and,  with  the  exception  of  some 
thirty  or  forty  fanegas  of  corn-meal,  there  was  no  other  breadstuffs  furnished  by 
the  contractor. 


156 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


with  the  aid  of  the  late  governor,  Colonel  Cordero,  and  Simon 
Herrera,  governor  of  New  Leon,  were  collecting  such  of  the 
royalists  as  could  be  spared  from  the  service  in  the  interior  of 
Mexico,  and  fortifying  La  Bahia  and  San  Antonio.  Don  N. 
Arredondo,  for  his  services  in  the  capture  of  Hidalgo,  had  suc- 
ceeded Don  Nimisio  de  Salcedo  as  commandant  of  the  north- 
eastern provinces.*  But  the  civil  war  in  Mexico  had  not  ter- 
minated with  the  death  of  Hidalgo.  Morelos,  another  priest, 
had  raised  the  standard  of  independence  in  the  southern  prov- 
inces of  the  viccroyalty  ; and  Victoria  was  conducting  the  war 
with  some  success  in  the  vicinity  of  Jalapa.  The  republicans, 
though  driven  from  place  to  place,  still  kept  up  an  organiza- 
tion, and  a junta,  whose  orders  were  implicitly  obeyed.  The 
infamous  Calleja  had  become  the  general  butcher  of  Mexico ; 
blood  and  desolation  followed  his  march.  Morelos,  after  a 
great  and  bloody  battle,  fought  at  Tixtla  on  the  19th  of  Au- 
gust, 1811,  had  laid  siege  to  the  strongly-fortified  town  of 
Acapulco  with  a part  of  his  army,  but  with  the  main  body  took 
possession  of  Quautla  Amilpas,  about  seventy-five  miles  from 
the  capital,  where  he  was  besieged  by  Calleja. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  we  left  Ellis  P.  Bean  and  his 
companions  in  prison  at  Chihuahua  in  1803.  They  remained 
here  in  confinement  five  years,  a part  of  the  time  in  irons. 
Bean  obtained  leave  to  go  to  New  Mexico ; but  on  the  way 
was  again  arrested  and  brought  back,  and,  with  his  compan- 
ions, was  ironed  and  confined.  Some  days  afterward  they 
were  notified  that  it  was  the  order  of  the  king  of  Spain  that 
every  fifth  man  of  them  should  be  shot.  As  there  were  but 
nine  of  them,  the  order  was  so  construed  that  only  one  should 
suffer.  Accordingly,  a drum,  a tumbler,  and  dice,  were  brought 
into  the  prison.  They  were  to  commence  at  the  oldest,  and 


* Niles’s  Mexico,  p.  148. 


ADVENTURES  OF  ELLIS  P.  BEAN. 


15T 


the  dice  being  put  in  the  tumbler,  each  one  had  a throw.  The 
lowest  was  to  suffer.  Bean,  being  the  youngest,  threw  last. 
When  it  came  to  his  turn  he  threw  five,  the  lowest  throw  being 
four.  The  unfortunute  victim  was  executed.  The  next  day, 
Bean  and  four  of  his  companions,  in  heavy  irons,  were  started 
off  to  Mexico.  The  other  three  were  set  at  liberty.  Arriving 
at  Salamanca,  some  two  hundred  miles  from  the  capital,  the 
former  made  a halt.  Among  the  crowd  of  Mexicans  gazing  at 
them  appeared  a ladylike  woman,  who  quietly  approached  Bean 
and  asked  him  privately  if  he  did  not  wish  to  make  his  escape, 
saying  she  would  set  him  free.  She  then  suddenly  left  him. 
Senora  Maria  Baldonada — for  such  was  her  name — was  the 
young  wife  of  a rich  old  husband.  She  came  the  second  time 
to  see  Bean,  and  urged  him  to  place  himself  under  her  direc- 
tion. Before  she  left  him,  she  made  him  agree  to  come  and 
see  her  at  her  house.  Accordingly,  the  next  morning,  Bean 
obtained  permission  to  go  with  one  of  the  guard  into  the  town. 
Having  learned  the  residence  of  his  fair  visiter,  he  procured 
accommodations  at  a drinking-house  near  by  for  his  sentinel, 
and  went  in.  The  lady  informed  Bean  that  her  husband,  whom 
she  did  not  love,  was  at  his  silver-mine,  and  would  be  absent 
two  weeks.  In  that  time  she  represented  that  they  could  safely 
make  their  escape ; that  she  would  furnish  money  and  horses, 
and  fly  with  him  to  the  United  States,  and  live  with  him  there. 
She  had  become  fascinated  with  him,  and  trusted  in  his  honor 
that  he  would  not  afterward  abandon  her  for  another  woman. 
She  said  also  that  she  had  married  her  old  husband  against  her 
will,  in  order  not  to  displease  her  parents.  Bean,  although 
greatly  smitten,  and  grateful  for  these  marks  of  affection,  ex- 
pected his  liberty  when  he  should  reach  Mexico ; and,  not 
wishing  to  leave  his  companions,  he  declined  the  offer.  He 
told  her,  however,  that  when  he  should  be  set  free,  he  would 


158 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


return  without  delay  to  see  her.  At  parting  she  gave  him  a 
package,  with  a request  that  he  would  not  open  it  until  he 
reached  the  end  of  that  day’s  journey.  So  he  bade  her  adieu. 
Bean,  with  his  companions,  were  hurried  off ; and,  as  the  lady 
had  requested,  he  opened  the  package  that  night.  He  found 
in  it  a gold  ring,  some  money,  and  a letter  from  her  full  of  the 
most  touching  sentiments. 

The  captives  were  marched  to  Mexico,  and  thence  to  Aca- 
pulco on  the  Pacific,  where  they  were  imprisoned.  Bean  was 
locked  up  in  a separate  cell ; his  four  companions  were  placed 
in  another.  Here  he  was  denied  all  intercourse  with  his  fellow- 
prisoners  ; and,  excepting  the  person  who  brought  him  his  daily 
allowance  of  water,  beef,  and  bread,  and  an  occasional  glimpse 
of  the  sentinel  as  he  passed  the  grate  of  his  cell-door,  he  saw 
no  human  being.  The  tedious  hours  of  confinement  were  re- 
lieved in  some  degree  by  taming  and  feeding  with  flies  a white 
lizard  which  he  found  in  his  prison. 

One  day  he  learned  from  a sentinel  that  one  of  his  compan- 
ions had  become  sick,  and  had  been  sent  to  the  hospital.  It 
occurred  to  him  that  he  too  would  find  relief  in  getting  ill  and 
going  there.  So  he  gave  notice  that  he  was  sick.  The  physi- 
cian came,  and,  Bean  having  prepared  his  pulse  by  striking  his 
elbows  against  the  floor,  was  declared  a patient,  and  sent  to 
the  hospital.  Here,  in  addition  to  his  irons,  his  legs  were  put 
in  the  stocks.  His  allowance  of  food  was  also  greatly  reduced, 
his  meat  for  a day  consisting  of  a chicken’s  head  ! On  one  oc- 
casion he  inquired  of  the  priest  who  ministered  to  him,  why  he 
could  not  get  something  else  than  the  head  and  neck  of  a 
chicken.  The  reply  was,  that  he  might  eat  that,  or  go  to  the 
devil ! This  so  excited  Bean,  that  he  threw  his  plate  at  the 
shorn  head  of  the  friar,  and  cut  it  badly.  For  this  offence, 
Bean  had  his  head  put  in  the  stocks  for  fifteen  days.  This 


bean’s  attempts  to  escape. 


159 


confinement  brought  on  a real  fever,  from  which  he  suffered  so 
much,  that,  on  recovering,  he  was  glad  to  be  marched  back  to 
his  cell. 

Bean  was  reconducted  to  prison  by  a guard  of  two  soldiers ; 
and,  on  the  way,  it  occurred  to  him  that  he  would  try  to  make 
his  escape.  So,  still  having  on  hand  some  of  the  money  given 
him  by  the  Seiiora  Baldonada,  he  invited  the  guard  into  a 
drinking-house,  and,  after  they  had  drank,  he  called  for  more 
liquor,  and  requested  one  of  them  to  step  with  him  into  the 
garden  in  the  rear  of  the  house.  When  they  had  got  to  the 
farther  side  of  the  garden,  Bean  called  the  soldier  to  admire  a 
little  flower.  As  the  latter  stooped  down  to  look  at  it,  Bean 
seized  him  by  the  throat,  and  told  him  to  surrender  his  sword, 
or  he  would  take  his  life.  The  sword  was  given  up ; and  Bean 
told  him  that  he  was  going  off,  and  asked  him  to  go  with  him,* 
but  the  soldier  was  unwilling.  Bean  gave  him  a dollar,  and 
directed  him  to  go  to  the  town,  get  the  worth  of  it  in  bread, 
and  bring  it  to  him  at  the  graveyard  on  the  outskirts  of  the 
town.  Bean  then  left  him,  and,  before  the  latter  could  give 
notice  to  the  officer  at  the  fort,  was  in  the  woods,  when  he  filed 
off  his  irons  with  the  steel  he  used  in  striking  fire.  He  con- 
cealed himself  till  night,  when  he  returned  into  the  town  to  lay 
in  a stock  of  provisions.  Here  he  found  an  English  sailor, 
through  whose  means  he  got  on  board  a vessel,  and  was  se- 
creted in  a water-cask.  Just  before  the  ship  sailed,  he  was 
betrayed  by  the  cook  (a  Portuguese),  retaken,  and  placed 
again  in  his  cell,  where  he  remained  eighteen  months  longer  in 
solitary  confinement ! 

Hearing  an  officer  speaking  one  day  of  having  some  rock 
blasted,  Bean  informed  him  that  he  was  a proficient  in  that 
business.  This  information  caused  them  to  put  him  at  it.  In 
a few  days  after  he  had  been  engaged  in  blasting  rocks,  ho 


160 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


succeeded  again  in  making  liis  escape.  He  travelled  at  night, 
concealing  himself  in  the  daytime ; and  for  several  days  beat 
along  the  coast  northward,  when  he  was  retaken,  and  brought 
before  the  governor  of  the  castle  of  Acapulco.  After  fearful 
threats  on  the  part  of  that  functionary,  in  reply  to  which  Bean 
told  him  to  do  his  worst,  he  was  chained  to  a large  mulatto 
criminal,  the  latter  being  promised  an  abatement  of  a year  of 
his  term  of  punishment  if  he  would  take  care  of  his  yoke-fellow. 
He  was  also  authorized  to  whip  Bean  if  he  became  insubordi- 
nate. They  had  not  been  long  together,  before  Bean  gave  the 
mulatto  such  a beating,  that  he  prayed  for  a separation.  It 
was  granted,  and  Bean  was  sent  back  to  his  cell,  to  keep  com- 
pany with  the  white  lizard : it  seemed  to  be  the  only  live  thing 
that  had  any  sympathy  for  him,  and  this  feeling  was  fully  re- 
ciprocated. 

Bean  was  u a hard  case and  the  governor  of  the  castle 
of  Acapulco  wrote  to  the  viceroy  that  he  could  not  be  answer- 
able  for  him.  The  latter,  in  reply,  sent  an  order  for  his  remo- 
val to  the  king’s  possessions  in  Manilla.  While  awaiting  a 
vessel,  the  revolution  broke  out.  The  prisons  of  New  Spain 
had  been  emptied  for  recruits.  Bean  was  the  only  one  left  at 
Acapulco.  The  Spanish  authorities  knew  his  worth,  but  doubt- 
ed his  faith.  One  day  an  officer  questioned  him  on  this  point. 
Bean  told  him  he  would  gladly  serve  the  king  if  permitted. 
His  irons  wrere  knocked  off,  a gun  and  sword  placed  -in  his 
hands,  and  he  became  a soldier.  At  that  time  the  republican 
forces  were  some  three  hundred  miles  distant.* 

Bean  performed  his  duties  very  well  for  a couple  of  weeks, 
when,  a favorable  opportunity  offering,  he  went  over  to  More- 
los, carrying  with  him  a considerable  number  of  the  royalists. 
He  continued  with  Morelos,  growing  daily  in  his  confidence, 


* Bean’s  Memoirs,  MS. 


CAPTURE  OP  ACAPULCO. 


161 


and  displaying  great  courage ; he  was  infinite  in  his  resources, 
providing  provisions  and  ammunition  for  the  troops,  and  in 
leading  forlorn  hopes. 

When  Morelos  proceeded  with  the  main  division  of  his  army 
to  occupy  Quautla  Amilpas,  he  left  Bean  (then  holding  the 
rank  of  colonel)  in  command  of  the  forces  besieging  Acapulco. 
Morelos  was  driven  from  Quautla  with  considerable  loss,  but 
was  more  fortunate  in  other  places.  About  the  close  of  the 
year  1812,  Colonel  Bean  took  the  town  of  Acapulco,  with  the 
garrison,  and  the  governor  of  the  castle  who  had  treated  him 
with  so  much  cruelty.  At  this  time  the  whole  of  New  Spain 
was  engaged  in  deadly  strife.  An  indiscriminate  slaughter 
seemed  to  follow  every  victory.  Whole  towns  were  razed  to 
their  foundations,  and  entire  provinces  were  made  desolate ! 
The  long  pent-up  wrath  of  four  millions  of  Indians,  and  the 
fierce  barbarity  of  the  usurping  Spaniards,  were  turned  loose 
upon  a country  romantic  and  lovely  by  nature,  but  wasted  and 
ruined  by  a cruel  oppression. 

Vol.  I.— 11 


162 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

From  what  has  preceded,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  time  for  a 
successful  invasion  of  Texas  was  propitious.  The  Spaniards 
were  not  able  to  prevent  it,  and  the  people  of  the  province 
were  not  opposed  to  it.  The  Franciscan  friars  in  Texas  kept 
up  a regular  correspondence  with  the  parent-convents  at  Que- 
retaro  and  Zacatecas.  The  latter,  ardent  friends  of  the  revo- 
lution, inspired  the  former  with  their  views.  The  spiritual 
advisers  of  the  Texan  population  had  no  difficulty  in  directing 
their  views  and  feelings. 

There  were  very  few  able-bodied  men  east  of  the  Trinity  who 
did  not  join  the  Americans  at  the  Bluff.  On  the  arrival  of 
Magee,  and  after  the  principal  forces  were  collected,  they  were 
organized.  Magee  was  elected  colonel,  and,  in  fact,  commander- 
in-chief  ; although,  for  prudential  considerations,  Bernardo  was 
nominally  called  such,  with  the  title  of  general.  Kemper  was 
chosen  major,  and  other  regimental  officers  were  appointed. 
Before  the  army  left  the  Trinity,  Captain  James  Gaines,  com- 
manding the  Mexicans  east  of  that  river,  joined  with  his  forces. 
The  troops,  nearly  eight  hundred  in  number,  set  out  on  their 
march,  taking  the  La  Bahia  road.  They  continued  the  march 
without  interruption  till  they  had  crossed  the  Colorado,  when 
the  advance  captured  some  of  the  Spanish  spies.  They  learned 
from  them  that  Governor  Salcedo  was  in  command  at  La  Bahia, 


CAPTURE  OP  LA  BAHIA. 


163 


having  been  informed  that  they  would  attack  that  place  ; that 
he  had  marched  out  with  fourteen  hundred  troops,  to  lie  in  am- 
bush at  the  crossing  of  the  Guadalupe.  This  information,  con- 
firmed by  other  circumstances,  induced  Magee  to  change  his 
route,  which  he  did,  crossing  the  Guadalupe  below  the  old 
road.  He  made  a forced  march,  and  reached  La  Bahia  before 
day  on  the  14th  of  November.*  There  were  but  one  hundred 
and  sixty  Spanish  troops  in  the  fort.  They  surrendered  with 
little  opposition,  and  the  “ Republican  Army  of  the  North” 
marched  in,  raised  their  flag,  and  found  themselves  in  posses- 
sion of  an  abundance  of  military  stores  and  the  Spanish  military 
chest.  They  found  in  the  fort  sixteen  pieces  of  artillery  of  all 
calibres ; among  them,  those  brought  to  San  Bernardo,  by  La 
Salle,  in  1685.  The  military  chest  enabled  them  to  pay  to 
ejach  of  the  troops  all  back  dues.  This,  with  the  abundance 
of  provisions  on  hand,  made  them  contented. 

Three  days  after,  Salcedo,  burning  with  rage  in  being  so 
deceived,  marched  up  to  the  fort  and  assaulted  it  with  his  en- 
tire force.  The  Americans  did  not  wait,  but  sallied  out  of  the 
fort,  and  drove  him  back,  with  a small  loss  on  both  sides. 
Finding  that  victory  was  not  so  cheap,  the  Texan  governor 
repassed  the  river,  and  prepared  for  a regular  siege.  He 
divided  his  forces  into  four  divisions,  and  placed  one  on  each 
bank  of  the  San  Antonio  above  and  one  on  each  bank  below 
La  Bahia.  The  Americans  were  not  idle.  They  erected  a 
bastion  of  earth  on  each  side  of  the  fort,  on  which  they  mounted 
the  guns  they  found  in  the  fort,  and  also  the  three  six-pounders 
they  had  brought  with  them.  Salcedo  had  fourteen  pieces  of 
different  calibres,  which  he  used  as  he  could. 

* Narrative  of  Captain  M'Kim,  MS.  In  the  accounts  we  have  of  this  war, 
there  is  a great  discrepancy  in  datos.  The  quartermaster’s  account  is  considered 
most  reliable. 


164 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


During  the  three  or  four  weeks  in  which  the  two  armies  oc- 
cupied these  positions,  Salcedo  made  three  assaults  on  the  fort. 
The  Spaniards  were  receiving  constant  accessions  of  strength ; 
the  Americans  none.  Previous  to  the  last  assault,  for  some 
unknown  cause,  a cessation  of  hostilities  for  three  days  had 
been  agreed  upon.  During  this  time  the  officers  of  the  two 
armies  extended  to  each  other  the  civilities  due  among  gentle- 
men. Colonel  Magee,  by  invitation,  dined  with  Salcedo  in  the 
quarters  of  the  latter.  Between  them  an  agreement  was  made, 
which,  from  the  facts  above  detailed,  can  not  be  understood. 
Magee  had  agreed  with  Salcedo  that  the  fort  should  be  deliv- 
ered up,  the  Americans  to  return  home  without  their  arms,  but 
to  be  supplied  on  the  march  with  provisions  by  Salcedo. 

Magee  returned  to  the  fort,  paraded  the  troops,  announced 
to  them  what  he  had  done,  and  took  the  vote  of  approval  by 
asking  those  in  favor  of  it  to  shoulder  arms.  The  treaty  was 
unanimously  voted  down.  The  republicans  were  indignant, 
and  manifested  it  by  striking  the  butts  of  their  pieces  against 
the  ground.  Magee,  confounded  by  this  act  of  disobedience, 
retired  to  his  tent,  leaving  the  troops  on  parade.  The  confu- 
sion was  great.  Major  Kemper,  the  next  in  command,  went 
for  Bernardo.  He  kept  close  in  his  quarters,  signed  all  the 
necessary  papers,  and  ate  hearty  dinners,  but,  like  Mohammed’s 
coat,  was  brought  before  the  army  only  on  trying  occasions. 
He  took  sides  with  the  troops,  and  advised  that  the  agreement 
should  not  be  regarded.  In  the  meantime,  a flag  from  Salcedo 
brought  a note  to  Magee.  It  was  delivered  to  Bernardo,  and 
he  read  it  to  the  army.  It  reminded  Magee  of  his  honor ; that 
the  hour  had  passed  when  the  fort  should  have  been  surren- 
dered, and  it  was  not  done.  The  flag  was  sent  back  without 
an  answer. 

Shortly  afterward,  Salcedo  made  a furious  assault  upon  the 


DEATH  OF  COLONEL  MAGEE. 


165 


place,  took  the  town,  and  advanced  to  the  walls  of  the  fort. 
The  Americans,  thrown  into  disorder  by  recent  events,  and 
without  a commander,  seemed  not  to  act  with  their  usual  vigor. 
But,  rallying  under  Kemper,  the  next  in  command,  they  sal- 
lied out  and  attacked  the  Spaniards,  drove  them  from  the  walls, 
and  then  out  of  the  town,  continuing  the  fight  till  darkness  put 
an  end  to  the  contest.  The  Spanish  loss  in  this  affair  was  about 
two  hundred ; the  Americans  lost  but  few.  Magee  had  not  left 
his  quarters  during  the  battle.  That  night,  shortly  after  twelve 
o’clock,  he  died,  and,  it  is  said,  by  his  own  hands.* 

The  next  morning,  the  Spaniards  sent  in  a flag,  asking  a ces- 
sation of  arms  for  one  day,  that  the  dead  might  be  cared  for ; 
which  was  granted.  The  Spaniards  continued  the  siege,  with- 
out making  any  further  attack,  until  about  the  12th  of  March, 
1813,  when  they  abandoned  their  position  and  retreated  to  San 
Antonio.  They,  however,  stationed  spies  down  the  river,  to 
watch  the  movements  of  the  Americans. 

Major  Kemper  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  colonel,  and 
commander-in-chief  de  facto , and  Captain  Ross  was  chosen 
major.  A council  of  war  was  held,  at  which  it  was  resolved 
to  obtain  reinforcements  and  march  on  San  Antonio. f Captain 
M‘Farland  was  despatched  to  the  Lipan  and  Twowokana  In- 
dians for  aid.  An  express  was  also  sent  to  Nacogdoches,  to 
the  commandant  Guadiana,  to  forward  in  haste  all  the  recruits 
to  be  had  there.  The  volunteers  from  Nacogdoches,  one  hun- 

* Captain  M ‘Kim’s  Narrative.  More  light  is  needed  in  regard  to  the  conduct 
of  Colonel  Magee  from  the  time  of  his  interview  with  Salcedo  until  his  death. 
Though  a young  man,  he  acted  with  prudence  and  foresight  in  getting  up  and 
conducting  the  expedition.  Notwithstanding  the  officers  of  the  United  States 
were  vigilant  in  preventing  troops  from  marching  from  Louisiana  to  make  war 
in  Mexico,  yet  the  affair  was  so  well  managed,  that,  although  it  was  known  that 
the  enterprise  was  on  foot,  it  was  extraordinary  to  see  two  of  those  engaged  in 
it  together  at  any  one  time.  — Letter  of  John  Dick , U.  S.  District  Attorney  for 
Louisiana  ; American  Slate  Paperst  vol.  xi.,  p.  302. 
f Breckenridge’s  Memoirs  of  Travel. 


166 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


dred  and  seventy  in  number,  soon  arrived.  Twenty-five  Coos- 
hattie  Indians,  of  the  old  missions,  also  joined  them.  With 
these  additions,  the  Americans  set  out  on  their  march  up  the 
left  bank  of  the  San  Antonio,  and  crossed  the  Salado,  a small 
creek  emptying  into  that  river,  about  the  28th  of  March.  Here 
they  were  joined  by  Captain  M‘Farland  with  three  hundred 
Lipan  and  Twowokana  warriors. 

The  viceroy  Venegas,  notwithstanding  he  was  sorely  pressed 
by  the  republicans  at  home,  found  an  opportunity  for  throwing 
reinforcements  into  San  Antonio.  Salcedo,  receiving  informa- 
tion of  the  advance  of  the  Americans,  sent  out  his  troops  to 
form  an  ambush.  The  whole  regular  force,  consisting  of  fifteen 
hundred  men,  and  about  a thousand  militia,  were  placed  under 
the  command  of  the  officer  who  brought  on  the  reinforcements 
— he  having  solicited  it,  and  pledged  his  sword  and  his  head  to 
the  governor  that  he  would  kill  and  make  prisoners  the  whole 
of  the  republican  army ! The  latter  consisted  of  eight  hundred 
Americans,  under  Colonel  Kemper ; one  hundred  and  eighty 
Mexicans  from  Nacogdoches,  nominally  under  Colonel  James 
Gaines,  but  really  led  by  Manchaca,  a rough,  uneducated,  but 
strong-minded  Mexican  of  Texas  ; and  three  hundred  and 
twenty-five  Indians.  The  Americans,  expecting  a conflict,  had 
prepared  for  it.  They  marched  in  order  of  battle.  The  left 
wing,  under  the  command  of  Major  Ross,  moved  in  front ; the 
right,  under  Kemper,  was  in  the  rear.  A select  corps  of  rifle- 
men, under  Captain  Luckett,  acted  as  flankers  on  the  right. 
The  American  left  was  protected  by  the  San  Antonio  river, 
along  the  bank  of  which  they  marched. 

About  nine  miles  from  San  Antonio  there  was  a ridge,  of 
gentle  slope,  dividing  the  waters  of  the  San  Antonio  and  the 
Salado.  The  side  of  this  ridge  next  to  the  San  Antonio,  from 
the  crest  to  the  road,  consisted  of  prairie ; the  side  bordering 


BATTLE  OF  ROSALIS. 


167 


the  Salado  was  covered  with  chapparal,  a species  of  thick  un- 
derwood. In  this  chapparal  the  Spaniards  were  lying  in  am- 
bush. They  were  discovered  by  the  riflemen,  who  were  march- 
ing on  the  crest  of  the  ridge,  and  who  opened  a fire  upon  them. 
They  immediately  formed,  and  presented  themselves  to  the 
American  army  about  four  hundred  yards  below.  The  Span- 
ish line,  in  the  centre  of  which  were  twelve  pieces  of  artillery,* 
crowned  the  crest  of  the  ridge  for  three  quarters  of  a mile. 

The  Indian  auxiliaries  were  placed  in  front  of  the  American 
lines,  to  receive  the  charge  of  the  Spanish  cavalry,  until  suita- 
ble dispositions  could  be  made  to  charge  in  turn.  At  the  first 
onset,  they  all  fled,  except  the  Cooshatties  and  a few  others : 
these  withstood  two  other  charges,  in  which  they  lost  two 
killed  and  several  wounded.  By  this  time  the  Americans  had 
formed  at  the  foot  of  the  ridge,  having  placed  their  baggage- 
wagons  in  the  rear,  under  the  protection  of  the  prisoners  they 
had  taken  at  La  Bahia ! The  charge  was  sounded,  and  orders 
given  to  advance  to  within  thirty  yards  of  the  Spanish  line,  fire 
three  rounds,  load  the  fourth  time,  and  charge  along  the  whole 
line.  The  order  was  obeyed  in  silence,  and  with  a coolness  so 
remarkable,  that  it  filled  the  Spaniards  with  terror.  The 
Americans  had  greatly  the  advantage  in  ascending  the  hill,  as 
the  enemy  overshot  them.  The  Spaniards  did  not  await  the 
charge  of  their  adversaries,  but  gave  way  along  the  entire  line, 
and  then  fled  in  the  direction  of  San  Antonio.  They  were  pur- 
sued and  killed  in  great  numbers ; and  many  who  had  surren- 
dered were  cruelly  butchered  by  the  Indians.  When  the  Span- 
ish commander  saw  his  army  flying,  and  that  the  day  was  lost, 
he  turned  his  horse  toward  the  American  line,  and  rushed  into 
their  ranks.  He  first  attacked  Major  Ross,  and  then  Colonel 
Kemper ; and,  as  his  sword  was  raised  to  strike  the  latter,  he 

* Breckenridge  says  eix  piecea 


168 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


was  shot  dead  by  William  Owen,  a private  in  Captain  Joseph 
Taylor’s  company. 

In  this  great  Texan  battle,  there  were  nearly  a thousand  of 
the  enemy  slain  and  wounded,  and  a few  taken  prisoners; 
though  the  inhuman  conduct  of  the  Indians  greatly  reduced 
the  number  of  those  captured.* 

The  next  day  the  Americans  pursued  their  march  to  the  bor- 
ders of  the  town  of  San  Antonio,  and  sent  in  a flag,  demanding 
the  surrender  of  the  place  and  garrison.  Governor  Salcedo 
asked  till  morning  to  make  his  arrangements  for  the  capitula- 
tion of  the  place.  A second  flag  was  sent  in  notifying  him 
that,  if  he  and  his  staff  did  not  immediately  proceed  to  the 
American  camp,  with  the  flag,  they  would  storm  the  town. 
Salcedo  with  his  staff,  fourteen  in  all,  complied  with  this  de- 
mand. The  governor  approached  Captain  Taylor,  and  pre- 
sented him  his  sword.  Taylor  referred  him  to  Colonel  Kem- 
per ; the  latter  declined  to  receive  it,  but  referred  him  in  turn 
to  General  Bernardo  Gutierres.  This  was  too  much : Salcedo 
stuck  his  sword  into  the  ground  in  front  of  Bernardo,  and  left 
it  there  ! The  latter  took  it  up.  The  Spanish  troops,  stores, 
arms,  and  military  chest,  were  all  surrendered.  The  Americans 
marched  into  the  Alamo,  and  released  seventeen  of  their  coun- 
trymen whom  they  found  there  imprisoned,  put  arms  in  their 
hands,  and  placed  them  in  the  ranks  of  the  “ Republican  Army 
of  the  North.”  The  spoils  were  distributed.  Each  man  in 
the  army  received  his  wages,  a gratuity  of  fifteen  dollars,  a 
suit  of  clothes,  and  an  order  for  two  horses  or  mules  out  of  the 
public  caballada.  The  Indians  were  supplied  with  two  dol- 
lars’ worth  of  vermilion,  together  with  presents  of  the  value  of 


* It  is  a little  remarkable  that  the  locality  of  this  engagement,  known  as  the 
battle  of  JRosalis,  can  not  be  identified.  We  have  the  accounts  of  Navarro,  Ken- 
nedy, and  MKirn.  As  the  latter  was  in  the  battle,  his  account  was  preferred. 


MASSACRE  OF  SALCEDO  AND  HIS  STAFF. 


169 


a hundred  and  thirty  dollars,  and  sent  away  rejoicing."  The 
Spanish  soldiers  taken  as  prisoners  were  set  at  liberty.  Some 
joined  the  ranks  of  the  republicans,  and  the  rest  repaired  to 
their  homes.  Salcedo  and  his  staff  were  permitted  the  liber- 
ties of  the  town  on  their  parole  of  honor. 

About  the  first  of  April,  1813,  General  Bernardo  (who,  being 
among  his  own  people,  had  begun  to  assume  a little  more  au- 
thority) ordered  the  army  to  be  paraded,  and  read  to  them 
what  he  affirmed  was  a letter  informing  him  that  two  vessels, 
at  Matagorda  bay,  were  about  to  sail  to  the  United  States,  and 
stated  that  he  considered  it  safest  to  send  Salcedo  and  his  staff 
to  New  Orleans,  there  to  remain  on  their  parole  until  the  war 
was  over.  This  proposition  was  acquiesced  in  by  the  troops ; 
and  that  evening  the  governor  and  his  suite  started  on  their 
march,  under  the  guard  of  a company  of  Bexar  Mexicans  com- 
manded by  Captain  Delgado.  They  were  taken  about  a mile 
and  a half  below  the  town,  to  the  point  of  a small  ridge  that 
runs  down  to  the  river ; and  there,  on  the  east  bank  of  the 
stream,  the  prisoners  were  stripped  and  tied,  and  their  throats 
cut ! Among  them,  besides  Governor  Salcedo,  were  the  brave 
and  accomplished  ex-governors  Herrera  and  Cordero. f The 

* Colonel  Davenport’s  account,  MS. 

f Foote’s  “Texas  and  the  Texans,”  vol.  i.,  p.  18S.  Colonel  Navarro  gives  a 
somewhat  different  account  of  this  affair.  He  says:  “Some  of  these  assassins 
[Delgado’s  company],  with  brutal  irony,  whetted  their  knives  upon  the  soles  of 
their  shoes  in  the  presence  of  their  victims!  ....  The  day  following  the  assassi- 
nation, I myself  saw  this  band  of  murderers,  led  by  their  commander,  Antonio 
Delgado,  halt  in  front  of  the  government-buildings.  I myself  heard  them  inform 
Bernardo  Gutierres  that  the  fourteen  victims  had  been  put  to  death.”  The  fol- 
lowing is  the  list  furnished  by  Colonel  Navarro:  — 

Spaniards  : Manuel  de  Salcedo,  governor ; Simon  de  Herrera,  governor  of  New 
Leon;  Geronimo  Herrera, lieutenant-colonel;  Juan  de Echeverria,  captain;  Jose 
Groscochia,  captain;  Francisco  Pereira,  captain;  Jose  Mateos,  captain;  Juan  Ig- 
natio  Arambido,  captain ; Gregoria  Amado,  lieutenant ; Antonio  Lopez,  citizen. 

Mexicans:  Miguel  de  Arcos,  captain;  Luis,  his  son,  lieutenant;  Francisco,  his 
son,  ensign ; Juan  Caso,  lieutenant. 

Gutierres,  in  a manifesto  published  at  Monterey,  in  1827,  denies  having  or 


170 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


next  morning,  the  Americans,  discovering  that  Delgado  and  his 
company  were  back  in  their  quarters,  suspected  some  treach- 
ery. The  American  officers,  having  their  honor  pledged  for 
the  safety  of  these  victims,  caused  Delgado  to  be  arrested  and 
tried.  His  defence  was,  that  Colonel  Delgado  and  General 
Bernardo,  having  been  engaged  under  the  banner  of  Hidalgo, 
when  the  latter  fell,  were  making  their  escape  to  Louisiana ; 
that  Colonel  Delgado  — who  was  his  father — was  taken  and 
executed  by  Salcedo  in  San  Antonio,  and  his  head  exposed  on 
a pole,  as  the  Americans  saw  when  they  marched  into  the  town ; 
and  that  for  this  reason  General  Bernardo  had  given  him  per- 
mission to  put  the  prisoners  to  death.  Upon  this  statement, 
Captain  Delgado  was  released,  and  Bernardo  himself  brought 
to  trial.  He  made  the  same  defence  as  the  former,  with  this 
addition,  that  the  younger  Delgado  had  implored  him  on  his 
bended  knees  thus  to  avenge  his  father’s  death  The  tribunal, 
however,  found  Bernardo  guilty  of  treachery  and  barbarity, 
and  deposed  him. 

Before  this  occurrence,  Bernardo  had  been  a mere  cipher ; 
now  he  had  assumed  authority,  and  in  a manner  so  barbarous, 
that  the  American  officers  had  become  disgusted  with  the  ser- 
vice. Colonel  Kemper,  Major  Ross,  and  others,  left  the  army 
and  returned  home ; but  their  places  were  supplied  with  new 
recruits,*  the  fame  of  preceding  victories  having  drawn  many 
adventurers  to  San  Antonio. 

After  the  departure  of  the  above-named  officers,  the  troops, 
intoxicated  with  success,  and  being  without  the  restraint  of 
any  lawful  authority,  abandoned  themselves  to  great  excesses. 
But,  while  thus  revelling  in  almost  every  species  of  dissipation, 

dered  the  execution  of  these  men,  and  charges  it  upon  the  Mexican  junta  which 
he  had  assembled  at  San  Antonio  to  try  them.  Ex-Governor  Cordero,  it  will  be 
seen,  is  not  in  Navarro’s  list 

* Breckenridge ; Foote,  vol.  i.,  p.  191. 


APPROACH  OF  ELISONDO  WITH  FRESH  FORCES.  171 

they  were  surprised  by  a new  army  sent  against  them  by  the 
viceroy.  It  was  commanded  by  Don  Y.  Elisondo,  the  same 
renegade  who  had  betrayed  Hidalgo  to  the  royalists.  The 
army  which  he  led  consisted  of  about  fifteen  hundred  regulars, 
and  a like  number  of  irregulars  picked  up  in  the  internal  prov- 
inces. They  first  surprised,  killed,  and  dispersed  the  guard 
who  were  out  grazing  the  American  caballada.  They  also 
took  the  horses.  The  republicans,  on  receiving  this  intelli- 
gence, were  in  confusion,  and  without  any  controlling  head. 
The  Mexican  influence  was  too  strong  to  neglect  Bernardo, 
and  yet  the  Americans  could  not  safely  trust  him.  Manchaca 
was  a man  of  great  vigor,  and  had  extensive  influence  among 
his  people,  but  was  ignorant  of  all  the  high  qualities  necessary 
for  the  command  of  an  army.  Of  the  American  officers  who 
remained,  Captain  Perry  was  highest  in  rank,  and  perhaps  the 
most  worthy.  At  all  events,  he  had  the  chief  command  in  fact, 
and  Bernardo  was  nominally  reinstated  for  the  occasion.* 

Elisondo  did  not  march  directly  into  San  Antonio,  as  he 
might  have  done,  but  pitched  his  camp  about  half  a mile  from 
the  graveyard  of  the  town.  The  Americans  having  decided 
on  their  plan  of  attack,  double  sentinels  were  placed  on  guard, 
no  one  was  permitted  to  pass  in  or  out  of  the  place,  and  all 
the  artillery  except  four  field-pieces  was  spiked. 

The  Spaniards  had  meanwhile  thrown  up  two  bastions,  with 
a curtain  of  four  hundred  yards  between  them.  This  work 
crowned  the  summit  of  a ridge  of  gentle  ascent,  near  the  river 
Alazan,  a branch  of  the  San  Pedro,  behind  which  the  enemy 
were  encamped. 

* Captain  M ‘Kim’s  Narrative,  MS.  It  must  not  be  understood  that  Bernardo 
was  without  abilities,  or  deficient  in  many  good  qualities.  He  was  a man  of  cul- 
tivated mind,  of  good  sense,  had  seen  much  of  the  world,  and  had  some  refine- 
ment— but  he  was  a Mexican.  When  the  Americans  found  it  necessary  to  rein- 
state him,  in  order  to  get  the  hearty  co-operation  of  his  own  people,  they  sent  a 
deputation,  consisl  ing  of  Captains  Perry  and  Joseph  Taylor,  to  wait  on  him, — 7b * 


172 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


At  ten  o’clock  at  night,  June  4,  the  Americans  marched  out 
of  the  town.  They  moved  by  file,  and  in  the  most  profound 
silence,  until  they  approached  sufficiently  near  to  hear  the  ene- 
my’s advanced  guard.  Here  they  sat  down,  with  their  arms 
in  their  hands,  until  they  heard  the  Spaniards  at  matins.  Or- 
ders were  given  that,  on  notice,  the  Americans  should  charge. 
This  notice  was  to  be  given  by  a check  from  the  right  of  each 
company,  and  in  silence.  The  signal  was  given,  and  they  all 
marched  forward  with  a firmness  and  regularity  becoming  vet- 
eran soldiers.  The  enemy’s  pickets  were  surprised  and  taken 
prisoners.  The  Americans  advanced  to  the  works,  mounted 
them,  hauled  down  the  Spanish  flag,  and  ran  up  their  own  tri- 
color, before  they  were  discovered  by  the  Spanish  camp.  This 
was  just  at  the  dawn  of  day.  The  Spaniards,  thus  aroused, 
fought  gallantly,  and  drove  the  Americans  back  from  the  works. 
The  latter  rallied,  retook  them,  and  charged  into  the  Spanish 
camp,  using  only  the  bayonet  and  spear.  The  slaughter  was 
terrible.  At  length,  after  some  hours  of  hard  fighting,  the 
Spaniards,  fairly  pushed  off  the  field,  turned  and  fled,  leaving 
a thousand  dead,  wounded,  and  prisoners.  The  Americans 
lost  forty-seven  killed,  and  as  many  more  wounded,  who  after- 
terward  died  of  their  wounds. 

The  Spaniards  who  escaped,  fled  with  their  commander  to 
the  Rio  Grande,  and  the  Americans  returned  to  San  Antonio, 
where,  having  no  further  use  for  General  Bernardo  Gutierres, 
they  dismissed  him  from  the  service.  This  act  was  doubtless 
done  at  the  instance  of  the  American  officers,  who  feared  fur- 
ther dishonor  and  treachery.  The  family  of  Bernardo  had 
come  on  to  San  Antonio  after  the  battle  of  the  Salado  (or  Ro- 
salis),  and  remained  there  with  him.  On  being  dismissed  the 
second  time,  he  retired  to  Natchitoches.* 

* Bernardo  hung  about  the  “neutral  grround’’  until  1816,  when  he  went  to 
New  Orleans.  On  the  successful  issue  of  the  Mexican  revolution,  he  had  a com- 


GENERAL  TOLEDO. 


173 


Don  Jose  Alvarez  Toledo  was  by  birth  a Cuban,  of  a distin- 
guished Spanish  family.*  He  had  formerly  been  a member  of 
the  Spanish  cortes  in  Mexico,  but  was  banished  on  account  of 
his  republican  sympathies.!  He  had  been  for  some  time  in 
Louisiana,  aiding  in  forwarding  recruits  to  San  Antonio,  and 
was  duly  advised  of  the  progress  of  the  war  in  that  quarter. 
In  July,  1813,  he  set  out  in  person  for  the  scene  of  hostilities.} 
He  arrived  shortly  after  the  final  departure  of  Bernardo.  His 
fame  as  a distinguished  republican  Spaniard  had  preceded  him, 
and  the  troops  and  people  of  San  Antonio  went  to  meet  and 
escort  him  in.  He  was  welcomed  with  much  pomp,  and  imme- 
diately elected  commander-in-chief  of  the  republican  army  of 
the  north.  || 

General  Toledo  at  once  organized  a governing  junta,  and 
went  to  work  to  restore  order  to  the  civil  government  of  Texas. 
Suitable  alcaldes  and  other  officers  were  appointed,  and  for  a 
few  days  law  and  order  seemed  to  reign  in  San  Antonio. 

But  these  days  of  sunshine  were  destined  to  be  few.  The 
republican  rangers  brought  intelligence  that  another  Spanish 
army  was  approaching.  The  fugitives  from  the  late  disastrous 
affair  under  Elisondo  had  communicated  to  General  Arredondo, 
commandant  of  the  northeastern  provinces,  the  news  of  the  de- 
feat. The  latter  united  his  own  forces  with  such  of  the  rem- 


mand  at  San  Carlos.  Colonel  Bean,  in  his  Memoirs,  says  that  at  San  Carlos,  on 
the  28th  of  June,  1825,  “I  found  Don  Bernardo  Gutierres,  with  about  four  hun- 
dred troops,  in  command  of  the  place.  He  was  my  old  friend,  and  I was  very 
glad  to  see  him,  as  my  horses  and  mules  were  giving  out,  and  my  money  also ; 
but,  to  my  misfortune,  I found  him  very  poor,  and  unable  to  help  himself.”  In 
1830,  Bernardo  was  keeping  a small  saddlery-store  at  Guerrero. 

* Holly’s  Texas,  p.  307. 

f Foote,  vol.  L,  p.  191. 

X In  Colonel  Davenport’s  account  there  is  this  item,  incurred  at  Spanish  Bluff, 
about  the  23d  of  July:  “Por  75  lib.*  de  balas  de  ordendeelson  Oral  Toledo  sog.* 
recebo  acomp.0  No.  41,  $23, 3|.” — MS. 

| Captain  M ‘Kim’s  Narrative. 


174 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


nant  of  Elisondo’s  army  as  he  could  collect,  and  set  out  on  his 
inarch  for  San  Antonio.  On  the  south  of  the  Medina  he  threw 
up  a breastwork : it  was  in  the  form  of  the  letter  < , with  the 
apex  in  the  road,  and  the  open  end  in  the  direction  of  San  An- 
tonio. His  entire  force  consisted  of  about  four  thousand  men. 
Six  hundred  of  these  were  thrown  forward  four  hundred  yprds 
in  advance  of  the  breastwork,  and  intended  as  a decoy.  The 
breastwork  itself  was  concealed  by  an  artificial  chapparal, 
formed  of  bushes  set  up  in  front  of  it,  and  giving  the  appear- 
ance of  a natural  growth. 

Toledo  immediately  marched  out  to  meet  the  enemy.  His 
force  consisted  of  eight  hundred  and  fifty  Americans,  under 
Perry  and  Taylor,  and  about  twice  that  number  of  Mexicans, 
commanded  by  Manchaca.  The  latter  was  said  to  be  envious 
of  the  distinction  shown  to  Toledo,  and  was  consequently  in- 
subordinate. This  was  perhaps  the  cause  of  a fatal  mistake 
on  the  part  of  Toledo  in  separating  the  Americans,  by  placing 
them  on  the  two  wings,  with  the  Mexicans  in  the  centre. 

When  they  met  with  the  Spanish  advance,  the  battle  com- 
menced. The  Spaniards,  after  firing  a round,  abandoned  their 
artillery,  and  made  a feigned  retreat,  flying  through  the  apex 
of  the  breastwork.  The  centre  of  the  republicans  advanced 
rapidly,  and  the  wings  followed.  Toledo,  seeing  the  ambush 
when  it  was  too  late,  ordered  a retreat.  The  left  wing  obeyed 
the  order ; but  the  right  wing  refused,  crying  out  that  “ they 
never  retreated !”  The  centre,  far  in  advance  of  the  wings, 
was  already  exposed  to  a deadly  fire  from  its  front  and  flanks. 
Had  the  order  to  retreat  not  been  given  at  all,  or  had  it  been 
given  earlier,  the  day  would  not  have  been  lost.  The  enemy’s 
cannon  mowed  down  the  republicans  with  fearful  havoc.  The 
Americans  on  the  right  performed  prodigies  of  valor;  even 
after  the  few  survivors  of  the  centre  had  fled,  they  continued 


DEFEAT  AND  BUTCHERY  OF  THE  AMERICANS. 


175 


the  fight.  They  could  not,  however,  obtain  possession  of  the 
breastwork,  and  in  the  effort  were  nearly  all  cut  to  pieces. 
Only  those  that  obeyed  the  order  to  retreat  were  able  to  get 
away  from  the  field  of  battle.  The  fugitives  continued  their 
retreat,  the  Spanish  cavalry  pursuing,  and  butchering  without 
mercy  all  whom  they  could  overtake.  At  Spanish  Bluff,  on 
the  Trinity,  the  enemy  took  seventy  or  eighty  prisoners.  These 
they  marched  to  an  island  of  timber  at  the  then  forks  of  the 
San  Antonio  and  La  Bahia  roads,  where  they  dug  a long  and 
deep  grave,  laid  a piece  of  timber  across  it,  and,  after  tying 
the  prisoners,  set  them  by  tens  on  the  timber,  and  shot  them. 
Only  ninety-three  Americans  succeeded  in  reaching  Natchito- 
ches. Among  them  were  Colonel  Perry,  Captain  Joseph  Tay- 
lor (badly  wounded),  and  Captain  Bullard,  who  had  acted  as 
aid  to  Toledo  during  the  battle.  Thus  ended  the  disastrous 
war  of  1812  and  1813* 

The  victorious  party  in  Texas  pursued  with  vengeance  every 
friend  of  the  republican  party.  The  town  of  Trinidad,  at  Span- 
ish Bluff,  was  utterly  desolated.  Those  of  the  inhabitants  who 
did  not  make  their  escape  were  cruelly  butchered  at  a hill  a 
few  hundred  yards  west  of  Robbins’s  ferry,  known  as  the  Loma 
del  Toro , or  Bull’s  hill.  The  republicans  of  Nacogdoches  fled 
to  Louisiana.  The  survivors  of  the  neutral  ground  returned  to 
their  old  haunts,  and  formed  a nucleus  around  which  subse- 
quent revolutionists  might  rally. 

General  Toledo,  as  the  head  of  the  republican  party  in 
Texas,  planted  his  standard  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Sabine,  at 

* It  will  not  be  deemed  surprising  that  we  have  no  detailed  account  of  the 
important  events,  of  the  Gachupin  war,  when  we  remember  that  during  the 
same  period  there  was  a war  in  the  United  States,  and  also  one  in  Mexico.  The 
public  mind  was  thus  drawn  away  from  the  military  movements  in  Texas.  It 
is  more  than  probable  that  the  war  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Brit- 
ain, by  drawing  into  its  vortex  the  adventurous  spirits  of  the  southwestern  states, 
saved  Texas  from  a successful  revolution  in  1813. 


176 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


the  old  Saline  near  Gaines’s  ferry,  and  invited  thither  whoso- 
ever chose  to  engage  in  the  war.* 

Two  days  after  the  battle  of  the  Medina,  which  was  fought 
on  the  18th  of  August,  1813,  General  Arredondo,  having  his 
wagons  loaded  with  wounded  and  dying,  marched  in  triumph 
into  San  Antonio.  Here  commenced  a scene  of  barbarity 
which  that  place  had  never  before  witnessed.  Seven  hundred 
of  the  peaceable  citizens  were  seized  and  imprisoned.  Three 
hundred  of  them  were  confined  during  the  night  of  the  20th  of 
August  in  one  house,  and  during  the  night  eighteen  of  them 
died  of  suffocation.  From  day  to  day  the  others  were  shot, 
without  any  form  of  trial ! The  cruelty  of  the  Spanish  com- 
mander went  even  further.  He  had  a pTison  for  females.  It 
occupied  the  site  of  the  present  postoffice  of  San  Antonio,  and 
was  tauntingly  called  the  Quinta.  Here  were  imprisoned  five 
hundred  of  the  wives,  daughters,  and  other  female  relatives, 
of  the  patriots ; and,  for  being  such,  they  were  compelled  daily 
to  convert  twenty-four  bushels  of  Indian  corn  into  the  Mexi- 
can cakes  called  tortillas , for  Arredondo’s  army.  After  thus 
having  satisfied  his  appetite  for  blood  and  revenge,  the  royalist 
commander  found  an  opportunity,  about  the  first  of  September, 
to  collect  and  bury  the  bones  of  Salcedo  and  his  staff.  By 
this  time,  Elisondo,  who  had  proceeded  as  far  as  the  Trinity 
in  pursuit  of  the  fugitives,  returned,  driving  before  him  on  foot 
the  widows  and  orphans  of  those  he  had  there  slain.  The 
property  of  the  patriots  was  all  confiscated.! 

* Foote,  vol.  i.,  p.  192. 

f Colonel  Navarro’s  account,  as  furnished  me  by  F.  Giraud,  Esq.  In  1822, 
Governor  Trespalacios,  in  crossing  the  Medina,  on  his  way  to  Bexar,  passed  over 
the  battle-field  of  the  18th  of  August,  1813.  It  was  strewn  with  human  bones. 
He  had  them  collected,  and  buried  with  military  honors.  On  a large  oak  he 
placed  a tablet  with  this  inscription:  “Here  lTe  the  braves  who,  imitating 

THE  IMMORTAL  EXAMPLE  OF  LEONIDAS,  SACRIFICED  THEIR  FORTUNES  AND  LIVES,  CON- 
TENDING against  tyrants.” — Navarro. 


ANNEXATION  OF  WEST  FLORIDA  TO  LOUISIANA.  177 


CHAPTER  XI Y. 

From  1808  to  1815,  Spain  had  no  diplomatic  intercourse 
with  the  United  States.*  The  gigantic  policy  of  Napoleon 
had,  for  the  time,  blotted  her  out  from  the  list  of  nations.  It 
will  be  remembered  that  she  still  held  possession  of  East  Flor- 
ida, and  claimed  West  Florida,  as  also  Texas ; while  the  Uni- 
ted States  likewise  claimed  the  two  latter  provinces  by  virtue 
of  the  purchase  of  Louisiana.  While  Spain  was  thus  over- 
whelmed at  home,  her  possessions  in  America  were  either  in  a 
state  of  open  revolt,  or  subject  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  any  of 
those  powers  with  whom  the  mother-country  was  at  war. 

The  people  of  West  Florida  assembled  in  convention  at  Ba- 
ton Rouge,  on  the  26th  of  September,  1810,  declared  their  in- 
dependence, and  transmitted  their  declaration  to  the  United 
States,  requesting  to  be  taken  under  their  protection.!  The 
Congress  of  the  Union  having  authorized  President  Madison, 
on  the  happening  of  certain  contingencies,  to  take  possession 
of  the  country,  he  accordingly  issued  his  proclamation,  and,  on 
the  27th  of  October  following,  directed  Governor  Claiborne  to 
annex  West  Florida  to  the  then  territory  of  Orleans,!  which 
was  done. 

By  the  joint  resolution  of  Congress  of  the  15th  of  January, 

* American  State  Papers,  vol.  xi.,  p,  54. 
f lb.,  vol.  vii.,  p.  482,  et  seq. 

Vol.  I. — 12 


% lb.,  p.  480. 


178 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


1811,  the  president  was  fully  empowered,  in  the  event  of  an 
attempt  of  any  foreign  power  to  occupy  any  part  of  East  Flor- 
ida, to  take  possession  of  the  same  for  the  United  States.* 
We  have  already  seen  what  was  done  in  Texas.  In  Mexico, 
the  war  still  continued.  The  vigorous  conduct  of  Calleja,  who 
for  his  services  had  been  appointed  viceroy,  had  rendered  the 
royal  cause  victorious  over  the  entire  country,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  Guanaxuato,  V alladolid,  and  Zacatecas.  Morelos,  how- 
ever, summoned  a congress  at  Chilpanzingo,  which  published  a 
declaration  of  independence.  But  the  political  movements  in 
Europe,  on  which  the  ability  of  Spain  to  support  her  cause  in 
Mexico  depended,  had  become  more  favorable.  Bonaparte,  at 
the  close  of  1813,  was  compelled  to  restore  the  Spanish  crown 
to  Ferdinand  YII.  ;f  and,  by  the  treaty  of  April  11,  1814,  the 
former  renounced  the  sovereignty  of  France,  and  retired  to 
Elba.  This  enabled  Spain  to  concentrate  her  forces  against 
her  rebel  colonies. 

In  the  meantime,  Toledo  had  temporarily  left  his  headquar- 
ters at  Gaines’s  ferry,  and  was  engaged  in  the  United  States 
collecting  forces,  arms,  and  assistance,  for  the  prosecution  of 
the  war  in  Mexico.  The  Mexican  Congress  had  sent  Manuel 
Herrera  as  commissioner  to  the  United  States,  to  represent  the 
interests  of  the  Mexican  republicans.  He  brought  with  him 
blank  commissions,  which,  unfortunately,  he  distributed  to  per- 
sons of  every  character  and  nation 4 Generals  Toledo  and 
Humbert,  however,  succeeded  in  raising  a small  force,  together 
with  supplies  of  ammunition  and  provisions,  which  they  trans- 
ported to  El  Puente  del  Rey,  between  Yera  Cruz  and  Jalapa. 
This  place  was  fortified  by  the  republicans.  Morelos,  hearing 
of  this  arrival,  and  being  sorely  pressed  by  the  royalists,  set 

* American  State  Papers,  vol.  xi.,  p.  391. 

f Treaty  of  Vallen§ay,  December  8,  1813. 

t American  State  Papers,  yol.  xi.,  p.  56. 


PREPARATIONS  FOR  A NEW  INVASION. 


1T9 


out  on  his  march  to  join  Toledo  ; but  on  the  way  he  was  cap- 
tured and  shot.**  With  the  death  of  Morelos,  the  revolutionary 
cause  languished  for  some  years. 

Notwithstanding  this  ill  success,  efforts  were  not  wanting,  in 
the  southwestern  portion  of  the  American  cenfederacy,  to  get 
up  a campaign  against  Texas.  Many  of  the  leading  republicans 
of  Mexico,  ,being  compelled  to  fly  their  country,  took  refuge 
in  the  United  States.  Their  condition  and  recitals  naturally 
increased  the  sympathy  felt  for  their  cause.  The  peace  of 
Ghent  gave  leisure  to  the  adventurers  of  the  latter  country, 
and  their  attention  was  turned  to  Texas.  True,  this  province 
had  again  fallen  into  the  hands  of  Ferdinand  VII. ; but,  in  the 
various  disputes  and  collisions  between  the  United  States  and 
Spain,  the  people  of  the  former  had  acquired  a thorough  con- 
tempt for  the  house  of  Bourbon.  The  triumphs  of  Bonaparte 
had  broken  the  charm  of  idolatry  which  had  so  long  hung  over 
this  corrupt  and  imbecile  line  of  kings.  Indolence  and  inter- 
marriages had  deprived  them  of  energy,  liberality,  and  wis- 
dom ; and,  though  they  still  held  the  nominal  sovereignty  of 
New  Spain,  their  power  had  departed  for  ever. 

It  was  through  the  influence  of  the  Mexican  clergy,  who 
were  directly  dependent  upon  Spain,  that  the  first  effort  at 
revolution  failed.  It  needed,  then,  only  a diversion  of  that 
influence  to  rekindle  the  flame,  and  consume  the  last  vestige 
of  European  authority  in  Mexico. 

Those  most  influential  in  getting  up  a second  invasion  of 
Texas  were  Jose  Alvarez  de  Toledo,  Julius  Caesar  Amazoni, 
Vincent  Gamble,  John  Robinson,  Romain  Very,  Pierre  Soeme- 
son,  Bernard  Bourdin,  and  Colonel  Perry.  All  these,  except 
the  last-named,  were  indicted  in  the  United  States  district  court 
of  Louisiana,  in  1815,  for  a violation  of  the  neutrality  of  the 

* Niles's  Mexico,  p.  149. 


180 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


Union.*  This  had  a tendency  to  check  their  movements.  But 
Colonel  Perry,  though  vigilantly  watched,  made  his  way,  with 
a few  followers,  through  Attakapas,  to  a point  two  leagues 
west  of  the  Sabine,  where  they  assembled  more.  From  this 
point  they  embarked  for  the  coast  of  Mexico,  but  adverse 
winds  compelled  them  to  return. f 

Perry  was  a.  bold,  active,  and  persevering  officer,  and  not 
easily  discouraged  by  misfortune.  He  had  shown  this  by  re- 
maining at  San  Antonio  after  the  treachery  of  Gutierres  ; and, 
notwithstanding  his  narrow  escape  at  the  battle  of  the  Medina, 
his  privations  .in  the  retreat,  and  the  difficulty  of  raising  and 
providing  for  troops,  he  still  persevered  in  his  intentions  against 
Mexico.  As  his  movements  are  connected  with  the  first  occu- 
pation of  Galveston  island,  it  will  be  necessary  to  refer  to  it. 

From  the  discovery  of  the  island  in  1686,  by  the  colony  of 
La  Salle,  until  1816,  it  had  remained  unsettled.  A few  roving 
Carankawaes  occasionally  resorted  to  the  western  end  of  the 
island  for  the  purpose  of  fishing,  but  there  were  no  human  hab- 
itations on  it.  In  fact,  there  is  reason  to  believe  that,  since 
1686,  it  has  more  than  doubled  in  extent,  by  the  recession  of 
the  waters  of  the  gulf.  In  the  beginning  of  the  year  1816,  it 
was  covered  with  long  green  grass,  on  which  fed  herds  of  deer. 
It  also  abounded  in  serpents,  from  which  it  was  called,  by  the 
pirates  of  the  gulf,  Snake  island. 

Some  of  the  piratical  vessels  of  Barrataria  had  sailed  into 
Galveston  bay,  and  made  known  the  capacities  of  the  harbor. 
Don  Jose  Manuel  Herrera,  the  minister  of  the  Mexican  patri- 
ots to  the  United  States,  learning  from  them  that  it  would 
answer  his  purposes,  took  steps  to  have  it  occupied.  Accord- 
ingly, he  sailed  to  the  island  on  the  first  of  September,  1816, 
taking  with  him  Don  Luis  Aury,  who,  as  commodore  of  the 

* American  State  Papers,  vol.  xi.,  p.  307  f lb.,  p.  805 


OCCUPATION  OF  GALVESTON  ISLAND. 


181 


fleet  of  the  republics  of  Mexico,  Venezuela,  La  Plata,  and  New 
Grenada,  commanded  a squadron  of  twelve  or  fifteen  small  ves- 
sels. On  the  12th  of  September,  a meeting  was  held,  and  a 
government  organized.  Amy  was  chosen  civil  and  military 
governor  of  Texas  and  of  Galveston  island.  He  took  the  oath 
of  fidelity  to  the  republic  of  Mexico ; the  several  branches  of 
public  administration  were  arranged,  the  republican  flag  was 
raised,  and  Galveston  declared  a part  of  the  Mexican  republic. 
Prom  this  time  until  the  20th  of  October  the  minister  and  the 
commodore  were  engaged  in  completing  their  system.  Among 
other  provisions  was  one  permitting  Governor  Aury,  if  he 
should  deem  it  necessary,  to  change  his  residence  to  Mata- 
gorda, or  any  other  more  suitable  place.* 

The  vessels  of  Aury  were  immediately  sent  out  as  privateers 
to  cruise  against  Spanish  commerce ; and  so  active  and  ener- 
getic were  they  in  this  business,  that  they  completely  swept 
the  Mexican  gulf  of  the  shipping  of  the  mother-country.  The 
proof  of  this  fact  is  to  be  found  in  the  numerous  complaints 
laid  before  the  government  at  Washington  by  the  minister  of 
Spain. 

But  Galveston  was  likewise  to  be  the  rendezvous  of  a force 
to  operate  by  land.  Xavier  Mina,  a native  of  Navarre,  who 
had  distinguished  himself  in  the  peninsular  war  against  the 

* American  State  Papers,  vol.  xji.,  p.  424;  vol.  xi.,  p.  345.  Luis  de  Aury  was 
from  New  Grenada.  He  entered  as  a lieutenant  in  the  navy  of  the  republic,  on 
the  9th  of  June,  1813.  On  the  10th  of  August,  1816,  he  was  appointed  com- 
mandant-general of  the  naval  forces  of  New  Grenada  stationed  at  Carthagena. 
To  his  generosity  and  intrepidity  hundreds  of  men,  women,  and  children,  were 
indebted  for  their  safety  at  the  memorable  siege  of  that  city,  when  with  three 
small  vessels  he  broke  the  line  of  the  royalist  squadron  of  thirty-five  sail,  and 
thus  escaped  the  hands  of  the  cruel  Morillo.  This  was  on  the  6th  of  December, 
1815. — lb.,  vol.  xii.,  p.  410.  The  collector  of  New  Orleans,  in  his  official  letter 
of  August  1,  1817,  says:  “The  establishment  at  Galveston  was  recently  made 
there  by  a Commodore  Aury,  with  a few  small  schooners  from  Aux  Cayes — 
manned  in  a great  measure  with  refugees  from  Barrataria,  and  mulattoes.”  He 
does  Aury  injustice  by  confounding  him  with  the  Lafittes,  as  the  facts  will  6how 


182 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


French,  being  compelled  to  leave  his  country,  fled  to  England, 
whence,  with  fifteen  officers,  mostly  Spanish,  he  sailed  for  the 
United  States.  He  seems  to  have  brought  with  him  a consid- 
erable amount  of  funds.  At  all  events,  on  the  27tli  of  Septem- 
ber, 1816,  with  three  vessels,  containing  about  two  hundred 
troops,  together  with  arms,  ammunition,  and  military  stores, 
he  -sailed  to  Port-au-Prince,  with  the  view  of  emancipating 
Mexico.  General  Toledo,  hearing  of  the  arrival  of  Mina  at 
Baltimore,  proceeded  to  that  city  to  consult  with  him.  A de- 
spatch from  Don  Jose  Feurtes,  the  confidential  minister  of 
the  Spanish  government  at  Havana,  had  been  intercepted  by 
the  patriots,  from  which  they  were  informed  that  Spain  would 
not  transfer  the  Floridas  to  the  United  States.  On  this  intel- 
ligence they  based  their  intended  operations.  The  two  gener- 
als were  to  meet  at  Port-au-Prince,  and  from  that  point  make 
a combined  attack  upon  the  Floridas,  wrest  them  from  Spain, 
establish  there  a free  government,  and  make  them  the  asylum 
of  the  unfortunate  emigrants  from  New  Grenada  and  Venezu- 
ela, who,  obliged  to  fly  their  country,  were  perishing  in  the 
West  Indies ; and,  when  the  new  government  should  be  estab- 
lished, ask  its  incorporation  with  the  American  Union.  Such 
was  their  plan,  and,  in  accordance  with  which,  Mina  had  sailed 
for  the  place  of  rendezvous.  Two  causes  prevented  its  execu- 
tion : Mina  was  partly  wrecked  in  a storm ; but,  what  was  of 
most  importance,  Toledo  deserted  him,  and  went  over  to  the 
king  of  Spain.* 

This  sudden  change  of  affairs  produced  two  results : it 
caused  Spain  to  agree  to  the  cession  of  the  Floridas  to  the 
United  States ; and  Mina  to  sail  to  Galveston,  for  the  purpose 
of  co-operating  with  Aury  and  Colonel  Perry.  Mina  arrived 

* Don  Vicente  Pazos  to  President  Monroe.  American  State  Papers,  vol.  xii., 
p.  502,  et  seq. 


AFRICANS  SMUGGLED  INTO  THE  UNITED  STATES.  183 

at  Galveston  on  the  24th  of  November,  1816.*  Texas  at  this 
time  was  in  a deplorable  condition.  San  Antonio,  prostrated 
and  ostracised  by  the  war  of  1812-’13,  was  nearly  deserted  ;f 
the  people  of  Nacogdoches,  fugitives  from  their  homes,  were 
wandering  on  the  frontiers  of  Louisiana.^  In  the  entire  prov- 
ince there  were  not  more  than  two  hundred  Spanish  troops. 
Galveston  alone,  so  lately  occupied,  seemed  to  be  in  a pros- 
perous condition  — prosperous,  because  fed  by  the  industry  of 
Governor  Aury’s  privateers.  Unfortunately  for  Aury,  he  had 
taken  into  his  service  some  men  of  bad  character,  who  did  not 
confine  themselves  to  depredations  against  Spanish  commerce. 
Three  or  four  American  vessels,  engaged  in  a lawful  trade,  be- 
came victims  to  their  cupidity.  Governor  Aury  had  on  the 
island  his  court  of  admiralty,  in  which  he  sat  as  judge.  Among 
the  prizes  taken  were  many  Spanish  slavers.  The  slaves  were 
brought  into  Galveston.  It  became  a question  of  some  impor- 
tance what  to  do  with  them.  The  new  government  had  no  use 
for  them  ; there  were  no  purchasers  for  them  in  Texas ; it 
would  not  do  to  return  them  to  the  enemy ; and  it  was  a viola- 
tion of  the  laws  of  the  United  States  to  introduce  them  there.  || 
The  latter  alternative,  however,  as  most  profitable  and  conve- 
nient, was  adopted.  There  were  two  modes  of  transferring 
these  captive  negroes  into  the  United  States : one  by  water, 
through  the  bayou  La  Fourche ; the  other  by  land,  from  Point 
Bolivar  to  Bayou  Bceuf  and  Alexandria.  The  Barratarians, 
who  had  engaged  in  the  service  of  Aury,  undertook  the  former 
mode.  They  were  well  acquainted  with  all  the  outlets  of  the 
Mississippi,  and  likewise  with  the  inhabitants  of  La  Fourche. 
Those  of  Louisiana  wishing  to  purchase  would  repair  to  Gal- 

* Kennedy,  History  of  Texas,  vol.  i.,  p.  291. 

f American  State  Papers,  vol.  xi.,  p.  346.  \ Bean’s  Memoirs. 

|j  Letter  of  Vicente  Pazos.  American  State  Papery  yoL  ii,  p.  416. 


184 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


veston,  the  mouth  of  the  Sabine,  or  Calcasieu,  and  engage  the 
lot  they  wanted,  which  were  afterward  driven  to  them  by  night. 
Those  introduced  by  land  were  purchased  by  companies,  brought 
to  a customhouse-officer  in  Louisiana,  and  denounced  as  imports 
ed  Africans.  They  were  then  sold  under  the  law  by  the  mar- 
shal, repurchased  by  the  company,  who  as  informers  obtained 
half  of  the  purchase-money,  and  by  them  resold  to  the  planters. 
The  price  of  negroes  at  Galveston  was  a dollar  per  pound,  or, 
on  an  average,  one  hundred  and  forty  dollars  per  head.* 

The  rich  and  valuable  prizes  brought  into  Galveston  sup- 
ported the  establishment  handsomely.  The  troops  and  officers 
were  regularly  paid  at  the  end  of  every  month.  Provisions 
and  munitions  of  all  kinds  were  readily  procured  from  New 
Orleans.  General  Bernardo  Gutierres,  as  agent  at  Natchito- 
ches, was  promptly  supplied  with  funds. f The  government  of 
Aury  kept  up  a regular  correspondence  with  the  patriots  in 
Mexico,  through  the  port  of  Nautla. 

The  chiefs  at  Galveston  consisted  of  Aury,  military  and  civil 
governor  of  Texas,  with  a command  of  three  or  four  hundred 
men,  besides  his  privateers  ; Colonel  Perry,  stationed  at  Boli- 
var point,  with  about  one  hundred  men  ; and  Xavier  Mina,  with 
some  two  hundred  more.  Each  of  the  commanders,  ambitious 
of  distinction,  and  bound  to  obedience  by  no  superior  authori- 
ty, manifested  more  or  less  jealousy  of  the  others.  The  object 
of  the  latter  two  was  to  invade  Mexico,  but  in  this  project  they 
did  not  have  the  hearty  co-operation  of  Aury.  Nevertheless, 
preparations  were  made  for  the  invasion.  In  March,  1817, 

* Letter  of  John  J.  Bowie  to  De  Bow’s  Review,  1853.  The  three  Bowies  — 
Reson,  James,  and  John  — made  sixty-five  thousand  dollars  in  this  trade.  On 
one  occasion,  in  1818-19,  a lot  of  negroes  escaped  from  James  Bowie,  on  the 
route  to  Alexandria  They  were  perhaps  taken  off  by  the  Indians.  He  pur- 
sued them  to  the  upper  waters  of  the  Colorado,  but  the  Indians  became  so  hos- 
tile, that  he  returned  without  effecting  his  object 

f American  State  Papers,  vol.  xi,  p.  346.  Kennedy,  vol.  i.,  p.  293. 


CAPTURE  OP  SOTO  LA  MARINA. 


185 


one  of  Aury’s  privateers  captured  a Spanish  vessel  from  Tam- 
pico, and  from  its  correspondence  learned  of  the  defenceless 
condition  of  Soto  la  Marina,  a town  standing  on  an  elevation, 
on  the  left  bank  of  the  Santander,  about  sixty  miles  from  the 
mouth  of  the  river.  The  three  commanders  immediately  de- 
termined to  take  possession  of  that  place.  Accordingly,  on 
the  6th  of  April,  they  sailed,  with  their  entire  naval  and  mili- 
tary force,*  and  the  town  fell  into  their  hands  without  oppo- 
sition. 

It  is  proper  here  to  remark  that,  in  this  expedition,  Colonel 
Perry  disclaimed  the  authority  of  Aury,  and  placed  himself 
under  the  command  of  Mina.  Aury,  after  landing  the  force, 
disgusted  with  what  he  chose  to  call  the  insubordination  of  his 
co-ordinate  chiefs,  left  them  and  returned. 

General  Arredondo,  commandant-general  of  the  northeastern 
internal  provinces,  receiving  intelligence  of  this  invasion,  took 
measures  to  raise  a large  force  for  meeting  it.  Mina,  after 
fortifying  and  arming  his  position  at  Soto  la  Marina,  was 
ready  to  march  into  the  interior,  his  force  consisting  of  only 
three  hundred  men.  Colonel  Perry,  after  declaring  that  the 
force  was  too  small  to  effect  anything,  and  that  to  advance 
would  end  in  their  destruction,  determined  to  abandon  the  ex- 
pedition. He  did  so,  taking  with  him  about  fifty  of  his  men.f 

General  Mina,  although  left  with  so  small  a force,  was  in  no 
wise  discouraged,  and  set  out  on  his  march.  On  the  8th  of 
June,  1817,  he  gained  a victory,  at  Valle  de  Mais,  over  four 
hundred  cavalry.  At  Peotillos,  on  the  14th,  he  defeated  an 
army  of  seventeen  hundred  men ; but  in  this  last  battle  his  loss 
in  killed  and  wounded  was  fifty-six.  On  the  18th,  he  took 
Real  de  Rinos  with  its  garrison  of  three  hundred  men ; and, 

* Letter  of  Vicente  Pazos.  American  State  Papers,  vol.  xii.,  p.  409. 
f Kennedy,  vol.  i.,  p.  296. 


186 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


after  various  successes  and  reverses,  he  was  defeated  and  cap- 
tured by  General  Orrantia,  at  Venadito,  on  the  27th  of  Septem- 
ber, 1817,  and  by  order  of  the  viceroy  Apodaca  was  shot  at 
Kemedios  on  the  11th  day  of  November.* 

We  will  now  return  to  Colonel  Perry.  He  set  out  on  his 
march  by  land  to  return  to  the  United  States.  For  three  hun- 
dred leagues  he  was  compelled  to  traverse  the  territory  of  the 
enemy.  Shortly  after  his  departure  from  Soto  la  Marina,  the 
forces  of  Arredondo  attacked  and  recaptured  that  town,  while 
a detachment  of  two  hundred  royalist  cavalry  was  despatched 
in  pursuit  of  the  retreating  republicans.  Unconscious  of  this 
enemy  in  his  rear,  Perry  advanced  to  La  Bahia,  the  scene  of 
so  many  battles  with  Salcedo.  He  immediately  demanded  the 
surrender  of  the  garrison  ; but,  while  the  necessary  negotiation 
was  in  progress,  the  royalist  cavalry  came  up.  The  garrison, 
encouraged  by  this  unexpected  aid,  sallied  out  of  the  fort ; and 
Perry  found  himself  engaged,  in  front  and  rear,  by  an  enemy 
of  five  times  his  own  numbers.  He  continued  the  unequal  con- 
flict, however,  until  every  one  of  his  men  had  fallen ! Seeing 
himself  thus  helpless,  the  intrepid  soldier  blew  out  his  own 
brains  with  his  pistolf — thus  ending  his  life  as  did  his  gallant 
commander  Magee,  at  the  same  place,  five  years  before. 

Let  us  now  recur  to  Galveston.  Jean  Lafitte,  it  appears, 
was  the  eldest  of  three  brothers,  natives  of  Bordeaux  in  France. 
At  an  early  age  he  ran  away  from  home,  and  joined  a British 
vessel-of-war.  His  father  pursued  him,  and  brought  him  back. 
He  absconded  the  second  time,  and  joined  the  British  frigate 
Fox.  Here,  after  serving  for  some  time,  he  deserted,  and 
went  to  live  with  a French  family  at  Deptford.  He  did  not 
remain  long  in  this  family,  but,  finding  quarters  in  a vessel 
for  South  America,  he  took  passage,  and  went  to  Carthagena, 


* Kennedy,  vol  L,  pp.  298,  299. 


f lb.,  p.  297. 


LAFITTE  — THE  BUCCANEERS  OF  BARR  AT  ARIA. 


187 


and  afterward  to  Santa  Martha,  which  last-named  place  he  for 
a time  made  his  home.  Here  he  managed  to  fit  out  a priva- 
teer, with  which  he  often  visited  the  coasts  of  the  United  States, 
particularly  Charleston.  But,  having  killed  a rival  in  an  affair 
of  the  heart,  he  left  that  port,  and  frequented  the  West  India 
seas.*  In  the  year  1807,  the  United  States  laid  an  embargo 
upon  foreign  commerce,  which  offered  great  temptation  to  per- 
sons of  easy  virtue  to  engage  in  illicit  trade.  New  Orleans 
afforded  a good  market ; while  the  various  bays,  lakes,  and 
bayous,  about  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  furnished  a secure 
retreat  and  means  of  smuggling. 

The  island  of  Grand  Terre,  situated  about  sixty  miles  from 
the  delta  of  the  Mississippi,  stands  in  the  entrance  of  a lake 
behind  it,  which  connects  by  a narrow  pass  on  each  side  of  the 
island  with  the  gulf  of  Mexico.  The  surface  of  the  island  is 
undulating,  and  covered  with  a small  growth  of  wood,  and  its 
waters  abound  in  turtle  and  fish.  Previous  to  its  occupation 
by  the  buccaneers,  it  was  uninhabited,  but  frequented  by  fish- 
ermen. About  the  year  1810  or  1811,  it  was  selected  as  the 
rendezvous  of  individuals  of  various  nations,  who,  driven  from 
their  homes  by  the  wars  which  for  so  many  years  had  ravaged 
Europe  and  America,  had  engaged  in  a clandestine  and  lawless 
trade. f From  the  nature  of  this  traffic,  the  island  soon  ob- 
tained, by  general  consent,  the  name  of  Barrataria.%  Though 
there  were  many  leaders  engaged  in  this  business,  and  con- 
nected by  no  other  tie  than  that  of  plunder,  yet  Jean  Lafitte, 
from  the  superiority  of  his  privateers,  his  prudence  in  their 

* Such  is  the  account  given  of  Lafitte  by  his  favorite  lieutenant,  “ Jim  Camp- 
bell.”— United  Service  Magazine , 1852. 

f Proclamation  of  President  Madison,  February  5,  1815. 

t From  barat  (an  old  French  word),  signifying  strife , deceit ; hence  barratry 
(in  commerce),  any  species  of  cheating  or  fraud,  in  a shipmaster,  by  which  the 
owners  or  insurers  are  injured  — as,  by  running  away  with  the  ship,  &c.  — Web- 
8tert  in  loc. 


188 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


management,  and  the  completeness  of  his  arrangements,  soon 
acquired  over  the  other  chieftains  of  Barrataria  an  authority 
and  power  nearly  absolute.  His  two  brothers,  Pierre  and 
Henri,  or  Antoine,  were  located  at  New  Orleans,  and  acted 
as  his  factors  in  disposing  of  his  prizes,  and  in  furnishing  him 
with  supplies.  So  adroitly  did  Jean  manage  this  business, 
that,  though  his  brothers  were  often  brought  within  the  clutches 
of  the  law,  he  always  escaped.  In  addition  to  his  other  ad- 
vantages, he  had  interested  in  his  business  many  of  the  princi- 
pal merchants  and  traders  in  and  about  New  Orleans.  Thus, 
in  a year  or  two,  the  honest  and  fair  traders  of  that  city  were 
greatly  injured,  and  the  public  morals  so  corrupted,  that  the 
state  of  Louisiana  was  well-nigh  disgraced.* 

To  correct  this  state  of  things,  Governor  Claiborne,  on  the 
15th  of  March,  1813,  issued  a proclamation,  commanding  the 
Barratarians  to  disperse.  Failing  in  this,  the  governor  then 
offered  a reward  of  five  hundred  dollars  for  the  head  of  Jean 
Lafitte.  The  daring  freebooter  replied  by  an  offer  of  fifteen 
thousand  dollars  for  the  head  of  his  excellency ! The  latter, 
seeing  his  authority  thus  set  at  defiance,  sent  a company  of 
militia  to  Barrataria,  to  break  up  the  establishment.  Unfor- 
tunately, it  was  commanded  by  one  of  Lafitte’s  old  captains. 
Lafitte  surrounded  them,  loaded  them  with  presents,  and  sent 
them  home.f  All  these  steps  being  reported  to  President 
Madison,  Commodore  Patterson,  of  the  United  States  navy, 
was  ordered,  early  in  1814,  to  destroy  the  establishment. 

Accordingly,  on  the  11th  of  June,  1814,  the  commodore  left 
New  Orleans,  accompanied  by  Colonel  Ross  and  seventy-one 

* Report  of  the  grand-jury  of  the  United  States  district  court  of  Louisiana, 
July  28,  1814. 

\ Pe  Bow’s  Review,  1851,  and  United  Service  Journal,  1852.  The  author  of 
the  article  in  De  Bow  is  certainly  not  much  acquainted  with  the  Texan  portion 
of  Lafitte’s  history. 


LAFITTE  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  SERVICE. 


189 


picked  men  of  the  44th  regiment,  United  States  infantry.  He 
took  with  him  the  schooner  Caroline  and  the  United  States 
gunboats  at  the  Balize.  On  the  morning  of  the  16th  he  reached 
Barrataria.  The  town  consisted  of  about  forty  houses,  of  dif- 
ferent sizes,  badly  constructed,  and  thatched  with  palmetto. 
The  vessels  of  the  freebooters  consisted  of  six  fine  schooners 
and  one  felucca,  as  cruisers,  and  one  armed  schooner,  under 
Carthagenian  colors.  The  rovers  came  out  to  meet  the  com- 
modore, and  formed  their  vessels  into  line  of  battle,  having 
mounted  on  them  twenty  pieces  of  cannon,  and  exhibiting  a 
force  of  eight  hundred  or  a thousand  men.  But  when  they 
saw  the  commodore  determined,  and  still  advancing,  they  aban- 
doned the  place  and  fled,  concealing  themselves  in  the  numer- 
ous morasses  of  the  surrounding  country.  The  commodore  re- 
turned to  New  Orleans  on  the  23d  of  June,  bearing  with  hiip. 
the  vessels  and  spoil  of  Barrataria. 

This  expedition  so  crippled  the  freebooters,  that  they  could 
only  operate  afterward  with  great  secrecy.  The  war  between 
the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  prevented  further  attempts 
against  them.  They  were,  however,  approached  by  the  British 
in  a different  manner.  On  the  3d  of  September,  1814,  Captain 
Lockyer,  commander  of  his  majesty’s  man-of-war  Sophia,  put 
in  to  the  shore  at  Barrataria,  and  offered  Lafitte  the  rank  of 
post-captain  in  the  British  navy,  the  command  of  a frigate,  and 
thirty  thousand  pounds  sterling,  to  join  his  majesty’s  forces. 
Lafitte  asked  two  weeks’  time  to  consider  the  proposal,  giving 
the  captain  some  hope,  however,  that  he  would  accept  it. 

The  next  day,  Lafitte  enclosed  the  written  propositions  to 
Governor  Claiborne,  writing  him  also  a polite  letter,  tendering 
his  services  to  the  United  States,  on  condition  that  he  and  his 
adherents  should  be  protected  from  further  interruption.  The 
offer  was  accepted ; and  Lafitte  and  his  men,  stationed  at  the 


190 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


guns  near  the  levee , on  the  8th  of  January,  1815,  did  such  ser- 
vice as  to  call  forth  a general  pardon  from  the  president  of  the 
United  States.* 

The  vigilance  of  the  government,  and  the  promises  of  La- 
fitte,  prevented  him  from  re-establishing  himself  at  Barrataria. 
After  a visit  to  Washington  city,  in  which  he  squandered  his 
wealth  with  princely  profusion,  he  endeavored  to  establish  his 
headquarters  at  Port-au-Prince, f but  failed.  "While  he  was 
wandering  over  the  gulf  of  Mexico  with  his  adherents,  Aury 
sailed  from  Galveston  on  the  expedition  against  Soto  la  Ma- 
rina ; and,  in  a few  days  afterward,  the  island  was  occupied 
by  the  buccaneers  of  Lafitte. 

The  number  of  his  followers  on  the  island  was  about  forty 
persons.  On  the  15th  of  April,  1817,  the  captains  and  owners 
of  vessels  then  present,  consisting  of  Louis  Itourribarria,  Louis 
Derieux,  A.  Pironneau,  John  Ducoing,  Kousselin,  Rd.  Espagnol, 
and  Bartholomew  Lafon — seven  in  all,  Lafitte  not  choosing  to 
have  his  name  used — met  on  board  the  schooner  Carmelita,  for 
the  purpose  of  taking  the  necessary  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  Mexi- 
can republic.  Derieux,  as  commandant,  was  duly  sworn  by 
Itourribarria;  the  others  were  severally  sworn  by  Derieux. 
Having  reduced  this  proceeding  to  writing,  they  signed  it,  and 
filed  it  as  an  evidence  of  the  existence  of  a government  at  Gal- 
veston. 

By  the  20th  of  the  month,  other  sailing-craft  had  come  in ; 
and,  after  due  notice  given,  all  the  captains  and  owners  of  ves- 
sels assembled  on  board  the  schooner  Jupiter,  and  proceeded 
to  choose  officers,  and  lay  down  such  rules  of  government  as 
they  required.  Derieux  was  confirmed  as  military  command- 
ant, Pironneau  was  appointed  adjutant  commandant,  Ducoing 

* Dated  February  6,  1815. 

f Letter  of  Collector  Chew ; American  State  Papers,  vol.  xi.,  p.  351. 


LAFITTE’S  CONNECTION  WITH  BEAN.  191 

judge  of  admiralty,  Rousselin  administrator  of  the  revenue, 
Espagnol  secretary  of  the  public  treasury,  and  Jean  Jannet 
marine  commandant  of  the  place.* 

The  laws  established  by  the  buccaneers  consisted  of  regula- 
tions concerning  the  mode  of  distributing  the  gains  of  their 
profession,  and  the  payment  of  the  officers’  salaries. 

This  new  government  had  not  the  odor  of  legitimacy  which 
attached  to  that  of  Aury.  The  latter  was  duly  appointed  by 
Manuel  Herrera,  commissioner  from  the  Mexican  republicans 
to  the  United  States ; and  Herrera  certainly  received  his  ap- 
pointment from  President  Morelos. f Whether  with  or  without 
the  sanction  of  Aury,  the  Lafitte  government  stipulated  for  the 
payment  of  all  the  old  debts  of  Aury’s  administration,  provided 
the  creditors  were  not  non-residents.  This  clause  had  the 
happy  effect  of  withdrawing  from  Aury’s  banners  such  of  his 
followers  as  held  claims  against  the  old  government.  J 

The  extent  of  Lafitte’s  authority  as  a cruiser  will  appear 
from  a statement  of  his  connection  with  Colonel  Ellis  P.  Bean. 
In  the  latter  part  of  1814,  Bean  was  despatched  by  General 
Morelos,  the  then  president  of  the  revolutionary  party  in  Mex- 
ico, on  a mission  to  the  United  States,  to  procure  aid  for  the 
patriot  cause.  At  the  port  of  Nautla,  Bean  found  one  of  La- 
fitte’s vessels,  Captain  Dominic  master,  and,  informing  him  of 
his  business,  was  taken  on  board,  and  landed  at  Barrataria. 
Here  Bean  saw  Lafitte,  and  imparted  to  him  the  object  of  his 
mission.  The  buccaneer-chief  conducted  him  by  a near  way 
to  New  Orleans ; and,  upon  an  invitation  from  General  Jack- 
son,  with  whom  Bean  was  an  old  acquaintance,  the  latter  took 
command  of  one  of  the  guns  at  the  levee  on  the  8tli  of  January, 
and  fought  by  the  side  of  Lafitte  in  that  battle.  It  was  from 


* American  State  Papers,  vol.  xi.,  pp.  358,  386,  et  teq. 
f See  Bean’s  Memoirs.  \ See  Appendix  No.  8. 


192 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


Colonel  Bean  that  General  J ackson  received  a detailed  account 
of  the  conduct  of  the  Barratarians  on  that  day.  Lafitte,  being 
pardoned,  and  hoping  for  more  honorable  employment  through 
the  agency  of  Colonel  Bean,  furnished  a fine  schooner  to  trans- 
port the  latter,  and  the  munitions  he  had  procured,  back  to 
Nautla.  There  is  no  doubt  but  that  Bean  gave  Lafitte  a com- 
mission to  cruise  against  the  enemies  of  the  Mexican  republi- 
can party ; but,  whether  this  commission  was  given  before  or 
after  the  battle  of  New  Orleans,  is  uncertain.  We  are  also  in- 
formed, from  Colonel  Bean’s  letters,  that  this  appointment  was 
afterward  confirmed  by  the  republican  authority  in  Mexico.* 

* These  facts  are  collected  from  Colonel  Bean’s  letters  to  Captain  William 
Shaw,  his  uterine  brother  (MS.). 


RETURN  OF  AURY  TO  TEXAS. 


193 


CHAPTER  XY. 

Commodore  Aury,  having  returned  to  the  coast  of  Texas 
about  the  10th  of  May,  1817,  put  in  at  Matagorda  bay,  for  the 
purpose  of  making  preparations  to  remove  his  government  to 
that  point ; and,  after  spending  some  days  at  this  place,  he 
proceeded  to  Galveston.  At  his  departure  from  the  island  on 
the  5th  of  April,  he  had  burnt  and  destroyed  all  the  houses 
and  cabins,  leaving  only  an  advice-boat  and  his  collector,  Pedro 
Rousselin.  But  when  he  returned,  he  found  the  Lafitte  gov- 
ernment in  “Tull  blast,”  and  his  collector  Rousselin  occupying 
the  same  office  in  the  new  administration ! He  found  also  that 
the  place  had  degenerated  into  a nest  of  pirates  ; that  the  pri- 
vateers cared  little  for  the  nationality  of  the  vessels  they  met 
with  on  the  sea,  provided  the  cargo  was  valuable ; and  that, 
although  Ducoing  was  pretending  to  act  as  judge  of  admiralty, 
yet  his  decisions  were  dictated  by  the  captors,  who,  unless  it 
suited  their  interest  or  convenience,  would  not  even  furnish 
him  with  a paper  on  which  to  form  a judicial  opinion.*  Aury, 
to  acquit  himself  of  the  charge  of  being  connected  with  these 
offenders,  addressed  a letter  to  Manuel  Herrera,  the  Mexican 
minister,  dated  July  21, 1817,  informing  him  that  he  had  for 
the  present  determined  to  abandon  Galveston,  that  he  had 

* Letter  of  Captain  Charles  Morris,  of  the  navy : American  State  Papers,  voL 
xi.,  p.  376. 

VOL.  I.— 13 


194 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


taken  Rousselin  the  collector  with  him,  and  that  all  proceed- 
ings there  after  the  31st  of  July  would  be  without  his  consent. 
He  addressed  a similar  letter  to  Beverly  Chew,  the  collector 
at  New  Orleans,  on  the  28th  of  the  month.* 

But  Aury  did  not  remain  long  at  Matagorda.  When  Toledo 
deserted  the  patriots  and  went  over  to  the  royalists,  he  com- 
municated to  the  Spanish  government  the  designs  of  the  former 
upon  Florida.  Spain  then  concluded  to  cede  that  province  to 
the  United  States.  Of  this  fact  the  patriots  received  intima- 
tion, and  took  immediate  steps  to  conquer  the  territory  in  ques- 
tion before  Spain  should  part  with  it.  The  agents  of  the  re- 
volted colonies  of  Venezuela,  New  Grenada,  Mexico,  and  La 
Plata,  then  at  Philadelphia,  on  the  last  day  of  March,  1817, 
commissioned  Sir  Gregor  M‘  Gregor  to  take  immediate  posses- 
sion of  both  the  Floridas.f  Accordingly,  on  the  30th  of  July 
following,  he  took  possession  of  the  small  island  of  Amelia, 
lying  on  the  west  of  the  peninsula,  between  the  mouths  of  the 
St.  John  and  St.  Mary  rivers.  Aury,  getting  news  of  this, 
hoisted  sail,  taking  a final  leave  of  Texas,  and  went  to  assist 
M‘  Gregor  in  his  conquest . J 

By  the  close  of  the  year  1817,  the  followers  of  Lafitte  on 
Galveston  island  had  increased  to  nearly  a thousand  men. 
They  were  of  all  nations  and  languages — refugees  from  justice 
and  victims  of  oppression,  who  had  fled  from  their  own  coun- 
tries, and,  hearing  of  his  prosperous  state,  came  hither  to  find 
employment.  Lafitte  made  a show  of  fair  dealing,  and  obtained 
commissions  from  some  of  the  revolted  colonies  of  Spain ; but, 

* American  State  Papers,  vol.  xii.,  p.  423 ; ib.,  vol.  xi.,  p.  355. 

f See  his  commission,  American  State  Papers,  vol  xii.,  p.  421. 

% Ib.,  pp.  408,  409.  Aury,  after  serving  the  cause  of  the  patriots  for  some 
years,  returned  to  New  Orleans,  and,  being  a fine-looking  man,  married  a rich 
widow.  Some  time  after,  however,  they  separated;  and,  as  late  as  1845,  he  was 
tesiding  at  Havana. — United  Service  Journal , 1852. 


THE  BUCCANEERS  — RETRIBUTIVE  JUSTICE. 


195 


though  lie  assumed  to  act  as  a privateer,  he  was  in  reality  a 
pirate,  and  so  were  his  chief  men.  The  names  of  Dominic, 
Jim  Campbell,  Churchill,  Franks,  Roach,  Lambert,  Marotte, 
Pluche,  Giral,  Felix,  Lopez,  and  Brown,  his  active  lieuten- 
ants, were  a terror  to  the  commerce  of  the  gulf  of  Mexico.* 
Complaints  of  their  rapacity  were  repeatedly  made  at  Wash- 
ington city ; and  the  authorities  of  the  United  States  would 
have  broken  them  up,  but  for  the  Spanish  minister.  The 
island  of  Galveston  was  claimed  by  both  governments ; and 
the  jealousy  of  Spain  would  not  suffer  that  the  United  States 
should  disperse  the  buccaneers  from  their  haunt,  lest  the  latter 
power  should  afterward  hold  it  on  her  own  account. f On  the 
other  hand,  as  Spanish  commerce  suffered  ten  times  as  much 
by  their  depredations  as  that  of  any  other  country,  if  that  gov- 
ernment was  willing  to  submit  to  it,  of  course,  the  United 
States  ought  not  to  object ! In  fact,  Lafitte’s  men  inflicted  on 
Spanish  commerce  in  the  gulf  a blow  from  which  it  has  never 
recovered.  It  was  a retributive  justice  visited  upon  that  na- 
tion for  her  bigoted  adherence  to  the  royal  exterminating  order 
of  Philip  II.  They  had  sown  to  the  wind,  and  had  reaped  the 
whirlwind ! 

About  this  time,  Texas  was  reinforced  by  a party  of  French 
under  General  Lallemand,  of  the  artillery  of  the  imperial 
guard.  After  the  second  restoration  of  the  Bourbons,  several 
of  the  military  officers  of  Napoleon  retired  for  safety  to  the 
United  States.  They  were  kindly  received ; and  a large  tract 
of  the  public  lands  in  Alabama  was  given  them,  on  condition 
of  their  cultivating  there  the  vine  and  the  olive.  They  were 
not,  however,  successful.  Some  of  them,  attributing  the  failure 
to  the  climate,  sought  one  more  favorable.  Among  these  were 
Generals  Lallemand  and  Rigaud.  They  were  about  a hundred 

* United  Service  Journal,  1852.  f American  State  Papers,  voL  xii.,  p.  11. 


196 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


in  number ; and,  proceeding  up  Galveston  bay  and  Trinity  river, 
they  settled  at  the  first  high  land.  After  erecting  a fort,  they 
prepared  for  cultivating  the  soil.  But  the  scarcity  of  provis- 
ions, the  privations  they  underwent,  and  the  jealousy  of  the 
Spaniards,  soon  induced  them  to  return  to  Galveston,  where 
they  added  grace  and  elegance  to  the  society  of  Campeachy. 
General  Lallemand  returned  to  the  United  States,  to  furnish 
them  with  an  excellent  treatise  upon  artillery.  Many  of  his 
followers  remained  upon  the  island,  and  probably  others  pro- 
ceeded to  New  Orleans.  They  were  on  excellent  terms  with 
the  Indians,  and  it  is  probable  that,  if  they  had  not  been  inter- 
rupted by  the  Spaniards,  they  would  have  ended  their  days  at 
the  Champ  (TAsiley  the  significant  name  given  by  Lallemand 
to  their  settlement. 

Lafitte  was  a well-formed,  handsome  man,  abont  six  feet  two 
inches  in  height,  strongly  built,  with  large  hazel  eyes,  black 
hair,  and  generally  wore  a mustache.  He  dressed  in  a green 
uniform  and  an  otter-skin  cap.  He  was  a man  of  polite  and 
easy  manners,  of  retired  habits,  generous  disposition,  and  of 
such  a winning  address,  that  his  influence  over  his  followers 
was  almost  absolute.  He  located  his  town  on  the  ruins  of 
Aury’s  village,  built  him  a house,  which  he  painted  red,  and 
threw  up  around  it  a fort.  Very  soon  many  other  houses  were 
erected.  His  followers,  who  had  wives  or  mistresses,  brought 
them  there,  and  society  at  Galveston,  whatever  may  be  said 
of  its  morals,  began  to  have  all  the  elements  of  permanency. 
Through  New  Orleans  they  were  supplied  with  building-mate- 
rials and  provisions  ; a “ Yankee”  boarding-house  sprang  up ; 
and,  to  complete  the  establishment,  they  constructed  a small 
arsenal  and  dockyard.* 

* United  Service* Journal.  The  knowledge  we  have  of  Lafitte’a  establishment 
was  acquired  through  the  agents  of  General  Long,  who  visited  him  in  1819,  and 
were  entertained  by  him  with  great  hospitality  for  some  weeks. 


BATTLE  OF  THE  u THREE  TREES.” 


197 


The  Cooshattie  Indians,  who,  out  of  regard  to  the  Spaniards, 
had  emigrated  west  as  far  as  the  banks  of  the  Trinity,  were 
constant  visiters  at  Galveston.  So  likewise  were  the  Caran- 
kawaes,  who  sometimes  resorted  to  the  west  end  of  the  island. 
On  one  occasion,  some  of  Lafitte’s  men  stole  away  one  of  their 
best-looking  squaws,  and  detained  her.  Determined  to  have 
revenge,  the  Indians  sought  an  opportunity,  when  a party  of 
the  buccaneers  were  hunting  down  on  the  island,  and  killed 
four  of  them. 

When  the  Indians  came  over  from  the  main  land,  they  left 
their  canoes  in  an  inlet  on  the  bay-side,  and  encamped  at  the 
“Three  Trees.”  This  fact  was  soon  known  at  Campeachy 
(the  name  Lafitte  had  given  his  town),  and  preparations  were 
made  to  attack  them.  They  were  about  three  hundred  strong. 
Lafitte  marched  against  them  with  two  hundred  men  and  two 
pieces  of  artillery.  The  battle  consisted  of  repeated  skirmishes, 
and  lasted  two  or  three  days.  The  Indians  were  at  length 
compelled  to  retreat  to  the  main  land,  with  a loss  of  thirty 
killed,  and  a large  number  wounded.  Lafitte  lost  none  of  his 
men,  but  had  many  wounded  with  arrows.  The  Carankawaes 
once  again  ventured  to  come  on  the  island  while  Lafitte  was 
there,  but  fled  on  the  approach  of  his  men  sent  against  them. 
It  was  this  conduct  of  the  pirates  toward  these  Indians  that 
afterward  made  the  latter  so  hostile  to  the  Texan  colonists 
under  Austin. 

The  condition  of  the  settlements  on  the  frontiers  of  Louisi- 
ana, and  the  other  states  bordering  on  Florida,  had  now  become 
such,  that  an  immediate  treaty  of  limits  was  indispensable. 
Spain  having  announced  her  willingness  to  part  with  the  Flori- 
das,  the  main  difficulty  was  in  settling  the  boundary  between 
Louisiana  and  Texas.  The  United  States  proposed  the  Colo- 
rado : Spain  proposed  a line  near  Red  river.  In  the  discus- 


198 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


sions  between  the  two  governments  in  1808,  Mr.  Pinkney  had 
offered,  as  a consideration  for  certain  territory,  that  the  United 
States  would  guaranty  to  Spain  her  possessions  west  of  tho 
Mississippi.  At  that  time  Spain  did  not  want  that  guaranty ; 
but  in  1818,  the  Spanish  government,  as  a condition  of  the 
cession,  insisted  upon  this  guaranty,  which  the  United  States 
refused.  This  point  being  settled,  the  American  government 
first  proposed,  in  lieu  of  a guaranty,  to  make  a desert  of  twenty 
leagues  west  of  the  Colorado.  It  then  modified  it  by  propo- 
sing that  for  thirty  miles  on  each  side  of  that  river  no  one 
should  be  permitted  to  settle.  The  cabinet  of  Madrid  wisely 
refused  such  a proposition,  but  whether  with  a wise  motive  is 
doubtful.  At  last,  the  Sabine  was  agreed  on  as  the  boundary- 
line between  the  two  nations,  and  the  treaty  was  signed  on  the 
22d  of  February,  1819.* 

This  treaty,  though  ratified  by  both  governments,  was  unsat- 
isfactory to  many,  inasmuch  as  it  bartered  Texas — to  which 
they  considered  that  the  United  States  had  a just  claim — for 
Florida,  which  they  did  not  esteem  as  valuable.  As  it  was  a 
fundamental  maxim  with  the  United  States  never  to  relinquish 
any  part  of  her  territory,  the  demurrers  to  the  treaty  consid- 
ered the  abandonment  of  Texas  to  Spain  as  a violation  of  that 
maxim,  and  of  the  constitutional  integrity  of  the  Union.  This 
dissatisfaction  continued,  and  was  only  allayed  by  the  disrup- 
tion of  Texas  from  Mexico  in  1836,  and  her  reannexation  to 
the  Union  in  1845.f 

* American  State  Papers,  edition  of  1834,  vol.  iv. ; Foreign  Relations,  vol.  iv., 
p.  517,  et  seq. 

\ Henry  Clay  (speech  of  April  3,  1820),  speaking  of  the  cession  of  Texas  to 
Spain,  said  it  was  unconstitutional,  as  being  beyond  the  treaty-making  power  in 
the  government.  Robert  J.  "Walker  (letter  to  the  people  of  Carroll  county,  Ken- 
tucky, in  1844)  says  it  was  a violation  of  our  treaty  of  1803  with  France,  by 
which  we  pledged  ourselves  to  that  nation,  as  well  as  to  the  people  of  the  terri- 
tory, to  incorporate  them  into  the  Union. 


OCCUPATION  OF  TEXAS  UNDER  GEN.  LONG  IN  1819.  199 

The  province  of  Texas,  unconscious  of  these  negotiations  of 
the  high  contracting  parties,  and  prostrated  by  the  Gachupin 
war  and  the  terrible  visitation  of  the  conquerors,  had  almost 
relapsed  into  a state  of  nature.  But  preparations  were  making 
at  Natchez  to  bring  her  again  to  life.  A public  meeting  was 
held  in  that  place  early  in  1819,  and  a company  of  volunteers 
raised  for  the  invasion  of  Texas.  The  command  was  tendered 
to  Dr.  James  Long,  formerly  of  Maury  county,  Tennessee.  He 
had  been  a surgeon  in  Carroll’s  brigade  at  the  battle  of  New 
Orleans,  and  at  the  close  of  the  war  had  settled  at  Natchez, 
where  he  was  pursuing  his  profession.  He  accepted  the  com- 
mand, and,  on  the  17th  of  June,  set  out  on  his  march  with 
a force  of  seventy-five  men,*  continuing  his  course  without 
opposition  to  Nacogdoches.  On  the  route  he  had  received 
large  additions  to  his  party,  so  that  at  Nacogdoches  he  mus- 
tered a force  of  about  three  hundred  men.  Among  them  were 
Colonel  Samuel  Davenport  (the  contractor  in  Magee’s  expedi- 
tion), Bernardo  Gutierres,  and  other  refugees  from  Texas,  who 
sought  this  opportunity  of  returning  to  their  country,  from 
which  they  had  been  absent  about  six  years. 

On  arriving  at  Nacogdoches,  General  Long  and  the  leading 
patriots  established  a provisional  government,  controlled  by  a 
supreme  council.  This  council  was  composed  of  Horatio  Big- 
elow, Hamlin  Cook,  Stephen  Barker,  John  Sibley,  Samuel  Dav- 
enport, John  G.  Burnett,  J.  Child,  Pedro  Procello,  and  Ber- 
nardo Gutierres.  The  council  issued  a declaration,  proclaim- 
ing Texas  to  be  a free  and  independent  republic.!  They  then 
proceeded,  in  a few  days,  to  pass  such  laws  in  regard  to  their 
organization,  the  raising  of  revenue,  and  the  disposition  of  the 

* Foote,  vol.  i.,  p.  203,  et  seq. 

\ Mr.  Foote  says,  in  his  account  of  the  affair,  that  the  council  met  on  the  22d 
of  June,  and  declared  their  independence  the  next  day.  This  must  be  an  error, 
if  they  left  Natchez  on  the  17  th. 


200 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


public  lands,  as  their  present  necessities  required.  Among 
their  land-laws,  they  provided  for  the  sale  of  lands  on  Red 
river  at  not  less  than  one  dollar  per  acre,  and  other  lands  far- 
ther in  the  interior  at  prices  corresponding  with  their  quality. 
One  fourth  of  the  purchase-money  was  to  be  paid  in  cash,  and 
the  balance  in  annual  instalments.  They  also  established  a 
printing-office,  the  first  in  Texas,  of  which  Mr.  Bigelow  was 
the  editor. 

The  next  step  taken  was  to  occupy  the  country.  David 
Long,  a brother  of  the  general,  was  despatched  with  merchan- 
dise to  the  upper  crossing  of  the  Trinity,  to  trade  with  the 
Indians.  Major  Smith,  who  had  come  with  a command  of  forty 
men,  by  way  of  Galveston,  was  stationed  at  the  Cooshattie  vil- 
lage on  the  Trinity.  Captain  Johnson  was  sent  to  establish  a 
trading-post  at  the  falls  of  the  Brasos.  Captain  Walker,  with 
twenty-three  men,  was  despatched  to  fortify  the  position  a mile 
below  the  present  town  of  Washington ; and  Major  Cook  was 
sent  to  Pecan  point.* 

Having  made  these  dispositions,  General  Long  was  desirous 
of  obtaining  the  aid  of  Lafitte.  He  accordingly  despatched 
Colonel  Gaines  and  another  person  to  Galveston,  to  lay  the 
matter  before  him.  Arriving  at  Anahuac,  they  procured  ca- 
noes, and  coasted  to  the  island.  They  were  conducted  to  the 
“ Red  House,”  where,  as  previously  remarked,  they  were  re- 
ceived and  treated  with  great  hospitality  by  the  pirate-chief. 
They  made  known  the  object  of  their  mission,  but  received  no 
aid.  Lafitte  informed  them  that  General  Long  had  his  best 
wishes  for  his  success ; that  he  himself  had  been  engaged  for 
eight  years  in  waging  war  against  the  royalists  of  Spain  ; but 
that  the  fate  of  Perry,  Mina,  and  others,  should  be  a warning 
against  an  invasion  by  land  except  with  a considerable  force. f 


* Foote,  vol.  L,  p 205. 


f United  Service  Journal. 


DEFEAT  OF  THE  REPUBLICANS. 


201 


General  Long,  believing  that  a personal  application  to  the 
buccaneer  would  meet  with  greater  success,  set  out  himself  to 
visit  Galveston.  At  the  Cooshattie  village,  however,  he  re- 
ceived intelligence  of  the  approach  of  the  royalists,  under 
Colonel  Perez.  He  immediately  despatched  orders  to  his  out- 
posts to  concentrate  at  the  Cooshattie  village,  and  hastened  on 
his  journey  to  Galveston. 

During  the  general’s  absence,  Major  Cook,  who  had  returned 
from  Pecan  point,  and  been  placed  in  command  of  Nacogdo- 
ches, resumed  his  old  habit  of  drunkenness.  His  example  was 
readily  followed  by  the  republican  garrison ; and  thus  the  post 
was  rendered  an  easy  prey  to  the  enemy.  General  Long,  meet- 
ing with  no  success  at  Galveston,  returned  to  the  Indian  village 
before  mentioned,  where  he  was  informed,  by  a letter  from  his 
noble  wife,  then  at  Nacogdoches,  of  the  rapid  approach  of  the 
royalists,  and  the  wretched  condition  of  the  forces  under  Cook. 

In  the  meantime,  the  royalists,  on  the  11th  of  October,  1819, 
attacked  the  trading-post  of  Captain  Johnson  on  the  Brasos, 
and  took  eleven  of  the  party  prisoners  ; while  the  others,  seven 
in  number,  fled  down  the  river  to  Walker’s  fort,  at  La  Bahia 
crossing.  They  were  pursued  by  three  hundred  and  fifty  of 
the  enemy,  who,  on  the  15th,  attacked  the  fort,  and  drove  the 
republicans  out  of  it.  The  latter  fled,  leaving  their  arms,  bag- 
gage, and  provisions. 

While  the  retreating  forces  of  Walker  and  Johnson,  about 
thirty-five  in  all,  were  making  their  way  to  the  Cooshattie  vil- 
lage, the  royalists  set  out  to  attack  the  trading-post  of  David 
Long,  on  the  Trinity.  After  a gallant  defence,  Long  was 
killed,  and  his  forces  fled  to  Nacogdoches.  They  were  pur- 
sued : but  when  the  royalists  entered  the  place,  they  found  it 
entirely  evacuated.  General  Long  had  barely  time  to  escape 
with  his  family  to  the  Sabine 


202 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


At  Nacogdoches  Colonel  Perez  sent  a detachment  of  his  men 
in  pursuit  of  the  fugitives,  while  with  the  main  body  he  marched 
against  the  republicans  under  Major  Smith,  at  the  Cooshattio 
village.  Smith,  with  the  addition  of  Walker’s  and  Johnson’s 
commands,  had  about  seventy-five  men.  Hearing  of  the  ad- 
vance of  Perez,  he  retreated  to  a prairie  on  the  river,  about 
forty  miles  below  the  village,  but  was  pursued,  and  a consider- 
able battle  was  fought,  in  which  there  were  several  killed  on 
both  sides,  but  the  republicans  were  routed  and  fled.  The 
greater  portion  of  them  obtained  canoes,  and  passed  over  the 
Trinity  to  Bolivar  point,  where  they  awaited  the  further  orders 
of  General  Long.  The  latter,  after  conducting  his  family  to 
Natchitoches,  passed  down,  by  way  of  Calcasieu,  to  Bolivar 
point,  where  he  met  the  remnant  of  the  republican  army.* 
Here  he  established  a fort,  and  fortified  it.  In  this  work  he 
had  the  aid  of  Colonel  Trespalacios.  Having  completed  his 
arrangements,  he  repaired  to  New  Orleans  to  obtain  further 
reinforcements  and  supplies. 

To  return  to  Captain  Lafitte.  In  1819,  he  was  taken  into 
the  service  of  the  republican  party  of  Mexico,  and  appointed 
governor  of  Galveston.  But  he  soon  got  into  a difficulty  with 
the  United  States.  A ferocious  character,  by  the  name  of 
Brown,  had  applied  to  Lafitte  to  be  taken  into  his  service. 
After  some  hesitation,  he  was  received,  but  with  the  express 
understanding  that,  if  he  interrupted  the  commerce  of  any  other 
nation  than  Spain,  he  should  be  hanged.  In  October,  1819, 
Brown  left  the  island,  in  command  of  two  armed  boats,  and 
shortly  after  robbed  an  American  vessel  near  the  Sabine  pass. 
The  boats  were  pursued  and  captured  by  the  United  States 
revenue-schooner  Lynx,  Captain  Madison,  while  the  robbers 

* James  Bowie  accompanied  General  Long  in  his  first  expedition. — United 
Service  Journal. 


Rrdfield  Publisher 

NewTffrk 


MOVEMENTS  OF  LAFITTE. 


203 


escaped  to  the  land,  and  followed  the  coast  to  Bolivar  point, 
and  thence  went  over  to  Galveston.  The  Lynx  sailed  down  to 
the  island  in  pursuit  of  them.  Lafitte,  suspecting  the  object 
of  Captain  Madison,  performed  his  promise  to  Brown,  and  hung 
him  on  a conspicuous  gibbet.  Captain  Madison,  seeing  Brown 
thus  suspended,  could  not  suppose  that  Lafitte,  the  polite  re- 
publican governor  of  Galveston,  would  harbor  such  men.  He 
therefore  sent  his  lieutenant,  M'Intosh,  over  to  the  island,  to 
demand  Brown’s  associates.  They  were  promptly  delivered 
up.  This  conduct  appeared  satisfactory ; yet  the  Lynx  still 
hovered  upon  the  coast.  Lafitte,  not  wishing  to  be  watched 
so  closely,  addressed  a note  to  Captain  Madison,  informing  him 
that  Galveston  belonged  to  and  was  in  the  possession  of  the 
republic  of  Texas,  and  was  made  a port  of  entry  on  the  9th  of 
October,  1819  ; that  he  was  appointed  governor  of  the  place  ; 
and  that  if  the  captain  of  the  Lynx  had  any  demands  against 
him  or  his  people,  to  make  them  known,  and  they  should  be 
attended  to.*  No  further  attention  was  given  by  the  United 
States  to  the  movements  of  Lafitte  until  the  following  year. 

In  1820,  among  other  depredations  committed  by  Lafitte’s 
cruisers,  an  American  vessel  was  taken,  plundered,  and  scut- 
tled, in  Matagorda  bay.  A commission,  consisting  of  Messrs. 
Davis,  Oliver,  and  Johnson,  was  sent  by  the  United  States  to 
examine  into  the  affair.  Their  report  was  unfavorable  to  La- 
fitte, which,  together  with  the  repeated  complaints  of  the  Span- 
ish minister  at  Washington,  induced  the  American  government, 
early  in  1821,  to  despatch  Lieutenant  Kearney,  with  the  brig 
Enterprise,  to  break  up  the  establishment  at  Galveston.  La- 
fitte went  over  the  bar  to  meet  the  lieutenant,  conducted  him 
to  the  “ Red  House,”  and  treated  him  with  that  politeness  and 

* De  Bow’s  Review,  October,  1861.  This  letter  of  Lafitte  was  dated  Novem- 
ber 1,  1819. 


204 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


hospitality  which,  as  the  prince  of  freebooters,  he  knew  so  well 
how  to  dispense  ; but  Kearney’s  orders  were  positive,  and  were 
communicated  to  Lafitte.  The  buccaneer,  therefore,  immedi- 
ately prepared  for  his  departure  from  the  island.  He  paid  off 
his  followers,  supplied  them  with  money,  and  gave  them  leave 
to  disperse.  He  then  sent  to  New  Orleans  for  William  Coch- 
rane, one  of  his  trusty  lieutenants,  who  repaired  to  Galveston 
with  sixty  men.  He  had  the  Pride,  his  favorite  vessel,  got  in 
readiness  ; and  the  very  day  he  was  to  sail,  General  Long,  with 
Colonel  Milam  and  other  recruits,  reached  the  island.  Long 
dined  with  Captain  Lafitte ; and  the  next  tide  carried  outside 
the  bar  the  Pride  and  other  vessels  comprising  the  fleet  of  the 
renowned  buccaneer-chief,  who  abandoned  the  shores  of  Texas 
for  ever.* 

Before  proceeding  further  with  the  movements  of  General 
Long,  it  will  be  proper  to  refer  to  the  more  important  features 
of  the  Mexican  revolution. 

The  viceroy  Apodaca,  wrho  superseded  Calleja  in  September, 
1816,  found  that  the  royalists  had  rather  dispersed  than  con- 
quered the  republicans  ; and,  to  win  them  back  to  their  loyalty, 
he  adopted  a mild  and  pacific  policy.  This  had  almost  the 
desired  effect.  The  partisans  of  the  revolution  threw  down 
their  arms  and  surrendered  upon  the  mild  terms  of  Apodaca. 
This  was  so  universal,  that,  with  the  exception  of  the  country 
between  the  capital  and  Acapulco,  there  was  not  a single  re- 

* Lafitte  and  Cochrane  still  continued  to  cruise  against  Spanish  commerce  for 
some  years.  In  1822,  the  former  visited  Charleston.  Cochrane  was  captured, 
and  thrown  into  the  castle  of  San  Juan  d’Ulloa,  off  Vera  Cruz,  where  he  re- 
mained till  the  close  of  the  Mexican  revolution,  when  he  was  received  into  the 
service  of  the  new  republic,  and  rose  to  the  rank  of  commodore.  Lafitte  occa- 
sionally visited  Sisal,  and  the  island  of  Margarita,  near  the  mouth  of  the  river 
Orinoco.  He  died  at  Silan,  a town  of  Yucatan,  about  fifteen  miles  from  Merida, 
in  1826,  and  was  buried  in  the  Campo  Santo  of  that  place. — De  Boic's  Review , 
October,  1851;  United  Service  Journal , 1852;  Letter  of  Thomas  M.  Duke,  of 
May , 1843,  to  F.  Pinckard. 


GENERAL  AUGUSTIN  DE  ITURBIDE. 


205 


publican  remaining  under  arms.  In  an  almost  inaccessible 
mountain  on  this  road,  however,  the  revolutionary  chieftains 
Guerrero,  Asensio,  and  Colonel  Bradburn  (of  Virginia,  who 
had  gone  to  Mexico  with  Mina),  had  fortified  themselves,  and 
with  some  fifteen  hundred  followers  made  occasional  excursions 
into  the  surrounding  country. 

For  the  purpose  of  reducing  this  last  stronghold  of  the  revo- 
lutionists, the  viceroy  appointed  General  Iturbide  to  the  com- 
mand of  the  department  of  the  south,  and  gave  him  a force  of 
three  thousand  veteran  troops.  lie  had  his  headquarters  at 
Iguala,  on  the  road  to  Acapulco,  and  about  eighty  miles  from 
the  city  of  Mexico. 

To  have  a better  understanding  of  the  events  that  followed 
in  Mexico,  it  is  necessary  to  observe  that  a revolution  had  oc- 
curred in  Spain : the  old  constitution  was  re-established,  and 
the  cortes  had  introduced  many  reforms  among  the  Spanish 
clergy.  The  intelligence  of  these  important  changes  had  but 
recently  reached  Mexico,  and  produced  great  alarm  among  all 
classes  of  the  clergy ; and  they  found  no  difficulty  in  persua- 
ding the  lower  orders  of  the  people  that  the  introduction  of 
such  reforms  into  Mexico  would  be  followed  by  the  ruin  of 
their  ancient  religion  !*  The  viceroy  himself  was  opposed  to 
the  peninsular  reforms,  and  made  no  secret  of  his  aversion  to 
their  introduction  into  the  colony.  The  Mexican  press,  more- 
over, under  the  new  liberty  it  enjoyed,  declared  that  indepen- 
dence of  the  mother-country  was  the  only  remedy  against  such 
impending  evils. 

Iturbide,  though  by  birth  a native,  was  the  son  of  European 
Spaniards,  and  was  capable  of  anything  that  would  promote 
his  own  ambitious  views.  He  had  distinguished  himself  in  the 

* Letter  of  James  Smith  Wilcocks,  dated  Mexico,  October  25, 1821 : American 
State  Papers,  Foreign  Relations , vol.  iv.,  p.  837.  Ed.  1834. 


206 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


royalist  cause ; but  he  saw  in  the  late  revulsion  of  popular  feel- 
ing, and  in  his  present  position,  that  a change  of  sides  would 
be  to  his  advantage.  After  forming  his  plans,  and  securing 
the  co-operation  of  the  clergy,  together  with  the  aid  of  the 
patriots  Guerrero,  Asensio,  and  Bradburn,  he  seized  a million 
of  dollars  of  the  king’s  treasure,  then  on  its  way  to  Acapulco 
for  transportation,  and  issued  his  pronunciamento , drawn  up  at 
Iguala.  This  document  proposed  the  independence  of  Mexico ; 
that  the  government  should  be  a constitutional,  limited  mon- 
archy ; that  the  crown  should  be  tendered  to  the  Bourbon  fam- 
ily in  succession,  commencing  with  King  Ferdinand  VII. ; if 
they  all  refused,  then  the  Mexican  cortes  should  designate  the 
monarch ; and  that  the  Roman  catholic  religion  should  be  pro- 
tected. 

The  pronunciamento  was  dated  on  the  24th  of  February, 
1821.  Iturbide  sent  a copy  of  the  plan  to  the  viceroy,  for  his 
approbation.  Apodaca,  left  to  himself,  would  have  concurred 
in  it ; but  he  was  overruled  by  his  council,  and  Field-Marshal 
Lilian  despatched  with  an  army  against  Iturbide.  The  latter, 
however,  having  the  patriots,  a good  portion  of  the  Spaniards, 
and,  above  all,  the  clergy,  on  his  side,  had  taken  Acapulco, 
and  was  on  his  march  to  Valladolid,  before  Linan  left  the  capi- 
tal. The  whole  country  was  soon  in  arms.  The  royalists 
were  everywhere  defeated ; and  those  of  them  yet  remaining 
in  the  city  of  Mexico,  suspecting  the  fidelity  of  Apodaca,  pro- 
ceeded, on  the  5th  of  July  following,  to  imprison  him,  and  place 
General  Novella  in  the  viceregal  chair. 

A few  days  after  this  event,  Lieutenant-General  Don  Juan 
O’Donoju,  who  had  been  sent  out  by  the  reformed  government 
of  Spain  as  captain-general  and  political  chief  of  Mexico,  ar- 
rived at  Vera  Cruz.  Learning  the  state  of  things  then  exist- 
ing, he  wrote  to  Iturbide,  applauding  what  he  had  done,  and 


THE  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 


207 


requesting  an  interview.  It  took  place  at  Cordova ; and,  on 
the  24th  of  August,  1821,  the  two  chieftains  agreed  to  the  plan 
of  Iguala,  with  some  modifications,  and  signed  and  published 
the  treaty.* 

Until  intelligence  could  be  received  from  Spain,  a regency 
of  six  persons  was  appointed,  of  which  Augustin  de  Iturbide 
was  president ; and,  until  the  assembling  of  a Mexican  con- 
gress, there  was  likewise  appointed  a legislative  junta  of  five 
persons,  of  which  O’Donoju  was  a member.  Thus  the  revolu- 
tion in  Mexico  was  accomplished ; and,  by  the  refusal  of  Spain 
to  acknowledge  the  treaty  of  Cordova,  she  became  independent. 

General  Long  remained  only  a short  time  at  Galveston  after 
the  departure  of  Lafitte  ; but,  collecting  his  forces  in  transports, 
he  sailed  down  the  coast  to'  the  mouth  of  the  San  Antonio  river, 
and  marched  upon  La  Bahia.  It  appears  that,  in  this  expedi- 
tion, the  Mexican  colonel  Trespalacios  was  playing  the  part  of 
Gutierres : he  was  nominally  in  command.  But,  in  order  to 
raise  funds,  Trespalacios  and  Milam,  instead  of  landing  at  the 
mouth  of  the  San  Antonio,  proceeded  on  to  Mexico.  The  forces 
under  Long  took  possession  of  La  Bahia  without  difficulty. f 

The  proclamation  of  the  treaty  of  Cordova  put  an  end  to  the 
royalists  and  the  campaign.  Yet  it  seems  that  Long  and  a 
portion  of  his  followers  were  taken  prisoners  and  sent  to  the 
city  of  Mexico.  The  general  himself  was  set  at  liberty,  and 
then  assassinated  in  the  city.  His  men  were  released  and  sent 
home  on  the  11th  of  November,  1822,  at  the  instance  of  Joel 
R.  Poinsett.  $ 

The  faithful  wife  of  General  Long  remained  at  Point  Bolivar 
many  months,  awaiting  her  husband’s  return.  At  last,  receiv- 

* American  State  Papers,  vol.  iv.,  Foreign  Relations,  p.  841,  et  seq.  Ed.  1834. 

\ This  part  of  General  Long’s  history  is  quite  contradictory.  Kennedy,  vol.  i., 
p.  300;  Foote,  vol.  i.,  p.  216. 

X Poinsett’s  Notes  on  Mexico,  p.  122. 


208 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


ing  news  of  his  death,  she  rejoined  her  friends  in  the  United 
States. 

Thus,  in  1822,  Galveston  was  again  desolate.  The  town  of 
Campeachy  was  laid  waste,  and  the  island  only  visited  by  oc- 
casional hunters  after  Lafitte’s  buried  treasure. 

We  have  herein  traced  the  history  of  Texas  through  the  dim 
records  of  a hundred  and  thirty-six  years,  rarely  finding  in  that 
long  period  a congenial  spot  for  human  happiness.  Ignorance 
and  despotism  have  hung  like  a dark  cloud  over  her  noble  for- 
ests and  luxuriant  pastures.  But  a new  era  is  about  to  dawn 
upon  the  province.  Austin  and  Edwards  are  preparing  for  a 
conquest  more  glorious  than  those  of  Napoleon,  and  infinitely 
more  useful  to  the  world. 


THE  AUSTINS. 


209 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

If  he  who,  by  conquest,  wins  an  empire,  and  receives  the 
world’s  applause,  how  much  more  is  due  to  those  who,  by  un- 
ceasing toil,  lay  in  the  wilderness  the  foundation  for  an  infant 
colony,  and  build  thereon  a vigorous  and  happy  state  ! Surely 
there  is  not  among  men  a more  honorable  destiny  than  to  be 
the  peaceful  founder  and  builder  of  a new  empire.  Such  was 
that  of  the  younger  Austin.  His  father,  Moses  Austin,  was  a 
native  of  Durham,  Connecticut.  His  life,  like  that  of  his  son, 
was  one  of  enterprise.  After  marrying  in  Philadelphia,  he  en- 
gaged in  business  in  the  lead-mines  of  Wythe  county,  Virginia. 
His  operations  here  proving  unsuccessful,  he  removed  to  certain 
mines  situated  in  Washington  county,  Missouri,  then  forming 
a part  of  Louisiana.  It  was  about  the  beginning  of  the  pres- 
ent century  that  he  departed  for  that  point,  taking  with  him  a 
small  colony  of  emigrants  and  operatives.* 

The  great  expenses  of  his  establishment,  and  the  generosity 
of  his  disposition,  again  involved  Austin  in  financial  difficulties. 
As  he  had  lived  for  the  first  three  or  four  years  in  Missouri 
under  the  Spanish  government,  he  had  acquired  a knowledge 
of  the  customs,  laws,  and  perhaps  the  language,  of  that  people, 
and  had  gained,  withal,  some  information  in  regard  to  the 

* Holly’s  Texas,  p.  282,  et  seq. 

VOL.  I.— 14 


210 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS- 


province  of  Texas.  He  had  long  cherished  the  idea  of  making 
a settlement  and  bringing  a colony  to  the  country. 

Accordingly,  in  1820,  he  set  out  for  the  province,  and  in 
December  of  that  year  reached  Bexar.  Making  known  his 
object  to  the  baron  de  Bastrop,  with  whom  he  had  some  pre- 
vious acquaintance  at  New  Orleans,  he  was  introduced  to  Gov- 
ernor Martinez,  to  whom  he  explained  his  projected  enterprise. 

A suitable  memorial  was  drawn  up,  and,  after  being  ap- 
proved by  the  local  authorities,  was  forwarded  to  the  com- 
mandant-general of  the  northeastern  internal  provinces.*  The 
memorial  asked  for  permission  to  colonize  three  hundred  fami- 
lies. The  commandant-general,  Don  Joaquin  Arredondo,  then 
resided  at  Monterey,  and  the  answer  to  the  application  would 
necessarily  require  some  time.  Austin,  unable  to  await  the 
result,  left  the  baron  de  Bastrop  to  act  as  his  agent  in  the 
affair,  and  set  out  on  his  return  from  Bexar  in  January,  1821. 
At  that  time  the  route  from  Bexar  to  the  Sabine  was  an  unset- 
tled waste.  In  journeying  over  it,  Austin  was  robbed  and  de- 
serted by  some  who  were  travelling  with  him,  and  left  to  make 
his  way,  as  best  he  could,  to  the  Louisiana  settlements.  The 
exposure  and  fatigue  were  too  much  for  him,  but  he  reached 
home  in  the  spring.  A cold,  however,  thus  contracted,  pro- 
duced a disease  of  the  lungs,  of  which  he  died  on  the  10th  of 
June,  1821.  A few  days  before  his  death,  however,  he  re- 
ceived the  welcome  news  of  the  success  of  his  application  to 
plant  a colony  in  Texas ; and  one  of  his  last  injunctions  was, 
that  his  son,  Stephen  F.  Austin,  should  consummate  his  enter- 
prise.! 

* Kennedy  says  that,  when  Moses  Austin  first  presented  himself  to  Governor 
Martinez,  he  was  treated  as  an  intruder,  and  ordered  to  quit  the  province;  and 
while  preparing  to  depart  he  met  with  Bastrop,  who  made  known  his  merits 
to  the  governor,  had  the  order  rescinded,  and  procured  the  granting  of  his  me- 
morial.— History  of  Texas , vol.  i.,  p.  316. 

f lb.,  p.  318.  Lord  Bacon  lays  it  down  as  a general  rule  that  he  who  has  no 


SPANISH  OATH  OF  NATURALIZATION. 


211 


Considering  that  this  application  of  Moses  Austin  was  made 
while  the  Spanish  authority  was  still  predominant  in  Mexico, 
his  success  was  rather  surprising.  But  it  will  be  remembered 
that  it  was  after  the  revolution,  in  Spain,  when  the  cortes  was 
re-established,  and  a much  more  liberal  system  adopted. 

This  first  grant  to  found  a colony  in  Texas,  dated  on  the 
17th  of  January,  1821,  provided  that  the  colonists  should  be 
Roman  catholics,  or  agree  to  become  so  before  they  entered 
the  Spanish  territory ; that  they  should  furnish  undoubted  evi- 
dence of  good  character  and  habits,  and  take  an  oath  of  fidelity 
to  the  king,  to  defend  the  government  and  political  constitution 
of  the  Spanish  monarchy.*  In  addition,  they  were  to  be  Lou- 
isianians. 

children  is  more  patriotic  than  he  who  has;  and  for  this  reason,  that  the  affec- 
tion, which  he  would  otherwise  bestow  upon  his  family,  he  gives  to  his  country. 
If  the  rule  be  true,  it  will  apply  to  Austin,  for  he  was  truly  the  father  of  his  colony. 

* Kennedy,  vol.  i.,  p.  319.  The  Spanish  oath  of  naturalization  will  appear  by 
the  following  instance : — 

‘‘To  the  Senor  Don  Manuel  de  Salcedo,  lieutenant-colonel  of  the  royal  army, 
political  and  military  governor  of  the  province  of  Texas. 

“In  the  town  of  Nacogdoches,  on  this  day,  month,  and  year  before  me  I, 
Don  Jose  Maria  Guadiana,  lieutenant  of  cavalry,  and  political  and  military  com- 
mandant of  this  town,  by  virtue  of  the  commission  which  I hold  from  the  gov- 
ernor of  this  province,  having  called  to  my  assistance,  in  default  of  the  notaries 
required  by  law,  Anselmo  Pereira  and  Manuel  Delgado,  came  Don  Samuel  Dav- 
enport and  Don  William  Barr,  residing  in  this  place,  and  took  a solemn  oath  of 
fidelity  to  our  sovereign,  and  to  reside  permanently  in  his  royal  dominions;  and, 
more  fully  to  manifest  it,  put  their  right  hands  upon  the  cross  of  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,  and,  being  questioned  by  me,  swore,  each  of  them,  before  God  and  the 
holy  cross  of  Jesus  Christ,  to  be  faithful  vassals  of  his  most  catholic  majesty,  to 
act  in  obedience  to  the  general  and  special  laws  of  Spain  and  the  Indies,  hence- 
forth abjuring  all  other  allegiance  or  adhesion  to  any  other  prince  or  potentate 
whatever,  and  to  hold  no  correspondence  with  any  foreign  power  without  per- 
mission from  a lawful  magistrate,  and  to  inform  against  such  as  may  do  so,  or 
use  seditious  language  unbecoming  a good  subject  of  Spain  ; they  severally  swore 
also  to  acknowledge,  obey,  and  respect  the  lawful  authorities,  under  the  supreme 
central  junta,  happily  governing  as  under  the  authority  of  Don  Ferdinand  YIL 


In  faith  whereof  we  sign,  <fcc. 
“ Assisting  Witnesses. 
“January  15,  1810." 


“JOSE  MARIA  GUADIANA. 
“ William  Barr, 

“Samuel  Davenport. 


[Translated,  from  MS.  testimonio. ] 


212 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


Don  Erasmo  Seguin,  who  had  been  appointed  by  Governor 
Martinez  to  notify  Austin  of  the  grant,  and  to  see  that  its  con- 
ditions were  executed,  met  Stephen  F.  Austin  at  Natchitoches, 
and  on  the  5th  of  July,  1821,  they  both  set  out  for  San  Anto- 
nio.* After  consultation  with  the  governor,  Austin  furnished 
him  with  a plan  for  the  distribution  of  lands  among  the  colo- 
nists. It  proposed  to  give  to  each  man,  over  twenty-one  years 
old,  six  hundred  and  forty  acres,  with  an  addition  of  three 
hundred  and  twenty  acres  for  the  wife,  one  hundred  and  sixty 
acres  for  each  child,  and  eighty  acres  for  each  slave.  This 
plan  received  the  sanction  of  the  governor  on  the  19tli  of  the 
following  month.  Colonel  Austin  next  proceeded  to  explore 
the  country  watered  by  the  Guadalupe,  Colorado,  and  Brasos 
rivers,  for  the  purpose  of  discovering  a suitable  location  for  his 
colony.  He  had  a choice  of  the  country,  and  the  wisdom  of 
his  selection  has  been  fully  approved.  Having  satisfied  him- 
self on  his  point,  he  returned  to  New  Orleans,  and  advertised 
for  colonists  upon  the  terms  proposed  in  his  contract. 

Austin’s  means  were  limited  ; but  he  found  a friend  in  New 
Orleans,  by  whose  liberality  he  was  greatly  aided.  Through 
J.  L.  Hawkins,  the  schooner  Lively  was  fitted  out  with  the 
necessary  provisions  and  implements  for  a colony,  and  in  No- 
vember sailed  for  Matagorda  bay  with  eighteen  emigrants  on 
board.  Austin  himself  proceeded  up  Red  river  to  Natchito- 
ches ; thence,  with  other  colonists,  he  continued  his  course  to 
the  Brasos.  They  arrived  at  the  old  La  Bahia  crossing  in 
December.  Austin  sought  along  the  coast  for  the  Lively,  but 


* Austin  was  accompanied  by  Edward  Lovelace,  Neil  Gasper,  Henry  Holstein, 
William  Little,  Joseph  Polly,  James  Beard,  William  Wilson,  Dr.  Hewitson,  W. 
Smithers,  and  Messrs.  Belew,  Beard,  Marple,  Barre,  and  Erwine.  These  were 
the  tirst  of  the  three  hundred  colonists.  They  reached  the  Brasos  on  the  1st  of 
August,  1821,  and  San  Antonio  on  the  12th  of  that  month.  — Letter  of  Guy  M 
Bryan , July  1,  1852. 


Austin’s  colonization. 


213 


she  was  never  heard  of  more  The  want  of  the  provisions  and 
implements  on  board  this  vessel  reduced  .the  colonists  to  great 
straits.  In  the  meantime,  James  Austin,  a brother  of  the  em- 
presario , had  reached  the  colony;  and  the  two  brothers,  with 
twenty  others,  set  out  for  San  Antonio,  to  make  a report  to 
the  governor.  They  arrived  there  about  the  middle  of  March, 
1822.* 

The  news  of  Austin’s  intended  colony  had  spread  over  the 
western  country.  The  love  of  adventure,  and  the  desire  to 
find  comfortable  homes,  excited  quite  a spirit  of  emigration. 
About  the  middle  of  June,  1821,  and  before  Austin  had  made 
his  selection,  several  families  at  Pecan  point,  in  Arkansas, 
started  for  the  Brasos,  and  on  the  first  of  January,  1822,  en- 
camped at  the  crossing  of  the  old  San  Antonio  road,  two  miles 
above  the  mouth  of  the  Little  Brasos.  Here  they  found  the 
families  of  Garrett  and  Higgins,  who  had  reached  the  crossing 
a few  days  before  them,  and  were  engaged  in  erecting  cabins. f 

Before  this,  however,  on  the  western  bank  of  the  Colorado, 
opposite  the  present  town  of  La  Grange,  had  settled  Buckner 
and  Powell.  :£  During  the  summer  of  1822,  among  other  emi- 
grants to  Austin’s  colony  were  Philip  Dimmitt,  Jesse  Burnham, 
and  Robert  Kuykendall— names  well  known  among  the  pio- 
neers of  Texas. 

On  reaching  San  Antonio,  Austin  was  surprised  to  learn  that, 
on  account  of  the  recent  changes  in  Mexico,  it  would  be  neces- 

* Guy  M.  Bryan’s  letter  of  July  1,  1852;  Kennedy,  vol.  i.,  p.  323. 

f Among  the  emigrants  from  Pecan  point  was  the  Cherokee  John  Williams.  — 
Dewees’s  Letters  from  Texas , p.  23,  et  seq.  It  is  probable  that  Garrett  and  Hig- 
gins were  the  first  settlers  on  the  Brasos.  This  is,  however,  claimed  for  Andrew 
Robinson,  who  settled  near  the  present  town  of  Washington.  Dewees,  who  was 
one  of  the  Pecan-point  emigrants,  says  (page  24) : “ About  the  time  of  our  arrival 
here,  a few  families  settled  below  us  on  this  river,  near  the  old  La  Bahia  cros- 
sing.” 

\ Letters  from  Texas,  p.  80.  A creek,  emptying  into  the  Colorado  opposite 
La  Grange,  perpetuates  the  fact  that  he  was  thero  first 


214 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


sary  for  him  to  proceed  to  the  capital,  to  obtain  from  the  Mexi- 
can Congress  a confirmation  of  his  contract,  with  instructions 
and  details  relative  to  the  formation  and  government  of  his  col- 
ony. However  unprepared  he  might  have  been  for  this  jour- 
ney, yet  such  was  his  zeal  for  the  consummation  of  his  great 
object,  that  he  immediately  set  out.  Leaving  the  affairs  of  the 
colony  in  care  of  Josiah  PI.  Bell,  he  started,  in  company  with 
Dr.  Robert  Andrews  and  one  other  person,  to  perform  this  long 
journey  by  land,  through  a country  infested  with  Indians  and 
robbers.  When  two  days  out  from  San  Antonio,  they  were 
attacked  and  robbed  by  the  Camanche  Indians  ; but  after  suit- 
able explanations — the  Indians  learning  that  Austin  was  an 
American — their  property  was  restored,  and  they  were  per- 
mitted to  proceed.*  They  reached  the  city  of  Mexico  on  the 
29th  of  April,  and  found  the  political  affairs  of  the  nation  in 
great  confusion. 

The  plan  of  Iguala  (of  the  24th  of  February,  1821),  and  the 
treaty  of  Cordova  (of  the  24th  of  August  following),  guaran- 
tied protection  to  the  Roman  catholic  religion,  which  satisfied 
the  clergy ; the  independence  of  the  kingdom,  which  satisfied 
the  leading  creole  aristocracy ; and  the  indissoluble  union  be- 
tween the  Europeans  and  Americans,  which  satisfied  the  Span- 
iards.! But  there  was  no  guaranty  for  the  liberty  of  the  great 
masses.  This  the  latter  desired  and  expected ; but  Iturbide, 
the  ruling  spirit  among  them,  had  not  the  most  distant  idea  of 
granting  such  a boon.  It  was  manifest,  then,  that  the  form  of 
government  he  had  adopted  could  not  stand  the  ordeal  of  de- 
liberate public  opinion,  even  in  Mexico.  Without  reciting  the 
details  of  occurrences  which  happened  between  the  treaty  of 
Cordova  and  the  assembling  of  the  first  Congress — which  lat- 

* Kennedy,  vol.  i.,  p.  324;  Holly,  p.  156. 

t Letter  of  J.  Smith  Wilcox<  American  State  Papers,  vol.  iv.,  Foreign  Rela- 
tions,  p.  837, 


THE  FIRST  MEXICAN  CONGRESS. 


215 


ter  event  occurred  on  the  24th  of  February,  1822 — it  will  suf- 
fice to  say  that  Iturbide  and  the  Congress  quarrelled.  The 
majority  of  the  representatives  were  in  favor  of  a republic,  and 
Iturbide  desired  a monarchy.  It  was,  indeed,  an  unfavorable 
period  to  secure  the  attention  of  the  government  to  the  subject 
of  founding  colonies  in  a distant  province ; yet  that  attention 
was  solicited  and  obtained. 

Austin  was  not  the  only  person  in  the  Mexican  capital  seek- 
ing such  contracts.  Hayden  Edwards,  General  James  Wilkin- 
son, Robert  Lefwitch,  and  Green  Dewitt,  were  also  there.  To 
these  may  be  added  the  Cherokee  chiefs  Bolles,  Nicollet,  and 
Fields,  who  came,  not  to  obtain  a contract,  but  a grant  of  lands 
for  their  tribe,  lately  emigrated  to  eastern  Texas. 

Hayden  Edwards,  a wealthy  and  intelligent  gentleman  from 
Kentucky,  having  brought  his  family  to  Louisiana,  left  them 
there,  and  repaired,  early  in  1822,  to  the  Mexican  capital,  to 
procure  the  concession  of  a large  amount  of  lands  in  eastern 
Texas.  He  kept  an  open  house,  and  used  freely  his  ample 
means  to  forward  the  great  object  of  founding  a colony.  Gen- 
eral Wilkinson  thought,  no  doubt,  that  his  conduct  in  the  affair 
of  Burr  would  entitle  his  claims  to  consideration.  In  regard 
to  the  Cherokees,*  their  wants  were  different.  This  powerful 
nation  of  Indians  was  once  the  owner  of  a territory  embracing 
more  than  half  of  what  is  now  the  state  of  Tennessee,  the  south- 
ern part  of  Kentucky,  the  southwest  corner  of  Virginia,  a con- 
siderable portion  of  the  two  Carolinas,  a large  part  of  Georgia, 
and  the  northern  region  of  Alabama ! Between  the  period  of 
the  American  Revolution  and  that  of  which  we  now  write,  the 
Cherokees  had,  by  voluntary  and  forced  sale,  parted  with  the 
greater  portion  of  their  territory ; and  that  which  remained  to 
them  was  claimed  by  the  state  of  Georgia  and  other  states : so 

* Tsalakee  is  the  proper  name.  See  American  Encycloptedia,  in  log. 


216 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


that  they  found  no  other  means  of  postponing  their  destruction 
than  by  a total  abandonment  of  their  haunts  in  the  American 
Union.  A large  number  of  them,  under  the  direction  of  the 
above-named  chiefs,  had  come  to  find  a home  in  Texas.  It  is 
due  to  truth  and  justice  to  declare  that,  during  the  present 
century,  the  Mexican  people  have  treated  the  claims  of  the 
Indian  with  more  respect  and  consideration  than  have  been 
shown  by  the  United  States.  Their  motives  for  this  we  will 
not  inquire  into.  The  business  of  the  Cherokees  was  soon 
adjusted.  They  had  already  entered  into  an  agreement*  with 
Don  Felix  Trespalacios,  by  which  they  were  permitted  to  enjoy 
the  lands  on  which  they  had  settled  in  common.  The  agree- 
ment was  confirmed  by  Iturbide  on  the  27th  of  April,  1823, 
with  the  understanding  that  the  Indians  were  to  retire  farther 
into  the  interior,  and  that  no  additional  families  of  them  should 
immigrate  till  the  publication  of  the  general  colonization  law.f 
So  many  applications  induced  the  appointment  of  a commit- 
tee, who  reported  in  favor  of  a general  colonization  law.  The 
bill  before  the  Congress  was  about  to  receive  the  final  sanction 
of  that  body,  when,  on  the  morning  of  the  31st  of  October,  1822, 
Iturbide  (who  had  previously  caused  himself  to  be  declared 
emperor)  abruptly  ejected  and  dispersed  thcm.J  The  emperor, 
after  an  apology  to  the  Mexican  people  for  this  high-handed 
measure,  called  a congress,  or  junta , of  forty-five  members, 


* This  agreement  bears  date  of  November  8,  1822. 

f Order  of  April  27,  1823,  to  Felipe  de  la  Garza,  commander-in-chief  of  the 
northeastern  internal  provinces,  in  the  archives  of  the  general  land- office. 

\ Kennedy,  vol.  i.,  p.  325.  Poinsett’s  Notes  on  Mexico,  p.  63 : “ Soon  after 
the  members  assembled  this  morning,  Brigadier-General  Cortazar  appeared  in 
the  hall,  and  read  the  imperial  mandate  dissolving  the  Congress.  He  then  in- 
formed them  that  it  was  his  majesty’s  pleasure  they  should  disperse  forthwith, 
and  that,  if  they  did  not  retire  in  ten  minutes,  he  would  be  compelled,  in  obedi- 
ence to  superior  orders,  to  drive  them  out  of  the  hall.  The  president  immedi- 
ately directed  that  the  order  should  be  spread  on  the  journals  of  Congress,  and 
called  upon  the  general  to  sign  it , ichich  he  did,  and  the  members  retired.” 


MEXICAN  COLONIZATION  LAW. 


217 


nominated  by  himself.  This  body,  in  pursuance  of  the  wishes 
of  Iturbide,  shortly  afterward  prepared  and  passed  a new  colo- 
nization law,  which  received  the  imperial  sanction  on  the  4th 
of  January,  1823.  As  this  exhibits  the  general  features  and 
conditions  of  those  subsequently  enacted,  they  may  be  here 
properly  referred  to  : — 

1.  The  first  step,  being  an  abrogation  of  the  royal  extermi- 
nating order  of  Philip  II.  against  foreigners,  is  an  agreement  to 
protect  them  in  their  liberty,  property,  and  civil  rights. 

2.  But,  as  a condition  precedent,  they  must  be  such  as  pro- 
fess the  Roman  catholic  apostolic  religion,  the  established  re- 
ligion of  the  empire. 

3.  To  encourage  the  immigration  of  such,  the  government 
will  distribute  to  them  lands  out  of  the  vacant  domain. 

4.  Not  less  than  a labor , or  one  hundred  and  seventy-seven 
acres,  will  be  given  to  each  farmer ; and  not  less  than  one 
league , or  four  thousand  four  hundred  and  twenty-eight  acres, 
to  each  stock-raiser.* 

5.  Immigrants  could  come  on  their  own  account,  and  receive 
their  lands,  or  be  introduced  through  an  empresario. 

6.  As  an  inducement  to  immigrants,  they  were  to  be  free  for 
six  years  from  the  payment  of  all  tithes,  taxes,  duties,  Ac. 

7.  There  was  to  be  no  sale  or  purchase  of  slaves,  and  the 
children  of  slaves  born  in  the  empire  were  to  be  free  at  four- 
teen years  of  age. 

8.  The  empresario s , for  each  two  hundred  families  they 
should  introduce,  were  entitled  to  fifteen  leagues  and  two  la- 
bors, or  sixty-six  thousand  seven  hundred  and  seventy-four 
acres  of  land ; but  this  premium  could  not  exceed  forty-five 

* A labor  is  one  thousand  varas  square,  or  one  million  square  varas.  A league 
is  five  thousand  varas  square,  or  twenty-five  millions  of  square  varas.  The  lineal 
vara  is  thirty-three  and  one  third  inches  English  measure.  The  lineal  league  is 
two  and  twelve  nineteenths  miles. 


218 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


leagues  and  six  labors,  whatever  number  of  families  should  be 
introduced.  The  empresario  was,  however,  bound  to  have 
such  lands  peopled  and  cultivated  within  twelve  years  from 
the  concession,  and  to  sell  or  dispose  of  two  thirds  of  it  within 
twenty  years. 

Such  were  some  of  the  inducements  held  out  by  this  general 
law  of  Mexico  to  contractors  and  immigrants.  The  law  hav- 
ing passed,  Austin  was  desirous  of  having  a special  confirma- 
tion of  his  previous  contract.  In  this  respect,  he  found  a use- 
ful friend  in  Herrera,  the  former  commissioner  of  the-  Mexican 
patriots  to  the  United  States,  and  now  minister  of  foreign  and 
internal  relations  under  Iturbide.  The  grant  w~as  accordingly 
confirmed  on  the  18th  of  February,  1823.“  While  Austin  was 
preparing  to  return  to  Texas,  where  his  presence  was  greatly 
needed,  another  revolution  occurred  in  Mexico,  which  caused 
him  to  postpone  his  journey. 

The  castle  of  San  Juan  d’Ulloa  had  still  remained  in  the 
possession  of  Spain.  Iturbide  was  desirous  of  securing  the 
fortress  by  treaty.  For  this  purpose  he  proceeded  to  Jalapa, 
and  requested  the  Spanish  commandant  of  the  castle  to  meet 
him  there.  This  the  latter  refused. f They  then  agreed  on 
the  appointment  of  commissioners,  who  met  at  Yera  Cruz,  but 
without  coming  to  any  conclusion. 

General  Echavarri  was  at  that  time  commander  of  the  south- 
ern division  of  the  empire,  including  Yera  Cruz,  and  Santa 
Anna  was  in  command  of  the  town.  These  two  officers  quar- 
relled, and  Echavarri  preferred  charges  against  Santa  Anna. 
The  latter,  who  had  been  a great  friend  to  Iturbide,  and  had 
aided  him  in  the  revolution,  immediately  repaired  to  the  court 
of  the  emperor,  at  Jalapa,  to  answer  the  charges  of  Echavarri. 
To  his  surprise,  Iturbide  treated  him  harshly,  and  dismissed 


* Kennedy,  vol.  i.,  p.  325. 


f Poinsett’s  Notes,  p.  281. 


SECOND  MEXICAN  REVOLUTION. 


219 


him  from  his  command  at  Vera  Cruz.  This  fatal  step  ruined 
the  emperor.  Santa  Anna  suddenly  departed  for  Vera  Cruz, 
and  reached  there  before  the  news  of  his  dismissal.  He  pa- 
raded his  troops,  denounced  the  emperor,  and  raised  the  stand- 
ard of  revolt.  The  people  and  troops,  wearied  with  the  op- 
pression of  the  usurper,  and  disgusted  with  his  treachery,  soon 
joined  in  the  insurrection.  Guadalupe  Victoria,  Guerrero, 
and  Bravo,  all  distinguished  in  the  wars  of  the  revolution,  took 
their  places  as  leaders  of  the  populace.  Iturbide,  alarmed, 
and  seeing  the  army  and  people  all  arrayed  against  him,  re- 
turned to  the  city  of  Mexico,  and  on  the  8th  of  March,  1823, 
called  together  as  many  as  he  could  of  the  old  Congress,  and 
tendered  his  resignation  as  emperor ; but  a quorum  of  that  body 
not  being  present,  they  refused  to  act.  At  length,  on  the  19th 
of  March,  seeing  himself  totally  abandoned,  Iturbide  sent  in 
a letter  of  abdication  to  the  Congress,  and  retired  to  Tulan- 
cinigo.  The  Congress,  which  by  this  time  had  assembled,  re- 
fused to  accept  his  resignation  (as  that  would  legalize  his 
usurpation),  but  permitted  him  to  leave  the  country,  upon  an 
annual  allowance  of  twenty-five  thousand  dollars.  He  accord- 
ingly embarked,  with  his  family,  for  Leghorn,  and  thus  left  the 
republicans  of  Mexico  to  manage  the  government  of  their  coun- 
try as  they  chose.* 

The  old  Congress  immediately  established  a provisional  gov- 
ernment, and  appointed  Bravo,  Victoria,  and  Negrete,  to  act 
as  the  executive  for  the  time  being.  A new  Congress,  known 
as  the  Constituent  Congress , was  called,  which  assembled  in 

* Iturbide,  not  satisfied  to  remain  in  Italy,  proceeded  to  London;  and  thence, 
in  the  summer  of  1824,  he  set  out  on  his  return  to  Mexico.  Although  the  Mexi- 
can Congress  had  passed  a decree  of  outlawry  against  him,  he  landed  in  disguise 
at  Soto  la  Marina  on  the  14th  of  July  (1824);  but  he  was  betrayed  and  taken 
by  his  old  friend  Don  Felipe  de  la  Garza,  and  delivered  up  to  Bernardo  Gutier- 
ivs,  who  executed  him  at  Badillos,  on  the  24th  of  the  same  month.  — Kennedy 
vol.  i.,  p.  305 ; Forbes's  Notes , MS. 


220 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


August,  1823.  They  proceeded,  among  other  things,  to  de- 
clare the  acts  of  the  late  emperor  void.  This  decree  rendered 
it  necessary  to  enact  another  colonization  law.  But,  in  the 
meantime,  Austin,  unwilling  to  wait  for  this  action  of  the  re- 
publican Congress,  made  an  application  to  the  executive  for  a 
confirmation  of  his  former  grant.  This  confirmation  was  had 
on  the  14th  of  April,  1823,  and  the  empresario  returned  to  his 
colony. 

The  Mexican  revolution  produced  some  alterations  in  the 
internal  organization  of  the  country,  to  which  it  may  be  well 
to  refer.  Previous  to  the  revolution,  the  geographical  divis- 
ions of  New  Spain  consisted  of  eleven  intendencies  and  three 
provinces ; but,  by  a decree  of  the  sovereign  junta,  passed  in 
January,  1822,  the  empire  was  divided  into  six  captaincies- 
general.*  The  federal  constitution  of  1824,  however,  produced 
an  entirely  different  organization,  which  will  be  noticed  here- 
after. 

The  Constituent  Congress  were  engaged,  not  only  in  re-enact- 
ing a general  or  national  colonization  law,  but  also  in  maturing 
a constitution.  The  former  was  passed  on  the  18th  of  August, 
1824,  and  differed  little  from  that  of  Iturbide,  except  that  it 
provided  for  the  passage  of  special  colonization  laws  by  the 
legislatures  of  the  several  Mexican  states,  and  was  quite  gen- 
eral and  liberal  in  its  terms.  As  a restraint  upon  speculation, 
and  to  prevent  a monopoly  of  the  public  lands,  it  was  provided 
by  the  twelfth  section  that  there  should  not  be  united  in  the 
same  hands  more  than  one  league  suitable  for  irrigation,  four 
leagues  of  arable  land  not  irrigable,  and  six  leagues  of  gra- 
zing-land. 

The  federal  constitution  was  not  proclaimed  till  the  4th  of 
October,  1824.  Before  directing  our  attention  to  this  cele- 


* Poinsett’s  Notes,  p.  238. 


NACOGDOCHES  — SAN  ANTONIO  — AUSTIN’S  COLONY.  221 

brated  instrument,  it  will  be  well  that  we  should  notice  the 
progress  of  the  settlement  of  Texas. 

After  the  promulgation  of  the  tfeaty  of  Cordova,  the  old 
citizens  of  the  towns  of  Nacogdoches  and  San  Antonio,  who 
had  fled  for  safety  to  Louisiana,  gradually  returned.  In  the 
latter  part  of  1821,  the  town  of  Nacogdoches  already  contained 
a hundred  inhabitants : they  were  a mixed  population  of  Span 
iards,  French,  Americans,  and  free  negroes.  Captain  Dill  was 
their  worthy  commandant.*  The  population  of  the  place  was 
gradually  increased  by  immigrants,  even  before  it  had  become 
the  centre  of  a colony ; and  many  of  the  immigrants  for  Austin’s 
colony,  from  one  cause  or  another,  were  induced  to  stop  at  this 
point  and  settle. 

The  large  number  of  troops  stationed  at  San  Antonio  caused 
that  place  to  flourish.  In  1823,  it  is  said  that  the  population 
amounted  to  five  thousand. f Yet  the  Camanche  Indians  vis- 
ited the  town  at  their  pleasure,  and  when  there,  were  masters 
of  the  place.  They  brought  in  dried  buffalo-meat,  deerskins, 
and  buffalo-robes,  which  they  exchanged  for  sugar,  beads,  &c. 
Their  trading  was  carried  on  mostly  with  Americans,  though 
they  were  on  good  terms  with  the  Mexican  population. 

The  immigrants  to  Austin’s  colony  came  in  as  fast  as  could 
be  desired.  In  fact,  it  was  difficult  for  those  already  there  to 
raise  a sufficiency  of  provisions  to  support  the  new-comers  till 
they,  in  turn,  could  cultivate  the  soil.  Their  privations  in  this 
respect  were  great ; and  they  were  often  reduced  to  the  neces- 
sity of  living  on  the  proceeds  of  the  chase  alone,  and  to  clothe 
themselves  with  skins. 

The  chief  trouble  of  the  colonists,  however,  for  the  first  three 
or  four  years,  was  with  the  Carankawae  Indians.^  This  tribe, 

* De wees’s  Letters,  p.  21.  f lb.,  p.  34. 

X “ Those  of  us  who  have  no  families  of  our  own,  reside  with  the  families  in 


222 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


occupying  the  coast  opposite  the  colony,  had  been  greatly  ex- 
asperated against  the  whites  by  the  conduct  of  the  Lafitte  men. 
Again,  in  1821,  after  the  pirate-chief  had  left  Galveston,  some 
twenty  persons,  under  the  direction  of  Dr.  Purnell,  visited  the 
island- in  search  of  supposed  buried  treasures.  The  company, 
failing  to  discover  the  treasure,  found  that  a hundred  of  the 
Caraukawae  Indians  were  at  the  “ Three  Trees.”  It  appears 
that  a fine  schooner  had  been  run  into  the  bay  by  pirates,  and 
there  abandoned.  The  party  of  whites  ascertained  that  the 
Indians  had  visited  the  schooner,  and  had  taken  away  the  sails 
and  stretched  them  as  an  awning  at  the  Three  Trees.  They 
therefore  concluded  to  attack  them.  Having  made  the  neces- 
sary preparations,  they  set  out  in  time  to  reach  a bayou,  run- 
ning into  the  pass,  just  at  dark.  They  landed,  and  found  the 
Indians  under  the  live  oaks,  dancing  and  singing.  The  com- 
pany was  divided  into  two  platoons,  and  thus,  marching  up  to 
within  forty  yards  of  the  Indians,  opened  the  fire  by  platoon. 
At  the  first  discharge,  the  savages  flew  to  their  weapons,  strung 
their  bows,  and  sent  a shower  of  arrows  in  the  direction  of  the 
enemy.  They  soon,  however,  retreated  into  a swamp  of  high 
grass,  carrying  off  their  dead  and  wounded.  The  Americans, 

the  settlement.  We  remain  here,  notwithstanding  the  scarcity  of  provisions,  to 
assist  in  protecting  the  settlement.  We  are  obliged  to  go  out  in  the  morning,  a 
party  of  us,  to  hunt  food,  leaving  a part  of  the  men  at  home  to  guard  the  settle- 
ment from  the  Indians,  who  are  very  hostile  to  us.  Indeed,  we  dare  not  go  out 
to  hunt,  except  in  companies,  as  we  are  obliged  to  keep  on  the  lookout,  lest  the 
savages  fall  on  us ; and  one  can  not  watch  for  them  and  hunt  too.  Game  is  now 
so  scarce,  that  we  often  hunt  all  day  for  a deer  or  turkey,  and  return  empty- 
handed. 

“It  would  make  your  heart  sick  to  see  the  poor,  little,  half-naked  children, 
who  have  eaten  nothing  during  the  day,  watch  for  the  return  of  the  hunters  at 
night.  As  soon  as  they  catch  the  first  glimpse  of  them,  they  eagerly  run  to  meet 
them,  and  learn  if  they  have  been  successful  in  their  hunt.  If  the  hunters  re- 
turn with  a deer  or  a turkey,  the  children  are  almost  wild  with  delight ; while, 
on  the  other  hand,  they  suddenly  stop  in  their  course,  their  countenances  fall, 
the  deep,  bitter  tears  well  up  in  their  eyes,  and  roll  down  their  pale  cheeks.”  — 
Dewees’s  Letters  (. December  1,  1823),  p.  43. 


INDIAN  OUTRAGES. 


223 


with  the  exception  of  Purnell,  escaped  unhurt.  He  had  an 
arrow  shot  through  his  cap  and  the  skin  of  his  head,  which,  it 
is  said,  he  did  not  discover  till  the  fight  was  over.  The  Ameri- 
cans carried  off  a young  Indian  as  prisoner.* 

All  these  provocations  rendered  the  Carankawaes  hostile  to 
the  colonists ; and  they  never  failed,  when  the  occasion  offered, 
to  take  revenge  upon  the  innocent  and  defenceless.  They  are 
described  as  being  a very  fierce  and  warlike  tribe.  They  aver- 
aged over  six  feet  in  height,  and  were  stoutly  built.  Their 
weapons  were  bows  and  arrows ; each  warrior  carrying  a bow 
of  his  own  length,  and  so  very  strong,  that  but  few  Americans 
could  string  them.  It  was  said  that  they  could  shoot  their 
arrows  with  the  accuracy  of  a rifle  !f 
In  the  summer  of  1823,  three  young  men,  named  Loy,  Alley, 
and  Clark,  went  down  the  Colorado  in  a canoe  for  corn.  The 
Carankawaes  were  at  that  time  encamped  at  the  mouth  of 
Skull  creek,  and  lay  in  ambush  for  the  canoe  as  it  returned. 
When  it  came  near  enough,  they  shot  and  killed  Loy  and  Al- 
ley ; and  Clark  leaped  into  the  river,  and  endeavored  to  escape 
by  swimming  to  the  opposite  shore.  This  he  did,  but  received 
seven  wounds  from  their  arrows. 

The  same  evening,  Botherton,  another  colonist,  coming  down 
on  horseback  from  the  settlement,  fifteen  miles  above,  fell  in 
among  these  Indians.  Thinking  them  to  be  a friendly  tribe, 
he  was  surprised,  his  horse  and  gun  taken  from  him,  and,  as 
he  attempted  to  fly,  was  slightly  wounded  with  an  arrow. 

News  of  these  outrages  reaching  the  settlement,  a party  of 
fourteen  men  was  raised  that  night,  and  they  marched  to  the 
Indian  camp  and  surrounded  it  before  daylight.  Here  they 
lay  till  daybreak.  When  it  became  light  enough  for  them  to 
see,  they  opened  a murderous  fire  upon  the  savages,  and  suc- 
* Statement  of  L.  M.  Choate,  MS.  f De wees’s  Letters,  p.  40. 


224 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


ceeded  in  killing  nineteen  out  of  twenty-one  in  the  camp.  The 
Indians  were  so  completely  surprised,  that  they  did  not  return 
the  fire.* 

Again,  in  1824,  several  of  the  immigrants  had  been  cut  off, 
on  their  way  from  the  mouth  of  the  Brasos  to  the  colony : and 
the  bodies  of  white  men  were  found  in  the  prairie.  This  was 
correctly  charged  to  the  Carankawaes.  To  prevent  a recur- 
rence of  such  outrages,  Colonel  Austin  ordered  Captain  Randal 
Jones,  with  a company  of  twenty-three  men,  to  proceed  down 
the  Brasos,  and  along  the  coast  as  far  as  Matagorda  bay ; and 
should  he  learn  that  they  had  been  concerned  in  those  murders, 
or  discover  in  them  any  hostile  designs,  he  was  commanded  to 
attack  them.  Accordingly,  in  September,  Captain  Jones  pro- 
ceeded, with  his  company,  by  water,  down  to  the  mouth  of  the 
river.  Here  they  were  visited  by  some  of  the  Indians,  who, 
seeing  their  preparations,  appeared  quite  friendly.  At  this 
point  Captain  Jones  learned  that  about  thirty  of  the  tribe  were 
encamped  on  Jones’s  creek,  a tributary  of  the  San  Bernardo, 
and  about  seven  miles  distant : also  that  ten  or  twelve  more 
had  gone  to  Bailey’s,  higher  up  on  the  Brasos,  to  purchase  am- 
munition. Jones,  on  receipt  of  this  information,  sent  two  of 
his  company  up  the  river,  to  raise  additional  force.  These  two, 
arriving  at  Bailey’s,  found  eight  or  ten  of  the  colonists  already 
collected  there  to  watch  the  motions  of  the  Indians  sent  for 
ammunition.  They  perceived  their  designs  to  be  so  manifestly 
hostile,  that  they  attacked  them  the  following  morning  at  day- 
break, killed  some,  and  drove  the  others  away. 

Captain  Jones,  not  waiting  for  the  additional  forces  for 
which  he  had  sent,  returned  up  the  river,  opposite  to  the  Ca- 
rankawae  camp  on  Jones’s  creek,  and  disembarked  with  his 
company.  Here  they  concealed  themselves  till  evening,  and 
* Dewees’s  Letters,  p.  39. 


BATTLE  OF  JONES’S  CREEK. 


225 


sent  out  spies  to  discover  the  locality  of  the  Indian  camp.  The 
spies,  returning  at  midnight,  did  not  give  such  description  of 
the  locality  as  to  enable  them  to  proceed.  Jones  remained 
quiet  the  next  day,  and  just  at  sunset  heard  the  howling  and 
war-whoops  of  the  savages  at  their  camp.  This  had  been 
caused- by  the  return  of  their  comrades,  who  had  on  that  morn- 
ing been  defeated  at  Bailey’s,  and  brought  with  them  their 
killed  and  wounded. 

Having  thus  ascertained  the  situation  of  the  Indian  camp, 
which  was  on  the  west  bank  of  the  creek,  where  it  widens  out 
into  a lake,  before  emptying  into  the  St.  Bernard,  Jones  con- 
ducted his  company  across  the  creek,  half  a mile  above  their 
camp,  and  came  down  on  the  west  side.  Arrived  within  sixty 
yards  of  the  enemy,  the  company  halted  to  wait  for  daybreak. 
So  soon  as  it  was  light  enough  to  see  the  sights  of  their  rifles, 
they  discovered  the  Indian  camp  immediately  on  the  margin 
of  the  creek,  surrounded  by  reeds  and  tall  grass.  Captain 
Jones  formed  his  men,  and  advanced  rapidly  to  the  attack. 
Upon  the  first  discharge,  the  savages  concealed  themselves  in 
the  long  grass,  from  which  they  returned  the  fire  with  balls 
and  arrows.  The  whites,  being  exposed,  and  having  one  of 
their  number  killed  and  several  wounded,  retreated  up  the 
creek,  recrossed  it,  and  retired  in  the  direction  of  the  settle- 
ment. The  Indians  pursued  them  till  they  crossed  the  creek. 
Just  at  this  time,  Captain  Jones,  observing  an  Indian  pointing 
an  arrow  at  him,  shot  him  down.  Thus  the  engagement  ended. 
The  whites  lost,  in  killed,  young  Bailey,  Singer,  and  Spencer ; 
the  Indians  had  fifteen  killed : and  there  were  some  wounded 
on  both  sides.  The  whites  returned  home,  and  the  Indians 
retreated  west  across  the  St.  Bernard.* 

About  this  period,  another  affair  with  the  same  tribe  oc- 

* Note  from  General  Lamar,  quoted  by  Foote,  vol.  i.,  p.  295. 

Vol.  I.  — 15 


226 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


curred  on  the  Colorado.  An  old  man  by  the  name  of  White, 
with  two  Mexicans,  came  round  in  a yawl  from  La  Bahia  to 
the  mouth  of  the  Colorado  to  procure  corn.  They  were  taken 
prisoners  by  the  Indians  at  the  mouth  of  the  river.  White,  to 
save  his  life,  promised  to  go  up  the  stream,  purchase  corn,  and 
come  down  to  trade  with  them.  Retaining  the  Mexicans  and 
the  yawl,  they  permitted  him  to  depart  alone,  with  the  under- 
standing that  he  should  set  the  prairie  on  fire,  two  miles  above 
the  mouth  of  the  river,  on  his  return,  that  they  might  know 
where  to  find  him.  White  proceeded  up  the  river,  and  re- 
ported the  facts  in  the  settlement,  when  Captain  Burnham 
raised  a company  of  thirty  men,  and  marched  down  nearly  to 
the  mouth  of  the  river,  where  they  found  the  two  Mexicans 
and  the  yawl.  The  Mexicans  reported  that  the  Indians  were 
either  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  or  on  the  peninsula  across  the 
bay.  Captain  Burnham  divided  his  company,  half  remaining 
where  they  were,  while  the  other  half  marched  a mile  farther 
down.  Those  above  gave  the  signal  to  the  Indians  by  setting 
the  prairie  on  fire.  In  a short  time,  a large  canoe,  full  of  In- 
dians, was  seen  coming  up  the  river.  When  it  arrived  opposite 
the  lower  half  of  the  company,  the  savages  were  attacked,  and 
ultimately  all  killed.* 

In  a short  time  afterward,  the  Carankawaes,  tired  of  this 
unprofitable  warfare,  in  which  their  numbers  were  rapidly  melt- 
ing away  before  the  rifles  of  Austin’s  colonists,  sued  for  peace. 
They  proposed  to  meet  Colonel  Austin  at  La  Bahia,  and  make 
a treaty.  The  latter,  collecting  a hundred  volunteers,  met 
them  at  the  creek  four  miles  east  of  La  Bahia.  Peace  was 
made,  and  the  Indians  obliged  themselves  not  to  come  east  of 
the  San  Antonio.  This  pledge  they  ever  after  observed.! 

* Dewees’s  Letters,  p.  50. 

\ Foote,  vol.  i.,  p 29V ; Dewees’s  Letters,  p.  65. 


RETURN  OF  COLONEL  AUSTIN. 


227 


These  were  days  of  want  and  peril  in  the  colony ; yet  its 
members  continued  to  toil,  and  their  numbers  were  increased 
by  new  immigrants.  In  April,  1822,  the  schooner  Revenge, 
Captain  Shires,  brought  upward  of  eighty  colonists.  They 
landed  at  Bolivar  point,  spent  a night  there,  and  looked  at  the 
remains  of  Fort  Bolivar,  lately  occupied  by  the  forces  under 
Long.  They  .then  proceeded  up  the  bay,  and  ran  aground  on 
Redfish  bar.  The  passengers  left  the  vessel,  and  went  ashore 
on  the  west  side  of  the  bay.  From  this  point  they  proceeded 
in  search  of  homes.  Two  of  them,  Moses  L.  Choate  and  Colo- 
nel Pettis,  went  up  the  San  Jacinto  river  some  ten  miles  above 
its  mouth,  where  they  made,  perhaps,  the  first  improvement 
ever  effected  on  that  stream.* 

Early  in  the  summer  of  1823,  Austin  returned  to  his  colony. 
He  stopped  at  Monterey,  on  his  way  back  from  the  capital,  to 
ascertain  from  the  captain-general  of  the  northeastern  internal 
provinces  the  extent  of  his  authority,  and  to  have  the  same  de- 
fined. This  was  done,  in  the  Spanish  form ; and  Austin  was 
declared  to  have  full  power  to  administer  justice  in  the  colony, 
to  make  defensive  war  against  the  Indians,  and  to  command 
the  militia  with  the  rank  of  lieutenant-colonel.  In  fact,  he  was 
clothed  with  legislative,  executive,  and  judicial  powers,  being 
required  to  report  his  proceedings  to  the  governor  of  the  state, 
and  being  responsible  to  the  captain-general  of  the  provinces.! 

On  his  return  to  the  colony,  Austin  proceeded  to  lay  off  a 
town  on  the  Colorado,  eight  miles  above  the  Atasca  sito  cros- 
sing ; but,  after  surveying  the  lots,  he  concluded  to  change  the 
location  to  the  Brasos.  Here,  accordingly,  he  laid  the  foun- 
dations of  San  Felipe  de  Austin , as  the  colonial  town.J 

The  return  of  Colonel  Austin  infused  new  life  into  the  col- 

* Statement  of  M.  L.  Choate,  MS. 

f Kennedy,  vol.  i.,  p.  327.  J Dewees’s  Letters,  p.  42. 


228 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


ony.  The  news  of  the  confirmation  of  his  grant,  of  the  over- 
throw of  Iturbide,  and  of  the  prospect  of  a permanent  republi- 
can form  of  government,  caused  the  colonists  to  believe  that 
they  had  homes — free  homes — for  themselves  and  their  chil- 
dren. They  went  to  work  to  select  and  survey  their  lands. 
Don  Luciana  Garcia,  the  governor  of  Texas,  was  friendly  to 
their  interests-,  and  did  all  that  he  could  to  promote  them. 
On  the  17th  of  July,  1823,  he  appointed  the  baron  de  Bastrop 
commissioner  to  extend  land-titles.  Thus  the  governing  sys- 
tem of  the  colony  was  completed.* 

Although  Austin’s  powers  were  almost  absolute,  he  gov- 
erned with  parental  mildness.  His  soul  was  absorbed  in  the 
great  business  of  the  successful  completion  of  his  enterprise. 
He  was  esteemed  by  each  colonist,  not  so  much  as  a ruler,  as 
a father  and  friend.  By  example  and  precept  he  inspired 
them  with  a love  of  order  and  industry.  True,  he  was  often 
annoyed  by  bad  men,  intruders  in  the  colony  ; yet  his  forbear- 
ance, even  in  such  cases,  was  great.  When  he  found  it'neces- 
sary  to  use  strong  measures,  and  inflict  wholesome  lessons  of 
punishment  or  restraint,  he  did  it,  but  with  regret. 

To  illustrate  this : in  1823  and  1824,  the  colony  began  to 
be  infested  by  robbers — men  who  had  fled  from  justice  in  the 
United  States,  and  came  to  the  colony  with  the  hope  of  com- 
mitting their  depredations  with  greater  impunity.  At  first, 
they  were  pursued,  the  property  reclaimed,  and  the  robbers 
whipped  and  turned  loose.  It  was  found  that  this  only  exas- 
perated them,  and  caused  them  to  add  murder  to  robbery,  in 
order  to  prevent  detection.  Austin,  on  being  appealed  to,  di- 
rected the  application  of  a more  efficient  remedy.  An  oppor- 
tunity soon  offered.  Gorasco,  a Mexican,  with  his  servants, 
was  driving  a caballada  of  mules  through  Texas  to  Louisiana. 

* Kennedy,  vol.  i.,  p.  327. 


PIONEER  LIFE  IN  TEXAS. 


229 


After  crossing  the  Colorado,  they  were  attacked,  and  all  mur- 
dered, with  the  exception  of  a Mexican  servant,  who  escaped, 
badly  wounded,  to  a settlement  of  the  colonists.  The  robbers, 
with  their  booty,  proceeded  toward  Louisiana.  As  they  were 
crossing  the  Brasos,  they  were  overtaken,  and  all  instantly 
killed  except  one,  who  escaped.  The  head  of  one  of  the 
robbers  was  cut  off  and  set  on  a pole,  as  a warning  to  like 
offenders.* 

These  were  rough  times  among  the  Texan  pioneers.  Yet 
they  were  engaged  in  a good  work,  and  met  and  overcame 
difficulties  with  manly  firmness.  They  had  no  other  luxuries 
than  such  as  were  afforded  in  beholding  the  loveliest  natural 
scenery,  and  in  taking  part  in  the  stirring  adventures  of  the 
chase.  The  common  dress  of  the  men  and  children  was  made 
of  buckskin,  and  even  the  women  were  often  obliged  to  wear  a 
like  dress.  Rarely  were  they  able  to  obtain  from  some  strol- 
ling pedlar  a piece  of  “ domestic,”  or  calico,  at  the  high  price 
of  seventy-five  cents  per  yard.f 

Austin  was  anxious  to  fulfil  his  contract,  and  introduce  the 
requisite  number  of  families.  As  many  young  men  and  unmar- 
ried persons  came  into  the  colony,  he  suggested  the  propriety 
of  their  uniting  in  pairs,  making  one  the  head  of  the  family,  by 
which  means  the  two  would  obtain  a family  headright , and  the 
number  of  families  be  increased.  This  arrangement  was  made 
in  many  cases,  and  with  a fortunate  result  to  all  concerned.^ 


* Dewees’a  Letters,  p.  53. 


f lb.,  p.  45. 


X lb.,  p.  49. 


230 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

The  Mexican  federal  constitution  of  1824 — about  which 
so  much  has  been  said — -was  formed  upon  that  of  the  United 
States,  but  with  some  fatal  differences.  Among  the  most  im- 
portant of  these  were  — the  absence  of  the  right  of  trial  by 
jury ; the  prohibition  of  any  other  than  the  Roman  catholic 
religion,  and  defining  that  as  the  faith  of  the  nation ; making 
Congress,  instead  of  the  courts,  the  final  interpreter  of  the  con- 
stitution ; permitting  the  president,  under  any  circumstances, 
to  command  the  armies  of  the  republic  in  person  ; and  failing 
to  define  more  clearly  the  rights  of  the  several  states  of  the 
confederacy.* 

However,  Congress,  after  a labor  of  five  months,  adopted 
the  instrument  on  the  last  day  of  January,  1824,  though  it  was 
not  proclaimed  until  the  4th  of  October  following.  The  newly- 
created  states  also  went  to  work  to  establish  state  constitutions, 
and  to  organize  under  them.  They  labored  under  difficulties 
which  the  states  of  our  Union  had  not  to  encounter : ours  were 
states  anterior  to  the  compact — theirs  were  created  by  it:  our 
states  were  watchful,  and  jealous  of  their  rights — theirs  had 
no  rights,  except  such  as  the  national  government  gave  them ; 
and,  as  the  federal  Congress  alone  had  the  right  to  construe 

* The  constitution  of  Mexico  may  be  found  in  Edwards,  Holly,  and  Kennedy, 
and  in  Dewees’s  Letters. 


TEXAS  UNITED  WITH  COAHUILA. 


231 


the  constitution,  the  states  were  entirely  at  its  mercy.  Yet, 
after  all,  the  success  of  any  and  all  systems  of  government 
must  depend  upon  the  intelligence  of  the  governed.  In  this 
particular,  the  citizens  of  the  federation  north  were  infinitely 
superior  to  their  southern  brethren.  The  former  had  been 
trained  up  under  the  healthy  influences  of  Magna  Cliarta , and 
the  vital  principles  of  the  common  law,  which,  whatever  may 
be  said  of  its  clumsiness  and  want  of  flexibility,  is  the  faithful 
guardian  of  liberty.  The  latter,  just  emerged  from  the  tyranny 
of  centuries,  had  but  a dim  idea  of  their  civil  rights,  and  often 
confounded  them  with  the  wild  liberty  of  nature.  Their  indi- 
vidual rights  were  determined  by  the  civil  law,  a system  which, 
whatever  may  be  said  of  its  elegant  adaptation  to  equitable 
rights,  is  the  offspring  of  implicit  obedience,  and  is  utterly  in- 
applicable to  a country  of  free  institutions. 

It  will  be  remembered  that,  previous  to  1824,  Texas,  as  a 
province,  was  in  nowise  connected  with  Coahuila.  But,  by  the 
second  article  of  a decree  of  the  Constituent  Mexican  Congress, 
passed  on  the  7tli  of  May,  1824,*  known  as  the  “ Constitution 
Act,”  Coahuila  and  Texas,  not  being  sufficiently  populous  to 
form  each  a state,  were  united  into  one  state,  and  known  as 
the  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas.  This  decree  also  provided 
that,  when  Texas  should  possess  the  necessary  elements  for 
that  purpose,  she  should  be  admitted  into  the  Mexican  Union 
as  a separate  state. 

The  first  congress  of  the  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas  was 
duly  installed  on  the  15th  of  August,  1824,  at  Saltillo,  and 
entered  upon  the  discharge  of  its  legislative  duties.  Provision 
was  made  foi  a temporary  governor  and  council,  the  latter  con- 
sisting of  a vice-governor  and  four  other  persons.  The  other 
officers  and  authorities  in  the  state  were  confirmed  in  their 


* La  Acta  Constituiiva. 


232 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


power,  and  existing  ordinances  continued  in  force  till  further 
laws  were  passed.*  All  the  authorities — civil,  military,  and 
ecclesiastic  — and  the  soldiers  and  citizens  of  the  state,  were 
directed  and  required  to  take  an  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  state 
and  the  Constituent  Congress ; all  of  which  was  done,  and  the 
installation  of  the  congress  celebrated  by  chanting  a solemn 
Te  Deum  in  the  churches,  and  public  prayer  offered  for  Divine 
aid  to  guide  its  deliberations.! 

Upon  the  organization  of  the  new  state,  the  political  chiefs 
of  the  former  provinces  of  Texas  and  Coahuila  ceased  their 
functions,  and  the  archives  of  their  offices  were  transferred  to 
the  governor.  But  the  distance  of  the  executive  from  Texas, 
and  the  necessity  of  having  some  one  in  the  territory  to  guard 
her  interests,  induced  the  congress  of  Coahuila  and  Texas,  on 
the  1st  of  February,  1825,  to  create  a political  authority,  styled 
“ Chief  of  the  Department  of  Texas  f to  be  appointed  by  the 
governor,  and  be  responsible  to  him ; to  reside  at  Bexar ; to 
watch  over  the  public  tranquillity ; to  inflict  punishments ; to 
command  the  local  militia ; to  issue  and  examine  passports ; to 
preside  over  popular  meetings  and  festivals ; to  solve  all  doubts 
raised  by  his  subordinates ; to  be  the  sole  channel  between  his 
subordinates  and  the  government ; to  see  that  the  laws  were 
administered ; and  to  report,  his  proceedings  and  observations 
to  the  governor 4 

Don  Jose  Antonio  Saucedo  was  appointed  to  this  office,  and, 
as  the  first  constitutional  functionary  placed  over  Texas,  was 
scarcely  competent  to  fulfil  its  duties.  The  majority  of  the 
citizens  under  his  jurisdiction  were  colonists,  mostly  Ameri- 
cans, toward  whom  his  prejudices  were  such,  that  little  favor 
was  to  be  expected  at  his  hands. 

* Decree  No.  1,  Laws  of  Coahuila  and  Texas.  f lb.,  Decree  No.  4. 

$ lb.,  Decree  No.  13. 


STATE  COLONIZATION  LAW. 


233 


In  pursuance  of  the  national  colonization  law,  the  state  of 
Coahuila  and  Texas,  with  a view  to  “ augment  the  number  of 
immigrants,  advance  the  raising  and  increase  of  stock,  and  the 
progress  of  commerce  and  the  arts,”  published  her  celebrated 
decree  of  March  24, 1825. 

This  law  provided  that  any  foreigner,  who  should  settle  him- 
self in  the  state,  upon  making  proper  application,  and  taking 
the  oath  required,  might  designate  the  lands  which  the  decree 
allowed1  him,  and  obtain  a title  to  the  same.  The  eighth  arti- 
cle, however,  was  the  most  important,  as  it  provided  for  the 
creation  of  empresarios , through  whom  any  number  of  families, 
not  less  than  one  hundred,  might  be  introduced.  By  that  arti- 
cle it  is  made  the  duty  of  the  governor,  when  a proper  appli- 
cation is  made  by  one  wishing  to  become  an  empresario , to 
admit  him,  and  immediately  designate  the  lands  whereon  he 
shall  locate  his  colony.*  Contracts  made  by  the  empresarios 
with  the  families  which  should  come  at  their  expense,  were 
guarantied  by  the  law. 

There  were  two  features  in  the  colonization  law  which  will 
arrest  attention.  1.  In  the  distribution  of  lands,  a preference 
was  given  to  Mexican  citizens.  When  we  look  at  the  superi- 
ority of  the  colonists  over  the  natives,  this  clause  was  produc- 
tive of  constant  jealousies.  2.  The  third  article  required  for- 
eigners, who  wished  to  become  colonists,  to  make  a declaration 
to  that  effect  before  the  ayuntmniento  of  the  place  he  should 
select  as  his  residence ; by  which,  in  that  case,  he  should  be 
sworn  to  obey  the  federal  and  state  constitutions,  and  observe 
the  religion  prescribed  in  the  former.  It  is  not  unsafe  to  affirm 
that,  in  the  face  of  this  law,  nineteen  twentieths  of  the  colonists 
of  Texas  neither  observed  nor  believed  in  the  religion  pre- 
scribed in  the  Mexican  constitution  ; and  it  may  be  further  said 

* Y Senalara  luego  a los  capitulantes  el  terreno  en  que  han  de  situarse. 


234 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


that  they  believed  that  constitution  had  no  right  to  prescribe 
any  rule  of  faith  on  the  subject.  Men  never  become  religious 
by  contract  or  compulsion.  Yet  such  was  the  law. 

However,  under  the  state  colonization  law,  empresarios  and 
immigrants  flowed  into  Texas.  On  the  15th  of  April,  1825, 
Robert  Leftwich  obtained  a contract  for  two  hundred  families ; 
three  days  afterward,  Hayden  Edwards  secured  one  for  eight 
hundred  families ; on  the  4th  of  June,  Austin  obtained  author- 
ity to  introduce  five  hundred  families  in  addition  to  his  first 
concession ; and,  on  the  6th  of  October  of  that  year,  Green  De- 
witt contracted  for  three  hundred  families,  and  Martin  de  Leon 
for  one  hundred  and  fifty  more.  In  addition  to  these  contracts, 
emigrants  under  no  contractor,  and  at  their  own  expense,  re- 
moved to  Texas,  and  obtained  lands  where  they  found  selec- 
tions to  please  them.  Thus  the  year  1825  was  the  year  of  emi- 
gration for  Texas.  It  was  an  impulse  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
race  crowding  westward.  The  land  was  rich  and  inviting,  the 
scenery  was  lovely,  the  climate  unsurpassed. 

Many  of  these  immigrants,  coming  on  their  own  account, 
had  settled  on  the  Trinity.  They  applied  to  Governor  Gon- 
zales, praying  to  be  admitted  citizens  of  the  state.  He  trans- 
mitted their  petitions  to  Colonel  Saucedo,  chief  of  the  depart- 
ment of  Texas,  directing  him  to  inform  them,  through  Stephen 
F.  Austin,  that  the  lands  they  then  occupied  were  about  to  be 
colonized,  and  if,  when  that  was  done,  they  were  found  quali- 
fied, they  would  be  admitted.*  This  fact  is  referred  to  here, 
because  of  the  consequences  resulting  from  it,  to  be  noticed 
presently. 

Among  the  empresarxo  contracts,  as  has  been  already  men- 
tioned, was  that  of  Hayden  Edwards.  He  was  a gentleman 
of  high  moral  character,  strict  honor,  and  liberality.  He  had 

* Governor  Gonzales  to  Colonel  Saucedo,  May  19,  1825. 


GRANT  OF  HAYDEN  EDWARDS. 


235 


devoted  much  of  his  time  in  Mexico  in  forwarding  the  general 
colonization  law.  He  had  his  colony  greatly  at  heart,  and  had 
expended  thousands  of  dollars  in  getting  up  the  'enterprise. 
The  contract  with  the  state  was  sufficiently  liberal.  It  admit- 
ted him  as  an  empresario  under  the  general  state  law.  The 
lands  designated  were  bounded  on  the  east  by  a line  beginning 
twenty  leagues  from  the  Sabine  and  ten  leagues  from  the  coast ; 
thence  through  Nacogdoches,  and  fifteen  leagues  beyond  it; 
thence  west  to  the  Navasoto ; thence  down  this  river  to  the 
San  Antonio  road,  and  with  this  road  to  the  San  Jacinto; 
thence  down  said  river  to  within  ten  leagues  of  the  coast ; and 
along  the  coast,  ten  leagues  from  it,  to  the  place  of  beginning. 
This  boundary  included  the  fine  lands  of  the  Trinity,  Neches, 
and  Angelina  ;*  and,  with  the  exception  of  Austin’s  grant,  it 
was  perhaps  the  most  desirable  location  in  Texas. 

Hayden  Edwards,  on  receiving  his  grant,  returned  to  the 
United  States,  and  requested  his  brother,  Benjamin  W.  Ed- 
wards, then  at  Jackson,  Mississippi,  to  visit  Texas,  with  a view 
to  aid  him  in  building  up  his  colony.  The  latter,  complying, 
proceeded  immediately  to  the  new  state,  and  spent  some  months 
with  Colonel  Austin,  during  which  he  conversed  with  him  freely 
on  the  subject  of  the  great  enterprise  of  peopling  the  country 
with  North  Americans.! 

Edwards  labored  under  a disadvantage  in  regard  to  his  col- 
ony from  which  Austin  was  entirely  free.  The  territory  of  the 
former  was  in  part  occupied  by  Mexicans  and  the  old  settlers 
on  the  “ neutral  ground,”  while  that  of  Austin  was  unsettled. 
The  Mexicans  about  Nacogdoches  had  but  recently  returned 
there,  having  fled,  with  Long,  from  the  vengeance  of  Colonel 
Perez.  They  were,  to  some  extent,  hostile  to  the  Americans, 
and  entirely  unwilling  that  an  American  should  be  placed  over 

* See  the  contract,  in  Appendix  No.  5.  f Foote,  yoL  i,  p.  225. 


236 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


them.  Some  of  them,  too,  were  bad  men,  who  had  fled  to  the 
confines  of  Mexico  to  avoid  the  punishment  due  to  their  crimes. 
Here  they  met  many  of  a like  class — heroes  of  the  ^neutral 
ground” — who,  having  no  particular  objection  to  Hayden  Ed- 
wards because  he  was  an  American,  were  opposed  to  all  rules 
and  all  subordination  of  any  kind.  With  such  men  the  latter 
was  compelled  to  deal  in  carrying  out  his  contract. 

Among  the  settlers  found  in  Edwards’s  colony  was  Colonel 
Ellis  P.  Bean.  After  the  death  of  Morelos,  and  the  concilia- 
tory propositions  of  Apodaca,  the  fires  of  the  Mexican  revolu- 
tion had  so  far  expired,  that  Bean  left  the  country  and  visited 
his  native  state.  He  reached  the  residence  of  his  half-brother, 
Captain  William  Shaw,  in  White  county,  Tennessc  , in  the 
spring  of  1818.  After  remaining  here  some  time,  he  formed  a 
matrimonial  alliance  with  a daughter  of  Isaac  Midkiff.  He 
then  emigrated  with  his  family  and  father-in-law  to  Smackover 
creek,  in  Arkansas.  Here  they  settled,  without  a neighbor 
within  thirty: miles  of  them,  and  commenced  raising  stock.  At 
the  end  of  three  years,  his  father-in-law  died.  This  event,  to- 
gether with  the  news  of  the  liberation  of  Mexico,  and  the  call 
for  colonists,  induced  Bean  to  come  to  Texas.  He  located 
himself  at  the  M&md  prairie , the  ancient  town  of  Texas , and 
obtained  from  the  Mexican  government,  for  his  services,  a 
grant  for  a league  of  land,  including  his  residence.* 

At  this  place  Bean  resided  quietly  till  the  summer  of  1825, 
when  he  set  out  for  Mexico.  He  reached  the  capital  on  the 
18th  of  October,  and  remained  there  till  the  21st  of  July,  1826. 
Here  he  met  his  old  companions-in-arms,  and  possessed  himself 
of  a knowledge  of  the  interesting  events  that  had  transpired  in 
the  country  during  the  past  seven  years.  For  his  services  in 
the  revolution  he  received,  in  addition  to  the  grant  of  land 
* Memoirs  of  Captain  William  Shaw,  MS. 


JOHN  DUNN  HUNTER.  237 

before  mentioned,  the  appointment  of  colonel  in  the  permanent 
forces  of  the  republic. 

While  in  Mexico,  Bean  found  there  John  Dunn  Hunter,  who 
had  been  sent  there  by  the  Cherokee  Indians,  to  endeavor  to 
procure  for  them  the  long-promised  title  to  their  lands.*  They 
did  not  succeed  in  obtaining  anything  more  than  vague  prom- 
ises. The  government  was  willing  to  admit  these  Indians  as 
colonists,  but  would  not  grant  them  a body  of  land  in  commu- 
nity. Hunter  returned  with  the  result  to  his  people,  which 
greatly  exasperated  them. 

Hayden  Edwards,  after  making  the  necessary  arrangements 
in  the  United  States  for  bringing  on  colonists,  set  out  for  his 
new  home,  and  reached  Nacogdoches  with  his  family  about  the 
middle  of  October,  1825.  The  want  of  a conveyance  prevented 
him  from  reporting  his  arrival  to  the  political  chief,  at  Bexar, 
before  the  6th  of  January  following.  He  then  informed  that 
functionary  that  he  had  been  using  his  best  efforts  since  his 
arrival  to  restore  order,  and  persuade  the  people  to  place 
themselves  under  the  laws ; and  that  he  had  generally  suc- 
ceeded, with  some  two  or  three  exceptions : these  were  Jcse 


* John  Dunn  Hunter  arrived  in  Mexico  on  the  19th  of  March,  1826. — Bean's 
Notes , MS.  Hunter  was  a remarkable  man.  He  published  in  1823  a history 
of  his  life,  with  sketches  of  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  Indians.  He  says 
that,  when  a child,  he  was  taken  by  the  Indians,  but  knows  not  when  or  where. 
His  parents,  he  supposes,  were  killed.  He  was  raised  by  the  Indians  until  he 
was  nineteen  or  twenty  years  old.  This  was  about  1816.  He  had  become  iden- 
tified with  them ; and,  from  his  expertness  in  hunting,  the  Indians  gave  him  the 
soubriquet  of  Hunter.  He  added  the  balance  of  his  name  out  of  respect  for  John 
Dunn,  of  Missouri,  who  had  rendered  him  great  services.  He  formed  an  ac- 
quaintance with  the  fur-traders,  and  gradually  learned  the  English  language; 
acquired  the  habits  of  his  race  ; left  the  Indians;  had  a great  thirst  for  knowl- 
edge, and  was  much  aided  by  kind  friends  who  had  heard  his  romantic  story. 
He  visited  the  eastern  cities  and  Europe,  producing  quite  a sensation  among 
philosophers  aud  sympathizers;  and  finally  returned  to  live  among  the  Texan 
Cherokees,  where  he  immediately  obtained  a position  and  influence  among  them 
not  inferior  to  that  of  their  head  chief.  It  is  alleged,  however,  in  the  “North 
American  Review,”  that  Hunter  was  an  impostor.  — Revicio , 1825-’26. 


238 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


Antonio  Sepulveda  and  Luis  Procela,  a couple  of  infamous  men 
— the  first  had  been  guilty  of  forging  drafts  for  money,  and 
land-titles  for  sale  ; the  other  had  fled  from  confinement  in  the 
United  States,  leaving  his  family  there : and  Procela,  since  he 
had  come  to  Nacogdoches,  had  been  acting  as  alcalde  by  proxy, 
a thing  unheard  of  in  a republican  country.  Edwards  further 
informed  the  political  chief  that  his  prospect  for  fulfilling  his 
contract  was  good ; and,  after  enclosing  to  him  copies  of  all 
his  official  acts,  hinted  to  him  very  delicately  that  if  these  tur- 
bulent characters  had  been  citizens  of  the  United  States,  he 
would  have  dealt  with  them  in  a summarv  manner,  as  he  had 
a right  to  do  under  his  contract.* 

This  letter  seems  not  at  all  to  have  been  relished  by  the 
chief.  Edwards  had  referred  to  the  ignorance  of  these  two 
bad  characters.  They  were  Mexicans ; so  likewise  was  the 
chief.  But  there  was  another  cause  of  offence.  It  will  be  re- 
membered that,  in  1819,  Nacogdoches  was  completely  swept 
by  the  invasion  of  Long.  There  was  not  a human  being  left  in 
the  place  to  govern  or  be  governed.  Nor  did  any  return  for 
some  time.  Previous  to  1819,  there  had  been  made  a few  old 
grants  of  land.  The  owners,  if  alive,  had  left  the  country,  and 
most  of  the  grants  may  be  said  to  have  lapsed  for  the  want  of 
an  owner.  After  Mexico  had  achieved  her  independence,  how- 
ever, a few  of  the  old  citizens  of  Nacogdoches  had  come  in,  and 
also  some  new-comers ; so  that  by  the  time  Edwards  reached 
there,  the  town  and  its  vicinage  may  have  included  a hundred 
people  of  all  ages  and  colors.  Among  them  came  Sepulveda 
and  Procela.  Finding  the  lands  were  likely  to  become  valua- 
ble, the  first^named  person  became  industrious  in  getting  up 
old  titles  to  the  best  lands ; and  when  it  became  necessary  to 
make  an  old  title,  it  seems  he  engaged  also  in  that  business ! 

* Hayden  Edwards  to  Jose  Antonio  Saucedo,  January  5,  1826,  MS. 


TROUBLES  AT  NACOGDOCHES. 


239 


By  the  second  article  of  Edwards’s  contract,  the  possessions 
found  in  Nacogdoches  and  its  vicinity,  with  the  corresponding 
titles,  wei*e  to  be  respected  by  the  colonists ; and  it  was  made 
Edwards’s  duty,  should  any  of  the  ancient  possessors  claim  the 
preservation  of  their  rights , to  respect  them.  To  ascertain 
the  extent  of  these  claims,  the  empresario , in  November,  1825, 
gave  notice  for  all  persons  having  such  titles  to  exhibit  them 
to  him,  in  order  that  they  might  be  received  or  rejected  accord- 
ing to  law ; and,  if  they  did  not  so  present  them,  the  lands 
would  be  sold,  and  those  who  had  just  claims  would  have  to 
pay  for  improvements  made  on  them.  This  notice  gave  great 
offence  to  the  Mexican  authorities.  The  first  part  of  the  noti- 
fication seemed  necessary,  to  enable  the  empresario  to  know 
what  claims  to  respect.  As  to  the  sale  of  the  land,  the  empre- 
sario could  not  mean  that  he  possessed  the  authority  to  do  so, 
for  it  was  not  given  him. 

About  the  same  time,  Edwards  issued  a notice  for  the  elec- 
tion of  militia-officers,  to  occur  on  the  15th  of  December,  1825  ; 
and,  in  the  same  notice,  he  advised  the  people  to  elect  an  al- 
calde. The  election,  it  seems,  was  held  by  Sepulveda,  the  for- 
mer alcalde.  There  were  two  candidates  for  the  alcaldeship 
— Chaplin,  the  son-in-law  of  the  empresario ; and  Norris,  the 
brother-in-law  of  James  Gaines,  of  the  neutral  ground.  Chap- 
lin was  elected ; but,  as  he  had  obtained  most  of  the  votes 
between  the  Attoyac  and  the  Sabine,  occupied  by  immigrants, 
and  not  within  the  ceded  land,  though  under  the  alcalde’s  juris- 
diction, Sepulveda  and  his  party  threw  them  out,  and  declared 
for  Norris.  The  other  party  included  these  ballots,  and  de- 
cided in  favor  of  Chaplin.  The  latter  thereupon  proceeded  to 
take  possession  of  the  archives  of  the  office,  and  entered  upon 
its  duties.  All  this  being  reported  to  the  political  chief  of  the 
department,  he  declared  in  favor  of  Norris,  wrote  to  the  old 


240 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


alcalde  to  swear  him  into  office,  and,  if  Chaplin  did  not  deliver 
up  the  archives  to  him,  to  proceed  to  take  them  with  the  aid 
of  the  national  militia.* 

On  the  receipt  of  this  document,  the  people  were  all  assem- 
bled to  hear  it  read.  They  obeyed  the  injunctions  of  Saucedo, 
and  Samuel  Norris  was  duly  inducted  into  the  office  of  the  ma- 
gistrate or  local  judge. 

But  another  cause  of  difficulty  now  arose.  Before  Edwards 
had  made  his  contract,  a man  by  the  name  of  Tramel  had  emi- 
grated from  Pecan  point,  in  Arkansas,  to  Nacogdoches.  After 
he  had  reached  the  latter  place,  he  learned  from  the  alcalde 
that  that  functionary  had  received  orders  from  Governor  Tres- 
palacios  to  place  some  one  at  the  old  crossing  of  the  Trinity, 
to  keep  up  a ferry  on  the  San  Antonio  road.  Tramel  agreed 
to  occupy  the  post,  and,  with  the  order  of  the  alcalde,  he  re- 
moved to  the  ferry  and  settled  himself.  He  finally  sold  out  to 
another  person,  who  still  kept  up  the  ferry.  Ignatius  Sertuche, 
a Mexican,  and  the  only  surviving  inhabitant  of  the  old  town 
at  the  Spanish  Bluff,  below  the  ferry,  was  starving  together 
with  his  family.  The  occupant  at  the  ferry  invited  him  to  re- 
move up  to  the  crossing,  and  he  would  supply  his  family  with 
food.  Sertuche,  finding  the  situation  pleasant  and  profitable, 
managed  to  dispossess  the  occupant.  The  facts  being  made 
known  to  Edwards,  he  took  steps  to  repossess  the  true  occu- 
pant. This  was  all  reported  to  the  political  chief,  and  Ser- 
tuche was  again  placed  at  the  ferry.  The  only  reason  given 
by  Saucedo  for  this  arbitrary  act  was,  that  Sertuche  was  a 
Mexican,  and  entitled  to  the  preference  !f 

In  several  other  instances,  these  invidious  distinctions  were 
made ; and  Americans,  who  had  come  into  the  country  and 

* Jose  Antonio  Saucedo  to  the  alcalde  of  Nacogdoches,  February  13,  1826,  MS. 

f The  same  to  Hayden  Edwards,  May  1,  1826,  MS. 


hayden  edwards’s  troubles  with  saucedo.  241 

wrought  improvements,  were  compelled  to  give  place  to  Mexi- 
can favorites  of  Sepulveda  and  Norris,  the  two  alcaldes,  who 
occupied  the  judicial  chair  during  the  years  1825  and  1826. 

It  would  be  doing  injustice  to  the  character  of  the  Ameri- 
cans to  suppose  that  they  bore  these  things  patiently ; and  that 
they  did  not  express  their  opinions  freely,  not  only  of  the  acts 
themselves,  but  also  of  the  actors — the  government  and  the 
Mexican  people  generally. 

But,  says  the  political  chief  Saucedo  to  Hayden  Edwards, 
in  his  letter  of  the  1st  of  May,  1826 : “ Hitherto,  the  accusa- 
tion against  you,  which  has  arrested  the  attention  of  the  su- 
preme government  of  the  Union,  is  the  ordinance  which  you 
yourself  published,  in  October  of  the  past  year,  proclaiming* 
yourself  the  military  chief  of  that  part  of  the  state,  and  de- 
manding of  the  old  inhabitants  the  titles  of  the  lands  which 
they  possess ; for  which  acts  the  corresponding1  charges  shall 
be  made  when  the  government  shall  so  order” 

By  the  sixth  article  of  his  contract,  Edwards  had  power  to 
raise  the  national  militia,  of  which  he  was  declared  to  be  chief, 
until  some  other  disposition  was  made.  No  other  disposition 
had  been  made.  Hence  it  was  no  usurpation  in  him  to  order 
an  election  of  militia-officers,  and  to  announce  that  he  was  by 
his  contract  their  chief.  His  position  in  this  respect  was  little 
different  from  that  of  Austin,  who  held  the  rank  of  lieutenant- 
colonel,  organized  and  controlled  the  militia  of  his  colony,  and 
called  them  into  service  when  it  became  necessary.  But  Aus- 
tin had  Americans  only  under  his  command. 

Hayden  Edwards  left  for  the  United  States  early  in  the  sum- 
mer of  1826,  leaving  his  brother,  Benjamin  W.  Edwards,  who 
had  returned  to  the  colony  in  the  preceding  April,  to  act  as 
his  agent.  The  latter,  being  in  full  possession  of  all  the  facts 
connected  with  the  settlement  of  the  colony,  and  the  difficulties 
Vol.  I. — 16 


242 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


that  surrounded  the  enterprise,  sat  down  and  wrote  a long  let- 
ter to  Colonel  Austin,  detailing  a history  of  those  difficulties, 
and  asking  his  advice.*  On  the  24th  of  July  following,  he 
also  wrote  to  the  baron  de  Bastrop,  then  a member  of  the  state 
congress  at  Saltillo,  informing  him  of  the  facts  in  question.  In 
the  succeeding  month  he  received  a friendly  answer  from  Aus- 
tin, advising  him  to  write  directly  to  the  governor  of  the  state, 
giving  a particular  account  of  the  conduct  of  both  parties  at 
Nacogdoches.f 

Following  the  recommendation  of  Austin,  B.  W.  Edwards 
addressed  to  Governor  Blanco  a long  and  manly  letter,  present- 
ing a full  history  of  the  difficulties  in  the  colony,  detailing  the 
stupidity  of  Norris  the  alcalde ; the  treachery  of  Colonel  James 
Gaines,  his  brother-in-law,  who  directed  and  controlled  him  in 
his  adjudications  and  orders ; and  also  of  the  efforts  made  and 
still  making  by  Hayden  Edwards  to  bring  on  immigrants.  He 
further  stated  that  he  understood  serious  charges  had  been  pre- 
ferred against  his  brother,  and  alluded  to  them,  as  detailed  on 
the  preceding  page ; that  his  brother  had  no  notice  of  them, 
and  was  at  that  time  absent,  engaged  in  filling  his  contract, 
but  would  return  in  a few  weeks,  until  which  time  he  asked 
the  governor  to  wait,  that  the  empresario  might  have  an  oppor- 
tunity ‘to  defend  himself,  and  be  furnished  with  a specific  state- 
ment of  the  charges  against  him.  This  letter,  dated  on  the 


* B.  W.  Edwards  to  S.  F.  Austin,  July  21,  1826,  MS. 

f Foote,  vol.  i.,  p.  269.  Austin  says,  in  his  reply : “ The  subject  has  caused 
me  great  unhappiness,  but  I had  determined  not  to  interfere  with  it  in  any  way. 
It  is  a dangerous  one  to  touch,  and  particularly  to  write  about  You  wish  me 
to  advise  you.  I scarcely  know  what  course  will  be  best  The  uncertainty  as 
to  the  precise  nature  of  the  charges  against  you,  renders  it  difficult  nay,  impos- 
sible, to  make  a regular  defence.  I think,  however,  I would  write  directly  to 
the  governor  of  the  state.  Give  him  a full  statement  of  facts,  and  a very  minute 
history  of  the  acts  of  your  principal  enemies  and  their  opponents,  and  their  man- 
ner of  doing  business  in  every  particular,  both  in  regard  to  your  brother  as  well 
as  all  others.” 


HAYDEN  EDWARDS’S  GRANT  ANNULLED. 


243 


5th  of  September,  was  worthy  of  a freeman,  and  in  a free 
country  would  have  been  applauded. 

Edwards  received  an  answer  from  Governor  Blanco,  dated 
on  the  2d  of  October,  in  which,  after  sthting  that  the  letter  of 
the  former  is  not  sufficiently  respectful,  and  recapitulating  the 
charges  before  named,  concludes  his  reply  in  this  style : — 

“ In  view  of  such  proceedings,  by  whioh  the  conduct  of  Hay- 
den Edwards  is  well  attested,  I have  decreed  the  annulment  of 
his  contract , and  his  expulsion  from  the  territory  of  the  repub- 
lic, in  discharge  of  the  supreme  orders  with  which  I am  in- 
vested. He  has  lost  the  confidence  of  the  government,  which 
is  suspicious  of  his  fidelity ; besides,  it  is  not  prudent  to  admit 
those  who  begin  by  dictating  laws  as  sovereigns.  If  to  you  or 
your  constituent  these  measures  are  unwelcome  and  prejudi- 
cial, you  can  apply  to  the  supreme  government ; but  you  will 
first  evacuate  the  country,  both  yourself  and  Hayden  Edwards ; 
for  which  purpose  I this  day  repeat  my  orders  to  the  authori- 
ties of  that  department — in  the  execution  of  which,  as  they 
will  expel  from  the  country  all  evil-doers,  so  they  will  extend 
full  protection  to  those  of  worth,  probity,  and  useful  skill,  that 
have  settled  therein,  and  are  submissive  to  the  laws  and  con- 
stituted authorities.”* 

* “ En  bien  de  tales  procedimientos  por  la  quales  esta  bien  calificada  la  con- 
ducta  de  Haden  Edwars  h6  decretado  la  anulacion  de  su  contrata  y la  expulcion 
del  territorio  en  la  republica,  bn  cumplemiento  delas  snpremas  ordenes  con  que 
me  hallo.  El  h&  perdido  la  confiansa  del  gobierno,  dudo  de  su  fidelidad,  y no  es 
prudencia  admitir  hombres  que  comiensan  por  dictar  leyes  como  soberanos.  Si 
& v.  6 su  poderdante  le  son  estranas  6 perjudiciales  estas  providencias  pueden 
ocurrir  al  gobierno  supremo,  pero  habiendo  antes  evacuado  el  pais,  tanto  v.  como 
Haden  Edwars , p\  lo  cual  hoy  repito  mis  ordenes  & los  autoridades  de  este  de- 
partam1®  en  el  concepto  deque,  asi  como  se  expel eriln  d^l  territorio  4 todos  loe 
malvados,  se  dispensaria  todos  proteccion  & los  hombres  de  bien,  de  probidad  y 
de  conocimientos  utiles  que  esten  establecidos  6n  61, • y sujetor  6 las  leyes,  y & las 
auctoridades  constituidas.  Dios  y libertadl  Saltillo,  2°.  de  O’bre,  de  1826. 

“ BLANCO.  Juan  Antonio  Padillo,  Bee. 

“ A Don  B.  W.  Edwars  Agente  de  Haden  Edwars.” 


244 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


Previous  to  the  receipt  of  this  letter,  Hayden  Edwards  had 
returned  to  Texas  ; but  the  rumor  came  that  his  contract  was 
to  be  annulled.  This  threw  everything  into  confusion.  The 
Mexican  population,  in  anticipation,  immediately  set  up  claim 
to  all  the  valuable  places  occupied  by  the  Americans ! The 
servile  alcalde,  Norris,  granted  all  the  orders  they  asked ; and 
Gaines,  his  brother-in-law,  was  ready  with  a company  of  regu- 
lators to  enforce  them.  By  these  means,  the  Americans  were 
dispossessed,  driven  from  their  homes,  fined,  and  imprisoned.* 
Matters  had  become  intolerable.  The  tyranny  of  Norris  and 
Gaines  had  grown  to  such  a height,  that  their  American  parti- 
sans had  nearly  all  deserted  them ; and  measures  were  being 
concerted  by  the  Americans  to  take  vengeance  for  the  accu- 
mulated wrongs  they  suffered.  In  fact,  on  the  very  day  of  the 
date  of  the  decree,  annulling  the  contract  of  the  empresario , 
and  expelling  him  and  his, brother  from  the  country,  B.  W. 
Edwards  was  writing  a letter  to  his  friend  Thompson,  at  Aes 
bayou,  to  dissuade  him  from  proceeding  immediately  against 
Gaines.  “ Let  us  wait,”  says  he,  “ and  not  prejudice  our  pros- 
pects by  premature  operations  on  our  part.  The  government 
may  yet  act  with  faith  and  justice  toward  the  Americans.  . . . 
The  eyes  of  the  government  are  at  this  moment  upon  us  all, 
and  much  may  depend  upon  our  present  deportment.  Gaines 
and  Sepulveda  have  been  represented  to  the  proper  authorities, 
and  in  a little  time  an  investigation  must  take  place”] 

At  length,  official  information  was  received  of  the  abroga- 
tion of  the  contract,  and  the  decree  for  the  expulsion  of  the 
empresario  and  his  brother.  This  was  an  act  of  high-handed 
and  inexcusable  tyranny.  The  empresario  had  expended  fifty 
thousand  dollars  in  his  enterprise ; and  he  had  enlisted  the  ser- 

* Foote,  vol.  i.,  p.  232. 

\ B.  W.  Edwards  to  B.  T.  Thompson,  October  2,  1826,  MS. 


DECREE  OF  RESCISSION  UNLAWFUL. 


245 


vices  of  hundreds,  who  had  come,  or  were  on  the  way,  or  pre- 
paring to  assist  in  carrying  out  the  contract.  His  offences,  at 
most,  were  but  venial,  and  could  not  compromit  the  rights  of 
the  state,  for  she  had  the  right,  the  law,  and  the  power  to  en- 
force them.  Why,  then,  was  he  not  tried  ? why  was  not  pro- 
cess issued,  that  he  might  have  a day  in  court  to  defend  him- 
self? His  right  was  vested,  and  even  under  the  constitution 
of  Mexico  the  decree  of  rescission  was  unlawful.  The  state 
constitution,  it  was  true,  had  not  yet  been  proclaimed ; yet,  by 
the  decree  of  the  25th  of  August,  1825,  it  was  declared  that, 
“ for  infringement  of  constitution  or  law,  a process  shall  always 
be  instituted.”*  In  this  case  there  was  none.  In  one  of  the 
letters  written  at  that  time,  it  was  suggested  that  there  must 
have  been  some  other  cause  — some  potent  influence  at  the 
capital  of  Mexico,  other  than  the  alleged  offences  of  Hayden 
Edwards — to  produce  this  extraordinary  act  on  the  part  of 
the  authorities  of  the  republic.  However  this  may  have  been, 
it  was  done,  and,  in  its  consequences,  greatly  retarded  immi- 
gration, and  taught  Mexico  that  the  Americans,  however  small 
their  numbers,  would  never  submit  to  her  system  of  adminis- 
tration— that  something  more  than  the  name  of  “liberty”  was 
needed  to  satisfy  their  views  of  a free  country. 

The  colonists  have  been  charged  with  ingratitude.  Where- 
in ? They  were  invited  to  a desert.  They  came,  and  found  it 
inhabited  by  Indians  — and  those  of  such  audacity,  that  even  in 
San  Antonio,  where  the  Mexicans  mostly  lived,  they  compelled 
the  citizens  and  soldiers  in  the  place  to  hold  their  horses  while 
they  paraded  about  the  town ! These  savages  the  colonists 
had  to  subdue  at  their  own  expense  and  on  their  own  account. 
Mexico  gave  them  nothing : the  lands  only  were  valuable,  be- 

* Decree  19,  article  13 : “ Por  infraccion  de  constitucion  6 ley  siempre  se  les 
mandara  formar.” 


246 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


cause  they  made  them  so.  They  were  invited  to  a free  coun- 
try : they  were  determined  to  keep  it  free,  not  only  from  Indian 
cruelty,  but  Mexican  tyranny.  If  Mexico  was  slow  in  learning 
this  fact,  it  was  not  the  fault  of  the  colonists,  for  they  employed 
every  suitable  occasion  to  impress  it  upon  the  rulers  of  their 
adopted  country. 

The  occasion  for  a lesson  now  occurred.  The  settlers  on 
Edwards’s  grant  were  determined  to  resist.  The  ill  temper  of 
the  Indians,  in  not  obtaining  the  titles  they  had  expected  for 
their  lands,  caused  them  to  make  threats  against  the  Mexican 
government  ;*  and  they  thought  also  to  avenge  themselves  upon 
the  white  settlements  in  Texas.  Hunter,  exercising  his  great 
influence  among  them,  induced  them  to  suspend  their  action  till 
he  could  visit  Nacogdoches.  He  did  so,  conferred  with  the 
Edwardses,  ascertained  their  feelings,  and  a mutual  league  and 
union  were  agreed  on.  The  Indians  were  easily  brought  into  it. 

On  the  13th  of  December,  1826,  Hayden  Edwards  and  his 
brother  visited  the  settlers  beyond  the  Attoyac,  for  the  purpose 
of  raising  forces.  On  their  return  they  learned  at  that  river 
that  the  enemy  were  expected  at  Nacogdoches  that  night. 
Preparing  a flag,  B.  W.  Edwards  and  fifteen  men  hurried  into 
the  town  on  the  morning  of  the  16th.  They  here  ascertained 
that  the  enemy  consisted  of  Colonel  Ellis  P.  Bean,  who  had 
hastened  on  from  the  city  of  Mexico  with  a command  of  about 
thirty-five  Mexican  troops ; that  he  had  approached  within  a 
few  miles  of  the  town,  learned  the  state  of  public  feeling  there, 
and  had  retreated  in  the  direction  of  the  Trinity,  to  await  re- 
inforcements.! 

* Foote,  vol  i.,  p.  234. 

f lb.,  p.  251.  Bean  seems  not  to  have  taken  this  war  much  to  heart  In  a 
memorandum-book,  in  his  own  handwriting,  there  is  this  entry:  “December  6, 
1826.  If  the  justices  of  Nacogdoches  are  imprisoned,  or  hindered  in  their  func- 
tions, then  I pay  twenty-five  dollars;  if  not  then  Senor  Y gives  me  one 

jack  and  three  bottles  of  wine.” 


THE  FREDONIANS  — MARTIN  PARMER. 


247 


By  the  18th,  the  “ Fredonians as  the  American  colonists 
were  then  styled,  numbered  about  two  hundred  men.  They 
took  possession  of  the  stone  house  in  Nacogdoches,  and  com- 
menced fortifying  themselves.  Having  raised  the  flag  of  inde- 
pendence, they  began  to  organize  their  forces  and  government. 
Colonel  Martin  Parmer,*  one  of  the  most  daring  and  vigilant 
men  in  the  colony,  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  mili- 
tary ; and  suitable  alcaldes , or,  as  they  preferred  to  call  them, 
justices  of  the  peace,  were  chosen  for  the  different  settlements. 
On  they  18th  they  held  a court-martial  for  the  trial  of  Manuel 
Santos  for  giving  aid  and  comfort  to  the  enemy,  of  which  he 
was  honorably  acquitted.  On  the  20th,  Hunter  and  Fields, 
representatives  of  the  Indians,  with  some  other  chiefs,  came  in 
to  consummate  the  treaty  of  allianae  with  the  whites.  They 

* Martin  Parmer  was  only  one  of  the  extraordinary  characters  that  appeared 
in  Texas  about  that  time.  His  life  had  been  a thrilling  romance.  He  was  born 
in  Virginia,  in  1 7'76.  At  twenty  years  of  age  he  emigrated  to  Tennessee,  where 
he  married  Miss  Sarah  Hardwick.  He  was  engaged  for  some  time  in  superin- 
tending the  works  of  Montgomery  Bell,  of  Dickson  county.  But  his  ambition 
was  not  satisfied.  In  1818,  he  emigrated  to  Missouri,  and  settled  fifty  miles 
above  the  highest  county  formed  in  the  then  territory — surrounded  by  the 
Sioux,  Iowa,  and  Osage  Indians.  He  gave  fifty  dollars  for  a bear-dog,  and  by 
the  chase  kept  such  supplies  of  meat  as  drew  the  Indians  around  him.  One  of 
them,  called  Two  Heart  (from  the  fact  that  he  had  killed  a white  man,  and  eaten 
his  heart),  came  to  partake  of  his  bounty,  when  he  spread  before  him  a large 
quantity  of  meat,  and,  standing  over  him  with  a drawn  knife,  forced  him  to  eat 
till  it  ultimately  killed  him  1 Parmer  had  numerous  and  fearful  fights  with  the 
savages,  but  at  last  acquired  an  influence  over  them,  which  induced  the  govern- 
ment at  Washington  to  appoint  him  an  Indian  agent.  He  was  elected  a colonel 
of  the  militia,  and  then  a member  of  the  convention  to  form  a state  constitution. 
It  was  shortly  after  taking  his  seat  in  this  body,  that,  two  of  the  members  get- 
ting into  a fight,  he  interfered  in  behalf  of  one  of  the  parties,  announcing  him- 
self as  the  “ Ring-tailed  Panther”  by  which  name  he  was  afterward  known  in 
the  west  After  serving  two  or  three  terms  in  the  Missouri  legislature,  Parmer 
emigrated  to  Texas,  and  settled  near  the  Mound  prairie.  It  is  said  he  fired  the 
first  gun  in  the  Fredonian  war.  Among  the  numerous  stories  told  of  him,  it  is 
related,  upon  good  authority,  that  when  his  bear-dog  died,  he  sent  fifty  miles 
for  a clergyman  to  attend  the  funeral,  which  he  actually  did  — supposing  it  to 
be  one  of  Colonel  Parmer’s  family  1 His  son,  from  whom  the  above  account  is 
obtained,  says  he  heard  the  sermon. 


248 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


entered  into  a general  council,  and,  after  three  days’  delibera- 
tion, a solemn  league  and  confederation  between  the  whites 
and  Indians  was  adopted  and  signed  by  the  agents  of  the  re- 
spective parties,  and  on  the  same  day  ratified  by  the  commit- 
tees, as  representatives  of  both  parties.  The  objects  of  the 
treaty  were  twofold,  as  follows : — 

1.  To  divide  the  territory  of  Texas  between  the  Indians  and 
Americans.  This  was  done  by  giving  to  the  former  all  that 
portion  lying  north  of  a line  beginning  at  the  mouth  of  Sulphur 
fork ; thence  to  a point  not  far  from  Nacogdoches  ; thence  west 
to  the  Rio  Grande.  All  the  territory  south  of  that  boundary 
to  belong  to  the  other  party. 

2.  To  prosecute  together  the  war  against  Mexico,  until  their 
independence  was  consummated.* 

This  war  was  commenced  with  a view  and  in  the  expectation 
that  all  the  American  settlers  and  Indians  in  Texas  would  join 
the  insurgents.  It  was  further  expected  that  volunteers  from 
the  United  States  would  rally  to  the  “ Fredonian”  standard. 
Had  these  results  followed,  the  revolution  might  have  been 
successful.  But  various  causes  prevented.  In  regard  to  the 
Indians,  some  of  the  tribes  — the  Kikapoos,  for  instance — had 
been  so  badly  treated  by  the  whites,  that  they  could  not  be 
induced  to  join  them.  In  addition  to  this  fact,  Mexican  emis- 
saries had  been  among  them.  Bean  was  in  the  neighborhood, 
and  had  an  influence  with  the  Indians. f 

* The  treaty  was  made  by  Hayden  Edwards  and  Harmon  B.  Mayo,  on  the 
part  of  the  Americans,  and  Richard  Fields  and  John  Dunn  Hunter,  on  the  part 
of  the  Indians.  The  Fredonia  legislature  or  committee  that  ratified  it  was  com- 
posed of  the  following  persons,  viz. : Martin  Parmer,  president ; Hayden  Ed- 
wards, W.  B.  Ligon,  John  Sprow,  B.  P.  Thompson,  Joseph  A.  Huber,  B.  W. 
Edwards,  and  H.  B.  Mayo,  on  the  part  of  the  Americans ; and  Richard  Fields, 
John  Dunn  Hunter,  Ne-ko-lake,  John  Bags,  and  Kuk-to-ke,  on  the  part  of  the 
Indians.  Foote  has  published  the  treaty,  vol.  i.,  p.  255. 

fin  Bean’s  note-book  we  find  this  entry:  “December  26,  1826.  Sent  an 
express  to  Fields.” 


THE  FREDOMAN  EMEUTE. 


249 


A proclamation  was  sent  to  Natchitoches  for  volunteers ; but 
Huber,  who  carried  it,  betrayed  his  friends,  and  gave  such  an 
unfavorable  account  of  affairs  at  Nacogdoches,  that  no  assist- 
ance was  obtained  from  that  quarter.  The  express  with  an 
address  to  Austin’s  colony  met  with  like  ill  success. 

Saucedo,  the  political  chief  of  the  department,  had  set  out 
for  Nacogdoches  with  some  two  hundred  troops  under  the  com- 
mand of  Colonel  Mateo  Ahumada,  and  reached  San  Felipe  de 
Austin  about  the  first  of  January,  182T.  Here  he  issued  a 
proclamation,  rather  conciliatory  in  its  terms,  promising  lands 
to  those  who  were  subordinate,  and  pledging  the  faith  of  the 
government.*  His  presence  in  the  colony,  and  the  delicate 
position  of  Austin,  together  with  the  fact  that  he  was  ignorant 
of  the  wrongs  Edwards  and  his  colony  had  actually  suffered, 
induced  him  and  his  colony,  not  only  to  refuse  any  aid  to  the 
Fredonians,  but  to  join  in  opposing  them.f 

After  the  first  day  or  two  of  excitement  had  passed,  and 
there  being  no  immediate  danger  of  an  attack  from  the  enemy, 
the  Fredonians  retired  to  their  homes,  leaving  Colonel  Parmer, 
with  a few  men,  to  guard  the  place.  Norris,  who  had  been 
deposed  from  his  office,  seeing  the  town  so  poorly  defended, 
collected  about  eighty  followers,  of  whom  ten  or  twelve  were 
Americans,  mostly  his  relatives,  and  on  the  4th  of  January 
marched  into  Nacogdoches,  for  the  avowed  purpose  of  hanging 
the  Fredonians.  Arriving  within  two  hundred  yards  of  the 
stone  house , where  the  latter  were  stationed,  they  dismounted, 
and  took  a position  behind  some  old  houses.  The  Americans, 
eleven  in  number,  to  whom  were  united  eight  Cherokees  under 
Hunter,  marched  out  and  charged  upon  Norris  and  his  forces. 

* Proclamation  of  Jose  Antonio  Saucedo,  January  4,  1827,  MS. 

f Proclamation  of  Stephen  F.  Austin,  January  22,  1827’.  Address  of  B.  W. 
Edwards  to  the  Citizens  of  Austin’s  Colony,  January  16,  1827. — Foote , vol.  i., 
pp.  260,  266. 


250 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


In  a few  minutes  the  latter  fled,  leaving  one  killed  and  ten  or 
twelve  wounded,  together  with  about  half  their  horses. 

The  report  of  this  conflict  drew  many  of  the  Fredonians  into 
the  place,  and  a better  organization  of  their  strength  was 
made.  Benjamin  W.  Edwards  was  elected  colonel  and  com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  Fredonian  forces,  and  set  out  in  pursuit 
of  Norris.  The  latter,  however,  was  safely  across  the  Sabine. 

In  the  meantime,  the  Mexican  troops  under  Ahumada  were 
approaching  Nacogdoches.  The  Fredonians  thereupon  sent 
an  express  to  Acs  bayou,*  for  assistance ; but  Bean  had  de- 
spatched an  emissary  in  advance  to  these  people,  promising 
them  pardon  and  lands.  They  also  sent  an  express  to  the  In- 
dians, but  Bean  had  likewise  anticipated  them  here,  and  had 
promised  the  Cherokecs  and  their  associate  bands  that  they 
should  have  the  lands  they  had  applied  for.  Hunter  alone 
was  faithful,  and  the  Indians  murdered  him.f 

The  Indians  had  joined  the  Mexicans,  and,  on  the  morning 
of  the  27th  of  January,  1827,  their  entire  forces  were  within 
ten  or  twelve  miles  of  Nacogdoches.  Under  these  untoward 
circumstances,  the  remaining  Fredonians  evacuated  the  place, 
and  crossed  the  Sabine  on  the  31st.  The  Mexican  troops  en- 
tered the  town  shortly  after  the  Fredonians  had  left,  and, 
through  the  influence  of  Austin,  treated  the  inhabitants  and 
prisoners  with  humanity.  Thus  ended  an  affair  in  every  way 
unfortunate  for  Texas. 

* From  Colonel  Bean’s  note-book:  “December  28,  1826.  Sent  an  express  to 
Aes  bayou.  Sent  a spy  to  Nacogdoches.”  This  spy  -was  John  Williams.  The 
Fredonians  arrested  him  as  such,  but  subsequent  events  prevented  the  action  of 
the  court-martial. 

f Colonel  Bean,  through  the  instrumentality  of  John  Williams,  Elliott,  and 
others,  succeeded  in  detaching  the  Indians  from  the  whites.  These  agents,  for 
this  service,  received  each  a league  of  land.  It  is  said  that  Bowles  was  hired  to 
assassinate  Fields  and  Hunter.  Fields  was  first  killed,  and  shortly  afterward 
Hunter  suffered  the  same  fate  near  the  present  town  of  Henderson.  Fields  was 
only  a quarter-breed  Indian,  was  very  intelligent,  and,  while  in  the  city  of 
Mexico,  joined'  the  York  lodge  of  freemasons. 


ERASTUS  SMITH,  THE  TEXAN  SPY. 


251 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

While  this  war  was  progressing  in  Edwards’s  colony,  the 
pioneers  in  Austin’s  grant  were  prospering  greatly.  Settlers 
also  had  been  coming  into  other  colonies.  Colonel  Green  De- 
witt, of  Missouri,  commenced  the  settlement  of  his  colony  in 
1825.  His  surveyor,  James  Kerr,  arrived  on  the  Brasos  in 
April,  1825.  After  losing  his  own  family,  he,  with  six  other 
single  men,  settled  with  that  of  Mr.  Berry,  near  the  town  of 
Gonzales,  in  the  autumn  of  the  above  year.  Among  these  sin- 
gle men  was  Erastus  Smith,  afterward  so  distinguished  as  a 
spy  in  the  Texan  wars.*  They  raised  some  cabins  and  settled 

* Erastus  Smith  (known  as  Deaf  Smith,  because  he  was  hard  of  hearing)  was 
the  son  of  Chiliab  and  Mary  Smith,  and  was  born  in  New  York,  on  the  19th  of 
April,  1787.  At  the  age  of  eleven  years  he  emigrated  with  his  parents  to  the 
Mississippi  territory,  and  settled  near  Natchez.  His  parents  were  exemplary 
members  of  the  baptist  church,  and  gave  him  such  moral  and  intellectual  train- 
ing as  the  circumstances  around  them  would  permit  He  first  came  to  Texas  in 
1817,  perhaps  with  some  of  the  patriot  forces  that  were  constantly  arriving  at 
that  time  in  the  province.  He  soon,  however,  returned  home;  but,  in  1821,  he 
came  again  to  Texas,  for  the  purpose  of  making  it  his  home.  This  he  did,  never 
leaving  it  lie  was  in  the  country  before  Austin,  but  in  what  section  is  not 
known.  His  nature  was  to  ramble  alone,  and  to  be  by  himself'  When  Dewitt’s 
settlement  commenced  at  Gonzales,  Smith  went  with  the  first  company;  but  it 
appears  he  did  not  remain  there  long,  but  proceeded  to  San  Antonio,  where  he 
married  a Mexican  lady,  by  whom  he  had  several  children.  He  had  a fine  prop- 
erty at  Grand  Gulf,  Mississippi,  but  he  did  not  attend  to  it  One  of  his  sons, 
Trinidad  Travis  Smith,  was  educated  by  K.  A.  Martin,  Esq.,  of  Baldwin,  Missis- 
sippi Deaf  Smith  died  at  Fort  Bend,  November  80,  1887.  He  was  a man  of 
remarkable  gravity,  and  of  few  words.  In  fact,  he  seldom  answered  at  all,  ex- 


252 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


themselves,  preparatory  to  the  work  of  surveying.  The  settle- 
ment was  increased  that  fall  by  the  arrival’  of  Edward  More- 
house, Henry  S.  Brown,  Elijah  Stapp,  and  some  others.  In 
1826,  while  a portion  of  the  colonists  had  gone  to  join  in  cele- 
brating the  4th  of  July  at  Beason’s  on  the  Colorado,  and  others 
were  out  on  a buffalo-hunt,  an  attack  was  made  by  the  Indians. 
John  Wightman  was  killed,  Durbin  wounded,  and  part  of  the 
settlement  robbed  and  burnt.  The  survivors  fled  to  the  settle- 
ments on  the  Colorado ; and  afterward,  when  Dewitt  came  on, 
with  other  families,  he  built  him  a fort  ten  miles  above  Texana, 
where  he  remained  a year  or  two.* 

The  settlement  at  Victoria,  under  Martin  De  Leon,  com- 
menced also  in  1825. 

After  the  revocation  of  Edwards’s  grant,  the  territory  em- 
braced in  it  was  divided  between  David  G.  Burnet  and  Joseph 
Vehlin,  and  immigrants  from  the  United  States  continued  to 
flow  into  it.  Being  the  nearest  colony  to  the  American  Union, 
many  settlers  stopped  there  that  had,  at  first,  intended  to  pro- 
ceed farther. 

The  congress  of  the  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas  at  last 
agreed  upon  a constitution.  It  was  published  on  the  11th  of 
March,  1827. f Every  officer  and  citizen  was  required  to  take 
an  oath  to  sustain  it,  and  a programme  of  the  ceremony  of  its 
installation  was  duly  prepared. 


cept  in  monosyllables.  When  he  did  speak,  it  was  said  to  be  to  the  point.  His 
coolness  in  danger  and  battle  was  affirmed  to  be  unsurpassed.  The  Texan  army 
was  greatly  favored  in  having  his  services  as  a spy.  The  country  had  no  truer 
friend.  — Letter  of  Alexander  Calder , Esq.,  August  2,  1852  ; and  Letter  of  K.  A. 
Martin,  1840*  MSS. 

* “Indianola  Bulletin,”  1852. 

f It  was  published  in  pamphlet  form,  in  the  city  of  Mexico,  in  1827,  and  has 
on  the  second  page  the  following:  “Esta  Constitucion  es  propriedad  del  Estado 
de  Coahuila  y Tejas,  y nadie  puede  reimprimirla  sin  permiso  del  Congreso .” 
What  would  be  thought  of  any  one  of  our  states  that  would  forbid  the  publish- 
ing of  her  constitution  except  by  permission  of  the  legislature  ? 


COAHUILAN-TEXAN  STATE  CONSTITUTION.  253 

Of  the  twelve  deputies  of  which  the  constitutional  congress 
was  to  be  composed,  Texas  was  to  have  two.  These  repre- 
sentatives were  not  to  be  elected  directly  by  the  people ; but 
on  the  first  Sunday  in  August  preceding  the  meeting  of  the 
new  congress,  the  people  met  in  primitive  assemblies,  and  voted 
viva  voce , or  in  writing,  for  eleven  electors  (if  they  had  only 
one  representative  to  elect,  or  twenty-one  electors  if  they  had 
two).  The  election  closed  on  Monday  evening. 

Fifteen  days  after  the  fourth  Sunday  in  August,  these  elec- 
tors met  at  the  towns  of  their  respective  districts,  and  elected 
their  representatives.  The  same  electors  who  met  to  choose 
representatives,  voted  for  electors  to  repair  to  the  capital  of 
the  state,  to  elect  representatives  to  the  general  Congress. 
The  same  district  electors  voted  for  a governor,  vice-governor, 
and  council. 

The  ayuntamientos , embracing  the  alcaldes , sindicos , and 
regidores , were  elected  by  the  people,  on  the  first  Sunday  in 
every  December,  and  entered  on  the  discharge  of  their  duties 
the  Sunday  following.  The  alcalde  combined  the  duties  of  our 
mayors  and  justices  of  the  peace,  with  larger  powers  ; the  regi- 
dore  may  be  assimilated  to  an  alderman,  and  the  sindico  to  a 
recorder.  The  whole  together  formed  the  ayuntamiento , hav- 
ing jurisdiction  over  the  entire  municipality.  Every  town  of  a 
thousand  or  more  inhabitants  was  entitled  to  an  ayuntamiento. 
These  town  councils  were  strictly  popular  bodies,  and  with 
their  great  power  protected  Texas  from  oppression  until  the 
troops  were  introduced. 

In  looking  over  the  constitution  of  the  state  of  Coahuila  and 
Texas,  we  see  at  once  that  it  was  framed  by  novices — men  who 
were  not  only  ignorant  of  the  fundamental  laws  of  free  states, 
but  were  afraid  to  intrust  power  to  the  people.  For  instance : 
“Article  3.  The  sovereignty  of  the  state  resides  originally  and 


254 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


essentially  in  the  general  mass  of  the  individuals  that  compose 
it ; but  they  shall  not,  of  themselves,  exercise  any  other  acts 
of  sovereignty  than  those  pointed  out  in  this  constitution , and 
in  the  form  which  it  prescribes.”  Again:  “Article  27.  The 
government  of  the  state  is  popular  representative,  federal.”* 
The  makers  of  the  instrument,  no  doubt,  did  the  best  they 
could,  and  were  actuated  by  genuine  patriotism.  Whatever 
puerilities  may  be  found  in  the  constitution,  and  in  the  laws 
enacted  under  it,  the  people  of  Texas  were  indifferent  and 
heeded  them  not,  so  long  as  they  were  left  to  themselves,  and 
did  not  feel  the  weight  of  strange  systems  and  unmeaning  cere- 
monies. And  it  is  due  to  the  truth  of  history  to  declare  that 
the  Texans  did  not  feel  themselves  at  home  under  the  Mexican 
laws.  They  kept  aloof  from  Mexican  politics.  They  brought 
with  them  here,  as  household  gods,  their  own  first  lessons  in 
politics,  morals,  religion,  and  business,  and  they  wished  not  to 
unlearn  those  lessons  to  learn  others.  They  did  not  blend  or 
assimilate  with  the  opposite  race,  but  kept  themselves  apart — 
justly  reasoning  that,  if  their  own  institutions  were  not  supe- 
rior, they  were  as  good  as  they  wished.  The  Mexicans  were 
aware  of  this,  and  endeavored  to  change  by  force,  when  it  was 
too  late,  what  they  could  not  otherwise  direct. 

Some  account  of  the  Mexican  regular  troops  destined  for 
Texas  at  this  period  may  not  be  uninteresting.  By  the  decree 
of  the  federal  Congress,  of  the  24th  of  August,  1826,  provision 
was  made  for  raising  a permanent  cavalry  force  for  the  defence 
of  the  frontiers.  The  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas  was  required 
to  raise  seven  companies,  of  one  hundred  and  twenty-four  men, 
rank  and  file,  each.  One  company  was  to  be  stationed  at  La 

* The  general  constitution  of  Mexico,  Article  4,  says:  “The  Mexican  nation 
adopts  for  its  government  the  form  of  republican  representative,  popular-federal.” 
The  fathers  of  the  state  constitution  supposed  they  were  doing  right  to  “follow 
copy.”  — “El  gobierno  del  estado  ea  popular  representative)  federado.n 


FIRST  DAYS  OF  THE  MEXICAN  REPUBLIC. 


255 


Bahia,  and  another  at  Bexar.  By  the  decree  of  the  state,  of 
the  29th  of  April,  1826,  the  ayuntamientos  were  authorized  to 
proceed  with  an  armed  force,  if  necessary,  to  make  levies,  and 
take  thence  a sufficient  number  of  individuals  to  fill  the  list. 
Out  of  the  levies,  vagrants  and  disorderly  persons  were  to  be 
preferred  for  military  service  ; then  single  men  ; finally,  recruits 
might  be  raised  by  entrapment  and  decoy ! Such  were  to  be 
the  troops  for  the  defence  of  the  frontiers.* 

But  soldiers  were  little  needed  during  the  year  1827,  except 
to  overawe  the  Indians,  and  that  duty  devolved  upon  the  colo- 
nists. Austin’s  settlement  had  so  far  progressed,  that,  in  the 
spring  of  1826,  Gaspnr  Flores  came  to  Texas  as  commissioner 
to  issue  titles  to  the  five  hundred  families  provided  for  in  the 
second  contract.  And,  in  November,  1827,  Austin  obtained 
another  contract  for  a colony  of  a hundred  families  east  of  the 
Colorado  and  north  of  the  Bexar  road.f 

Affairs  being  thus  prosperous  with  the  colonies,  the  progress 
of  the  Mexican  nation,  in  its  new  career  of  independence,  may 
be  noticed.  Liberal  governments  were  not  slow  in  acknowl- 
edging the  independence  of  the  republic*  and  in  forming  com- 
mercial treaties  with  her.  Having  adopted  her  constitution, 
the  first  Congress  assembled  under  it  in  the  beginning  of  1825, 
and  Guadalupe  Victoria,  her  first  constitutional  president,  en- 
tered upon  his  duties,  as  did  also  the  vice-president,  Nicholas 
Bravo,  on  the  1st  day  of  April  of  that  year.  J 

The  antagonism  between  the  republicans  and  the  aristocracy 
soon  made  its  appearance.  It  required  only  a nucleus,  or  ral- 
lying-point.  It  found  two.  Soon  after  the  inauguration  of 
John  Quincy  Adams  to  the  presidency  of  the  United  States, 

* Decree  No.  26,  Constitutional  Congress : “ Yerificadas  que  senn  dichas  levas, 
se  destinaran  con  preferancia  al  senicio  militar  los  vagos  y mat  entretenidos.” — 
Article  6.  f Dewees’s  Letters,  p.  116. 

\ Constitution  of  Mexico,  Article  101.  Niles’s  Mexico,  p.  193. 


256 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


he  despatched  Joel  R.  Poinsett,  of  South  Carolina,  as  minister 
of  our  country  to  Mexico.  Poinsett  was  a stern  republican,  a 
man  of  strong  intellect,  and  an  earnest  well-wisher  of  the  new 
republic  to  which  he  had  been  accredited.  As  the  Mexican 
nation  had  taken  our  federal  constitution  as  a model  for  the 
construction  of  their  own,  the  republicans  of  that  country  natu- 
rally looked  to  our  minister  for  countenance  and  advice  in  their 
political  labors.  Though  he  refrained  from  interfering  in  their 
internal  concerns,  he  could  hardly  avoid  making  suggestions  in 
his  private  conversations.  This  exasperated  the  anti-republi- 
can party.'*  At  that  time  the  masonic  lodges  in  Mexico  were 
working  under  the  Scotch  rite  ; but,  as  a greater  antiquity  and 
correctness  of  masonic  usage  attached  to  the  York  rite,  they 
requested  Poinsett  to  procure  for  them  charters  authorizing 
them  to  work  under  the  latter.  Accordingly,  as  he  was  in- 
formed by  two  members  of  President  Victoria’s  cabinet  that 
the  government  did  not  disapprove  of  it,  he  sent  for  the  proper 
warrant,  and  installed  them  at  his  own  house.  The  leading 
members  of  the  Scotch  lodges,  being  the  old  Spaniards  and 
aristocracy  of  Mexico,  immediately  connected  this  affair  with 
the  politics  of  the  country.  Bravo,  the  vice-president,  being 
of  the  anti-republican  party,  and  perceiving  the  influence  of 
the  American  minister  thus  thrown  in  the  scale  against  his 
party,  employed  in  his  turn  whatever  influence  he  possessed 
against  him.  He  succeeded  in  procuring  from  the  legislatures 
of  Puebla  and  Vera  Cruz  petitions  to  the  general  government 
for  the  dismissal  of  the  American  embassador  from  the  country. 
Further  to  aid  him,  a papal  bull  was  issued  against  the  masonic 
lodges ; and  a bill  was  introduced  into  the  national  Congress, 
and  finally  passed,  for  their  suppression.! 

* Sketch  of  Joel  R.  Poinsett:  Democratic  Review,  March,  1838. 

| Kennedy,  vol.  i.,  p.  366.  This  author  sa\t  the  bilbwas  rejected;  but  he  is 


SUPPRESSION  OP  MASONIC  LODGES. 


257 


Nevertheless,  Bravo  was  unable  to  succeed  in  the  overthrow 
of  the  republican  party.  He  next  attempted  a revolution  ; and 
for  this  end  he  raised  a small  army,  and,  after  making  some 
approaches  toward  the  capital,  returned  to  Tulancingo,  whence 
he  was  dislodged  and  taken  prisoner,  but  was  afterward  re- 
leased. During  all  this  contest,  the  French  and  English  min- 
isters, Moricr  and  Ward,  were  throwing  their  influence  on  the 
side  of  the  aristocratic  party. 

In  this  affair  the  Mexican  republicans  were  right ; but  not 

mistaken.  I have  before  me  the  official  copy  of  the  law,  transmitted  to  “ the 
receptoria  of  Nacogdoches,”  as  follows:  — 

“First  Secretaryship  of  State,  Department  of  the  Interior. 

“Section  1.  The  most  excellent  president  of  the  Mexican  United  States  has 
been  pleased  to  direct  to  me  the  following  decree : 

“The  president  of  the  Mexican  United  States  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  repub- 
lic, know  ye,  that  the  general  Congress  has  decreed  — 

“ 1.  The  prohibition  of  every  clandestine  meeting,  which,  by  settled  rules  and 
institutions,  forms  a body  or  college,  and  makes  a profession  of  secrecy,  is  re- 
newed. 

“ 2.  Citizens  who  shall  resort  to  such  meetings,  after  the  publication  of  this 
law,  shall,  for  the  first  offence,  be  suspended  from  their  rights  one  year ; for  the 
second,  two  years;  and,  for  the  third,  confinement  in  the  Californias  four  years. 
If  those  confined  there  shall  repeat  the  offence,  they  shall  be  expelled  from  the 
republic  for  two  years. 

“ 3.  Federal  officers,  and  those  who  may  become  such  in  the  district  and  ter- 
ritories, including  those  of  popular  appointment,  besides  the  penalty  of  suspen- 
sion from  office  and  salary,  shall  suffer,  during  the  time  of  their  suspension,  a 
deprivation  of  the  rights  of  citizenship,  by  virtue  of  the  former  article;  and,  if 
there  shall  be  a third  repetition  of  the  offence,  they  shall  be  disqualified  for  all 
the  offices  of  which  the  present  article  speaks. 

“4.  Natives,  or  naturalized  persons,  not  having  the  rights  of  citizenship,  shall 
suffer,  for  the  first  offence,  six  months’  imprisonment ; double  the  time  for  the 
second ; perpetual  deprivation  of  the  rights  of  citizenship  for  the  third ; and,  for 
the  fourth  offence,  shall  be  banished  for  ever  from  the  republic.” 

(Here  follow  some  further  provisions  in  regard  to  minors  and  foreigners.) 

“ Antonio  Fernandez  Monjardin,  President  of  the  Senate. 

“Santiago  Villegas,  President  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies. 

“ Jose  Augustin  Paz,  Secretary  of  the  Senate. 

“ Anastasio  Cerecero,  Deputy  Secretary. 

“Therefore  I order  it  to  be  printed,  published,  circulated,  and  that  it  be  duly 
executed.  “GUADALUPE  VICTORIA. 

“ Palace  of  the  Government  of  Mexico,  October  25,  1828.” 

Vol.  I.  — 17 


258 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


so  on  the  other  point  which  they  raised.  The  revolution  had 
left,  among  its  ill  effects,  a general  hatred  against  the  natives 
of  Old  Spain  still  residing  in  Mexico.  The  nation  had  long 
felt  a desire  to  expel  them.  Several  of  the  states  set  the  ex- 
ample ; and  the  general  Congress  finally,  on  the  8th  of  Decem- 
ber, 1827,  adopted  a law  for  their  expulsion.  The  congress 
of  Coahuila  and  Texas  did  not  go  so  far,  but  merely  decreed 
that  they  should  hold  no  office  in  church  or  state  until  Spain 
should  acknowle*dge  the  independence  of  the  Mexican  republic.* 
These  were  barbarous  laws,  violative  of  the  constitution,  the 
claims  of  hospitality  and  humanity,  and  unworthy  of  the  high 
stand  Mexico  had  assumed  as  a free  country.  In  addition  to 
this,  she  thus  banished  from  her  society  those  who  possessed 
nearly  all  the  intelligence  and  refinement  in  the  nation.  Mis- 
erable indeed  is  the  condition  of  that  country  which  supposes 
that  its  safety  requires  the  banishment  of  its  most  accomplished 
and  useful  citizens ! 

At  the  period  of  which  we  write,  the  state  of  Coahuila  and 
Texas  was  very  poor.  The  local  congress  had  employed  all 
its  efforts  to  raise  funds ; it  had  even  leased  out  the  cock-pits , 
in  order  to  increase  the  revenue ; but  still  the  treasury  was 
empty.  The  colonists  in  Texas  were  pretty  much  exempt  from 
taxation,  and  the  Mexicans  seldom  paid  any.  The  latter  had 
no  energy ; they  made  nothing.  In  fact,  they  had  been  station- 
ary for  three  centuries.  What  little  they  possessed  went  to 
pay  their  priests  and  decorate  their  festivals.  A tortilla , a 
roasted  squash,  a little  boiled  milk,  and  now  and  then  a cur- 
dled cheese,  and  string-beef  dried  in  the  sun,  formed  their  com- 
mon diet.  The  skins  of  animals  furnished  their  chief  clothing. 
Such  was  the  condition  of  the  public  funds  in  the  spring  of  1828, 
that,  on  the  17th  of  April  of  that  year,  the  state  suspended 

* Decree  No.  41 : Niles’s  Mexico. 


IMMIGRATION  INTO  TEXAS  IN  182T-8. 


259 


some  of  her  constitutional  officers,  for  want  of  funds  to  pay 
them ; and  the  establishment  of  the  state  treasury  was  also  sus- 
pended for  a like  reason.*  The  days  of  her  poverty  were  the 
days  of  her  virtue.  The  new  governor,  Jose  Maria  Viesca, 
seemed  to  conduct  himself  with  great  propriety,  and  to  watch 
zealously  over  the  interests  of  his  constituents.  Neither  he 
or  his  congress  appeared  to  have  any  temptation  to  do  wrong, 
or  to  prolong  the  legislative  sessions  beyond  the  time  required 
for  the  more  important  and  necessary  business.  Yet,  even  in 
the  first  constitutional  congress,  monopolies  were  creeping  in. 
Leon  R.  Alemy  obtained  the  exclusive  right,  for  six  years,  of 
boring  Artesian  wells  ;f  John  L.  Woodbury  and  John  Came- 
ron had  a like  privilege,  for  twenty-three  years,  of  working 
iron  and  coal  mines  in  the  state  and  John  Davis  Bradburn 
and  Stephen  Staples  obtained  a similar  contract,  fori  fifteen 
years,  for  navigating  the  Rio  Grande  with  steam  or  horse 
power.  || 

By  a provision  of  the  state  constitution,  the  congress  should 
close  its  sessions  with  the  month  of  April,  unless  prolonged  for 
urgent  business. § The  condition  of  the  treasury  required  this 
to  be  done.  Accordingly,  it  was  prolonged  to  the  middle  of 
May,  during  which  time  the  state  authorities  succeeded  in  bor- 
rowing funds  from  the  church. 

Colonists  in  the  meantime  continued  to  emigrate  to  Texas. 
In  1827  and  1828  there  was  quite  an  addition  to  Dewitt’s  col- 
ony. The  town  of  Gonzales  had  been  laid  off,  and  named  after 
Rafael  Gonzales,  the  provisional  governor  of  the  state.  On 
the  29th  of  July,  1828,  Austin  obtained  another  contract,  to 
colonize  three  hundred  families  on  the  reserved  lands  on  the 
coast.**  But  most  of  the  immigrants  that  now  began  to  settle 

* Decrees  Nos.  60  and  2,  Constitutional  Congress.  f lb.,  No.  26. 

$ lb.,  No.  46.  1 lb.,  No.  49.  § Article  87,  Constitution. 

Decree  No.  69  **  Dewees’s  Letters,  p.  116. 


260 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


in  Texas  came  on  their  own  account — some  locating  in  one 
colony,  and  some  in  others,  or  on  lands  not  included  in  any 
grant.  Few  of  the  empresarios  had  taken  any  steps  to  fulfil 
their  contracts.  Zavala,  Burnet,  and  Vehlin,  had  sold  out 
to  a New  York  company  on  speculation.*  The  contract  of 
Leftwich  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Nashville  company.!  The 
grant  of  Milam,  lying  between  the  Guadalupe  and  Colorado 
rivers,  and  north  of  the  Bexar  road,  could  not  well  be  settled 
because  of  hostile  Indians. 

Indeed,  during  the  years  1828  and  1829  the  Indians  had 
become  troublesome  and  dangerous  to  the  settlers  on  the  Colo- 
rado and  Brasos.  Numerous  cases  of  murder  and  theft  had 
occurred,  and  it  became  necessary  to  apply  a remedy.  During 
the  winter  of  1828-’9,  Thomas  Thompson  had  opened  a small 
farm  near  the  present  town  of  Bastrop,  and  occasionally  visited 
it  to  cultivate  it  and  take  care  of  his  crops.  On  going  there  in 
July,  1829,  he  found  the  Indians  in  possession.  He  returned 
below  for  assistance,  and  obtained  ten  men,  with  whom  he  ap- 
proached the  Indian  camp  in  the  night.  At  daylight  they 
killed  four  of  the  savages,  and  the  others  fled. 

This  opened  the  war.  Colonel  Austin  raised  two  companies 
of  volunteers,  of  fifty  men  each,  under  the  command  of  Captains 
Oliver  Jones  and  Bartlett  Simms ; the  whole  being  under  the 
orders  of  Colonel  Abner  Kuykendall.  About  the  same  time, 
the  depredations  ahd  murders  by  the  Indians  in  the  vicinity  of 
Gonzales  induced  the  raising  of  another  company  there,  under 
the  command  of  Captain  Henry  S.  Brown.  J 

Learning  that  a party  of  Wacoes  and  Twowakanies  were 
encamped  at  the  mouth  of  the  San  Saba,  the  two  commands 
marched  to  that  point.  They  halted  when  near  enough,  and 
sent  out  scouts  to  ascertain  the  localities.  The  Indian  scouts 

* Almonte’s  Journal  f Dewees’a  Letters,  p.  116.  \ Indianola  Bulletin,  1852. 


TRADE  WITH  SANTA  FE. 


261 


discovered  them,  and  gave  notice  to  the  others ; so  that,  when 
the  Texans  charged  into  the  camp  of  the  enemy,  they  had  fled, 
and  they  only  succeeded  in  killing  one.  Captain  Simms  and 
fifteen  others  pursued  them  some  miles  farther,  and  took  from 
them  many  of  their  horses.  This  expedition  had  a happy  effect 
in  alarming  the  Indians,  and  depriving  them  of  many  of  their 
animals,  together  with  their  peltries  and  camp-equipage.  The 
volunteers  returned  after  an  absence  of  thirty-two  days,  during 
which  time  they  suffered  greatly  for  want  of  provisions.  They 
subsisted  for  three  days  of  the  time  upon  acorns  and  persim- 
mons P 

These  annoyances  from  the  Indians  prevented  a trade  from 
springing  up  between  Texas  and  northern  Mexico.  Their 
position  was  favorable  to  it.  As  it  was,  in  1824,  a company 
of  Bordeaux  merchants  landed  at  Copano,  with  a large  quan- 
tity of  goods  for  Santa  Fe.  They  conveyed  them  some  distance 
beyond  San  Antonio  on  packs,  when  their  animals  were  stolen 
by  the  Camanclies.  They  then  obtained  oxen  and  carts  from 
San  Antonio,  and  finally  succeeded  in  reaching  Santa  Fe  in 
safety.  During  the  Mexican  revolution,  New  Mexico,  being 
remotely  situated,  wisely  took  no  part  in  it.  Her  intercourse 
with  the  rest  of  the  world  was  thus  for  many  years  cut  off,  and 
large  sums  of  gold  and  silver  accumulated  within  her  limits. 
The  manufactures  of  other  countries  were  in  great  demand ; 
and  the  venture  of  the  Bordeaux  merchants  consequently  met 
with  extraordinary  success. 

The  danger  from  the  Indians,  however,  was  too  great  to  per- 
mit a continuance  of  the  intercourse.  The  United  States, 
shortly  after,  opened  a route  for  traffic  from  St.  Louis,  and  her 
merchants  realized  the  benefits  of  that  distant  commerce. 

The  state  congress,  among  its  first  acts,  at  the  short  session 

* De wees’s  Letters,  p.  127. 


262 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


in  September,  1828,  decreed  the  removal  of  the  capital  from 
Saltillo,  in  the  extreme  southern  corner  of  the  state,  to  Mon- 
clova,  some  hundred  miles  farther  to  the  north.* 

Among  the  colonists  in  Texas  were  many  who  had  left  heavy 
debts  against  them  in  the  country  whence  they  came.  These 
debts  were,  to  some  extent,  sent  against  them,  and  generally 
placed  in  the  hands  of  some  one  in  the  colony,  who  was  made 
interested  in  their  collection.  To  favor  the  colonists,  it  was 
decreed  that  they  should  not  be  sued  for  such  debts  for  twelve 
years  ; and  further,  that  their  headlight  lands  should  never  be 
subject  to  the  payment  of  such  debts. f This  was  one  of  the 
first  decrees  of  the  first  session  of  the  local  congress  of.  1829  ; 
but,  shortly  after,  it  prohibited  merchants  of  foreign  nations 
from  retailing  goods  in  the  state . J This  gave  great  offence  to 
the  Texans,  and  for  the  reason  that  they  were  thus  deprived 
of  the  cheapest  market,  and  compelled  to  purchase  their  mer- 
chandise of  Mexicans. 

The  subject  of  peonage , forming  as  it  does  an  important  item 
in  the  domestic  relations  of  the  state,  and  being  regulated  by 
statutory  provisions,  requires  some  notice.  By  the  decree  of 
the  30th  of  September,  1828,  it  was  provided  that  the  contract 
between  the  master  and  servant  should  be  set  down  at  the 
head  of  the  account,  in  presence  of  witnesses.  Articles  fur- 
nished the  servant  for  his  labor  should  be  at  the  market  price  : 
and  the  master  was  forbidden  to  credit  him  for  more  than  a 
year’s  wages,  except  in  case  of  sickness.  The  master  must 

* Decree  No.  64.  The  seat  of  government  was  not  removed  till  the  spring  of 
1833  (Decree  No.  214).  It  was  doubtless  the  first  cause  of  the  misunderstanding 
that  afterward  divided  the  Mexican  portion  of  the  state. 

f Decree  No.  70. 

\ See  Decree  No.  83,  vetoed  by  the  governor,  and  Decree  No.  91,  finally 
adopted  by  the  congress,  which  was  still  more  prejudicial  to  the  interests  of  the 
people  of  Texas.  The  decree  (No.  183)  of  the  9th  of  April,  1832,  was  even  more 
severe  and  prohibitory- 


PEONAGE  — RELATIONS  OP  MASTER  AND  SERVANT.  263 

show  his  account  to  the  servant  on  request ; and  servants  could 
sue  their  masters  before  an  alcalde.  Masters  or  overseers 
were  authorized  to  punish  idle  or  disobedient  servants  by  ar- 
rest or  confinement  with  shackles  for  not  more  than  four  days  ; 
but  the  use  of  the  whip  was  forbidden.  The  master  was  to 
furnish  the  servant  with  necessary  medicinos  and  sustenance 
during  sickness,  and  charge  the  same  to  his  account. 

The  decree  of  the  4th  of  April,  1829,  modified  these  rules. 
It  prohibited  joint  accounts  against  servants  ; required  masters 
to  retain  one  third  of  servants’  wages,  and  apply  the  same  as 
a credit  on  their  accounts,  except  in  case  of  serious  sickness, 
or  the  absolute  nakedness  of  the  servant  and  his  family ; also 
required  servants,  wishing  to  be  employed,  to  bring  a state- 
ment from  their  former  master  of  the  indebtedness  to  him,  and 
made  the  new  master  pay  such  debt ; masters  who  charged  their 
servants  more  than  the  market  price  for  articles,  were  liable 
to  be  fined  in  five  times  the  excess.  So  much  of  the  former 
decree  as  prohibited  the  whipping  of  servants  was  repealed, 
and  masters  and  overseers  were  permitted  to  chastise  their 
servants  in  a parental  manner ; but  they  were  responsible  for 
excessive  punishment.  If  the  servant  left  his  master’s  service, 
the  alcalde  could  compel  his  return,  and  punish  him  according 
to  the  facts.  When  the  servant  wished  to  leave  his  master,  he 
could  compel  the  latter  to  furnish  him  a statement  to  show  to 
his  new  master.  Actions  of  servants  against  their  masters 
were  privileged  suits.  Masters  were  not  required  to  bury 
their  servants  who  died  in  their  debt.* 

Such  were  the  rules  under  which  a majority  of  the  Mexican 
population  were  held  in  perpetual  servitude.  Their  wages 
were  so  extremely  low,  and  their  improvidence  was  so  great, 
that  it  was  a rare  occurrence  for  one  to  be  out  of  debt. 


* Decrees  67  and  86. 


264 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


The  American  portion  of  the  population  of  Coahuila  and 
Texas  had,  in  lieu  thereof,  the  institution  of  slavery , which  oc- 
cupied a peculiar  position  under  the  state  and  federal  laws. 

The  constitution  of  Coahuila  and  Texas  made  it  what  is 
technically  called  “ a free  state.”  It  provided  specially,  that 
“from  and  after  the  promulgation  of  the  constitution  in  the 
capita1  of  each  district,  no  one  should  be  born  a slave  in  the 
state ; and,  after  six  months,  the  introduction  of  slaves,  under 
any  pretext,  should  not  be  permitted.”*  The  state  congress, 
in  pursuance  of  this  provision,  required  the  several  ayunta- 
mientos  to  take  a list  of  the  names,  ages,  and  sex  of  the  ne- 
groes in  their  municipalities,  at  the  end  of  six  months  from  the 
promulgation  of  the  constitution ; and  also  to  keep  a register 
of  all  slaves  born  in  the  state  after  its  publication.  The  death 
of  slaves  was  likewise  to  be  noted  in  the  register.  The  owners 
of  slaves,  dying  without  children,  made  the  slaves  free  ; and, 
when  they  had  children,  the  tenth  part  of  the  slaves  were  to 
be  free. | This  decree  further  required  that  free  children  born 
of  slaves  should  receive  the  best  education  that  could  be  given 

them.J 

It  was  provided  by  another  decree,  passed  in  1827,  that  any 
slave  who,  for  convenience,  wished  to  change  his  master,  could 
do  so,  provided  the  new  master  would  pay  the  old  one  the 
amount  he  gave  for  him,  as  stated  in  the  bill  of  sale.  |J 

Meanwhile,  in  the  capital  of  Mexico,  the  usual  scenes  of  an- 
archy and  bloodshed  were  transpiring.  At  the  dose  of  Presi- 
dent Victoria’s  term  there  was  a most  excited  co  *est  between 
the  two  political  parties  in  regard  to  his  successor.  The  re- 
publican or  federal  party  brought  forward  Vincent  Guerrero, 

* Article  13,  Constitution.  f Decree  No.  18. 

\ If  it  was  only  intended  that  the  free  negro  children  should  have  an  educa- 
tion equal  to  that  of  children  free  born,  it  was  literally  complied  with  — for  the 
matter  was  wholly  neglected  1 J Decree  No.  35. 


PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTION  — REVOLUTION. 


265 


and  the  centralists  or  strong-government  party  placed  in  nomi- 
nation Manuel  Gomez  Pedraza.,  as  their  respective  candidates. 
Pedraza  was  at  heart  favorable  to  the  aristocracy,  but  had 
occasionally  acted  with  the  republicans,  which  doubtful  course 
gave  him  greatly  the  advantage  over  Guerrero,  who  was  a con- 
sistent republican,  and  known  to  be  such.  The  election  came 
off  in  September,  1828 ; and,  although  Guerrero  had  a large 
majority  of  the  popular  vote,  Pedraza  received  ten  states  in 
the  electoral  college,  while  his  opponent  obtained  but  eight.* 
In  the  United  States,  the  constitution  would  have  taken  its 
course,  and  such  evils  would  have  been  corrected  at  the  ballot- 
box.  Not  so  in  Mexico. 

As  the  president  elect  was  not  to  be  installed  until  the  fol- 
lowing April,  the  liberal  party  determined  to  place  Guerrero 
in  the  presidential  chair.  The  movement  was  revolutionary, 
and  Santa  Anna  and  Zavalaf  were  at  the  head  of  it.  Santa 
Anna  pronounced  at  Xalapa , and  Zavala  raised  an  army  in  the 
capital.  After  a bloody  battle  of  some  days,  the  party  of 
Guerrero  triumphed,  and  he  was  installed  as  president.  The 
state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas,  had  been  favorable  to  Guerrero, 
and  approved  of  the  plan  of  Xalapa ; but  when  the  revolution 
was  over,  they  recommended  a perfect  oblivion  of  passed  po- 
litical differences,  declaring  that  they  would  not  be  parties  to 
a system  of  revenge. $ 

The  United  States  were  not  satisfied  with  the  treaty  of  1819, 
by  which  Texas  had  been  ceded  to  Spain.  On  the  26th  of 
March,  1825,  directly  after  John  Quincy  Adams  was  installed 

* Sketch  of  Joel  R.  Poinsett:  Democratic  Review,  March,  1838. 

\ Zavala  was  a native  of  Yucatan,  and  had  been  imprisoned  by  the  Spanish 
government  for  his  liberal  principles.  Released  by  the  revolution  from  the  cas- 
tle of  San  Juan  d’Ulloa,  ho  was  one  of  the  first  representatives  from  Yucatan  in 
the  federal  Congress.  He  was  governor  of  the  state  of  Mexico  at  the  time  lie 
joined  iu  this  attack  upon  the  constitution,  little  thinking  that  he  was  establish- 
ing a precedent  for  his  own  ruin.  \ Decree  No.  110. 


266 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


in  the  presidential  chair,  Henry  Clay,  as  secretary  of  state, 
gave  special  instructions  to  the  American  minister  to  endeavor 
to  procure  from  Mexico  the- re-transfer  of  Texas.  The  instruc- 
tions were  repeated  on  the  15th  of. March,  1827.  Like  in- 
structions were  given  by  Martin  Yan  Buren,  secretary  of  state, 
on  the  25th  of  August,  1829.*  In  the  meantime,  however,  as 
good  faith  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  required  a confir- 
mation of  the  treaty  of  limits  of  1819,  Joel  R.  Poinsett  con- 
cluded such  a treaty  with  the  Mexican  government  on  the  12th 
of  January,  1828,  with  a provision  that  the  line  between  the 
two  countries  should  be  run  immediately.! 

The  increase  of  colonists  induced  the  granting,  on  the  11th 
of  June,  1829,  to  James  Powers,  of  a contract  for  settling  two 
hundred  families  between  the  Coleto  and  the  Nueces  ; and  to 
M‘Mullen  and  M‘Gloire,  on  the  17th  of  August  of  the  same 
year,  a like  contract  on  territory  between  the  San  Antonio 
and  Nueces  rivers. $ A considerable  town  had  sprung  up  at 
La  Bahia,  and  the  state  congress  had  honored  it  with  the  name 
of  a ville , and  called  it  Goliad.  || 

The  neighborhood  of  Liberty  had  been  settled  as  early  as 
1805,  but  scarcely  possessed  vitality  until  about  this  period, 
when  settlers  began  to  extend  along  the  banks  of  the  Trinity. 
About  the  same  time  a sparse  settlement  sprang  up  on  the 
Texan  side  of  Red  river;  but  immigrants  came  and  located 
there  on  their  own  account.  Not  knowing  to  what  jurisdiction 
they  belonged,  they  kept  aloof  from  all  municipal  laws,  except 
those  of  their  own  making,  and  lived  as  they  best  could.  In 

* Texas  Question:  Democratic  Review,  April,  1844. 

f Elliot’s  Diplomatic  Code,  vol.  ii.,  p.  111.  For  various  causes,  this  line  was 
not  run  until  Texas  achieved  her  independence.  One  of  the  despatches  taken 
by  “Deaf  Smith,”  just  before  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  was  an  order  to  Santa 
Anna  to  proceed  east  with  his  army  and  protect  Almonte,  the  commissioner, 
while  he  was  running  the  line. 

X Dewees’s  Letters  p.  117.  j]  Decree  No.  73,  February  4,  1829. 


EDUCATION  IN  MEXICO  — A MEXICAN  SCHOOL.  267 

complexion,  however,  they  were  greatly  superior  to  their  pre- 
decessors of  the  neutral  ground. 

The  legislature  took  some  steps  to  establish  a system  of  edu- 
cation. Two  laws  were  enacted  for  this  purpose.  The  first, 
in  May,  1829,  made  provision  for  a school  of  mutual  instruc- 
tion, on  the  Lancastrian  plan,  in  each  department.  It  provided 
that  the  teachers  should  instruct  the  pupils  in  reading,  writing, 
arithmetic,  the  dogma  of  the  Roman  catholic  religion,  and  all 
Ackerman’s  catechisms  of  arts  and  sciences.*  In  April  fol- 
lowing, the  legislature  passed  another  law,  establishing  tempo- 
rary schools  on  a like  plan.f  But  all  this  effort  resulted  in 
nothing.  The  people  did  not  second  the  views  of  the  legisla- 
ture. To  give  an  idea  of  the  state  of  education  in  Mexico,  we 
caii  not  do  better  than  refer  to  the  description  of  an  intelligent 
eye-witness : — 

(C  I have  just  returned,”  says  Mr.  Poinsett,  “ from  visiting  a 
school,  and  have  been  much  amused  with  the  appearance  of 
the  pedagogue.  In  a large  room,  furnished  with  two  or  three 
cowhides  spread  on  the  floor,  and  half  a dozen  low  benches, 
were  ten  or  twelve  little  urchins,  all  repeating  their  lessons  as 
loud  as  they  could  bawl.  The  master  was  stalking  about  the 
room,  with  a ferule  in  his  hand,  and  dressed  in  a most  gro- 
tesque manner.  He  had  an  old  manta  wrapped  about  his  loins, 
from  under  which  there  appeared  the  ends  of  tattered  leather 
breeches,  hanging  over  his  naked  legs ; sandals  were  bound 
round  his  ankles  ; a leather  jerkin,  the  sleeves  worn  off,  and  a 
dirty  handkerchief  twisted  round  his  head,  above  which  his 
shaggy  hair  stood  erect,  completed  his  dress.  He  seemed  per- 
fectly unconscious  of  his  uncouth  appearance,  but  received  me 
very  courteously,  dismissed  his  scholars  immediately,  and  at 
once  entered  into  conversation  on  the  state  of  the  country.  . . . 

f Decree  No.  129. 


* Decree  No.  92. 


268 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


He  told  me  that  lie  was  bom  in  that  house,  and  had  never 
wandered  beyond  the  precincts  of  the  village.  Several  of  the 
country-people  came  in  while  we  were  talking,  and  treated  the 
pedagogue  with  great  respect.  He  appeared  to  be  their 
oracle.”* 

Those  Texan  settlements  that  would  justify  it,  established 
private  schools  for  the  instruction  of  their  children.  In  cases 
where  parents  could  afford  it,  their  children  were  sent  to  the 
United  States  to  be  educated. 

But  little  can  be  said  of  the  religious  progress  of  the  Texans 
as  early  as  1830.  They  may  have  furnished  certificates  of 
their  catholic  leaning,  but  they  employed  very  little  of  their 
time  in  its  exhibition.! 

Father  Henry  Doyle,  a catholic  clergyman,  and  a native  of 
Ireland,  located  himself  in  the  Irish  colony,  early  in  1830,  and 
attended  to  the  religious  rites  for  that  portion  of  Texas.  In 
addition  to  the  regular  priests  at  San  Antonio,  Goliad,  and 
Nacogdoches,  there  were  occasional  visits  from  other  catholic 
ministers  to  the  different  settlements,  for  the  purpose  of  attend- 
ing to  the  ordinances  of  the  church.  Among  these  was  Father 
Michael  Muldoon,  likewise  from  Ireland  — a man  of  a warm 
heart,  a social  and  generous  spirit,  who  will  be  long  held  in 
grateful  remembrance  by  the  old  settlers  of  Texas.  $ Anterior 
to  this,  some  protestant  clergymen  visited  the  eastern  part  of 
the  state,  and  in  one  or  two  instances  penetrated  even  as  far 
as  San  Antonio ; but  this  will  be  noticed  hereafter. 

The  first  part  of  the  year  1830  passed  quietly  in  Texas. 
Mexico,  however,  was  gradually  encroaching  upon  the  rights 
of  the  colonists.  The  subject  of  slavery  was  one  cause  of  it. 
Spain,  with  a view  to  re-establish  her  authority  in  the  republic, 

* Poinsett’s  Notes  (November  28,  1822),  p.  190. 
f De wees’s  Letters,  p.  137.  % Decrees  Nos.  165  and  139. 


ABOLITION  OF  SLAVERY  IN  MEXICO. 


269 


sent  out  from  Havana,  in  July,  1829,  an  expedition  of  four 
thousand  men,  under  General  Barradas.  These  troops  landed 
at  Tampico,  and  produced  such  alarm  in  Mexico,  that  the  fed- 
eral Congress,  overlooking  the  restrictions  of  the  constitution, 
gave  to  President  Guerrero  unlimited  powers.  He  determined 
to  send  a secret  agent  to  Boyer,  president  of  Hayti,  to  obtain 
his  aid  in  exciting  the  slaves  of  Cuba  to  revolt.  Preparatory 
to  this  step,  Guerrero,  acting  under  the  decree  appointing  him 
dictator,  proceeded,  on  the  29th  of  July,  1829,  to  abolish 
slavery  in  the  Mexican  republic.* 

This  proceeding,  though  high-handed  and  in  violation  of 
vested  rights,  was  acquiesced  in  by  the  Mexican  people.  Among 
the  Mexican  owners,  it  was  only  in  the  sugar-plantations  that 
the  negro  was  valuable.  “ One  hundred  free  negroes,”  says 
Edwards,  “ though  receiving  double  the  wages  of  the  Indian, 
are  found  to  produce  as  much  sugar  as  two  hundred  do  in  Cuba, 

without  the  owner  supporting  their  wives  and  children 

These  negroes  are,  however,  over-paid,  and  in  consequence  be- 
come drunkards,  vicious,  and  unruly.  Indians,  properly  taught, 
would  perform  the  same  labor  at  half  price. ”f  And  so  thought 
the  Mexicans.  They  argued  that  the  peons  were  more  profit- 
able, and  that  their  employers  were  without  the  necessity  of 
supporting  their  families. 

The  American  colonists,  however,  still  continued  the  prac- 
tice of  introducing  their  slaves,  under  the  appellation  of  ser- 
vants. Austin,  fearful  of  the  effects  of  the  decree  of  abolition 
on  the  prosperity  of  his  colony,  applied  to  President  Guerrero, 
who  agreed  to  modify  it  in  favor  of  the  American  colonists. 
Guerrero’s  administration,  however,  was  suddenly  closed  by 

* Kennedy,  vol.  i.,  p.  S68;  M.  Van  Buren,  Secretary  of  State,  to  A.  Butler, 
Charge  des  Affaires  to  Mexico,  November  30,  1829 ; Foote,  vol.  i.,  p.  308. 

f History  of  Texas,  p.  120. 


270 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


his  tragic  death.  Bustamente,  the  vice-president,  who  was  a 
strong  centralist,  pronounced  against  him,  drove  him  from  the 
capital  to  the  mountains,  assumed  the  presidential  chair,  and 
exercised  the  functions  of  his  office  in  a manner  so  sanguinary 
and  proscriptive,  that  Guerrero,  in  again  attempting  to  resume 
his  station,  was  taken  and  shot.  Bustamente,  now  undisputed 
master  of  Mexico,  soon  exhibited  his  narrow  policy  in  regard 
to  the  Texan  colonies.  On  the  6th  of  April,  1830,  he  issued  a 
decree,  substantially  forbidding  people  of  the  United  States 
from  settling  as  colonists  in  Texas,  and  suspending  all  colony 
contracts  conflicting  with  this  prohibition.*  By  the  same  de- 
cree, the  further  introduction  of  slaves  was  forbidden. 

The  congress  of  Coahuila  and  Texas,  perplexed  with  the 
repeated  revolutions  in  the  national  capital,  and  wishing  to 
keep  on  good  terms  with  the  successful  party,  did  not  know 
what  course  to  pursue.  They  ordered  a bust  of  the  “ illustri- 
ous’’ Guerrero  to  be  set  up  in  their  hall,  but,  when  adversity 
came  upon  him,  they  repealed  the  order.  They  also  named  a 
town  after  Bustamente,  and  then,  by  another  decree,  struck 
out  his  name ! 

The  September  elections  of  1830  showed  that  Jose  Maria 
Letona  was  elected  governor  and  Juan  Martin  Veramendi  vice- 
governor  of  the  state.  This  result  was  favorable  to  Texas,  as 
the  latter  was  a resident  of  San  Antonio,  and  a man  of  liberal 
principles.  At  this  time  appeared  before  the  state  congress 
James  Bowie.  He  had  married  a daughter  of  Yeramendi,  and 
under  his  auspices  went  to  Saltillo  to  establish  a cotton  and 
woollen  manufactory.  With  this  view,  the  legislature  natu- 
ralized him,  and  granted  him  a charter ; but  more  important 
duties  awaited  him,  and  nothing  was  done.f 

* Kennedy,  vol.  i.,  p.  375. 

f Decrees  Nos.  159  and  160.  James  Bowie,  a son  of  Resin  Bowie,  was  born 


STATE  VERSUS  CHURCH. 


271 


Among  the  proceedings  of  the  state  congress  at  this  period, 
as  well  as  in  other  Mexican  states,  may  be  seen  a gradual  en- 
croachment upon  the  alleged  rights  of  the  church.  The  state 
would  exact  loans  from  it,  forbid  it  from  despatching  its  eccle- 
siastical orders  without  consent  of  the  secular  power,  and  with- 
drew the  right  of  exacting  forced  contributions  for  festivals : 
in  fact,  the  church  was  brought  into  subjection  to  the  civil 
power.  These  were  seeds  sown  in  the  Mexican  republic,  which, 
being  well  cultivated  by  the  priests,  and  properly  directed  by 
ambitious  leaders,  brought  forth  that  bitter  fruit  which,  in  a 
few  years  after,  the  Texans  were  required  to  eat. 

It  was  a feeling  of  jealousy  toward  the  American  colonists 
in  Texas  that  induced  the  decree  of  April  6, 1830.  The  privi- 
leges allowed  them  at  first,  in  regard  to  importations,  were 
about  to  cease,  and  they  were  to  be  subdued  and  made  as  sub- 
missive as  the  Mexicans  themselves  under  Bustamente.  With 
a view  to  this,  customhouses  were  not  only  established  at  Nac- 


in  Burke  county,  Georgia.  Of  his  parents,  it  is  said  they  were  from  Maryland. 
The  father  was  a man  of  strong  mind  and  sound  judgment.  The  mother  was  a 
pious  and  excellent  lady,  and  from  her  it  was  thought  that  the  children  inher- 
ited their  remarkable  energy  of  character.  They  had  five  children,  viz.,  David, 
James,  Rezin  P.,  John  J.,  and  Stephen,  who  were  all  large,  muscular  men.  In 
1802,  the  family  removed  to  Chatahoula  parish,  Louisiana.  On  the  19th  of 
September,  1827,  James  Bowie  was  engaged,  on  a bar  of  the  Mississippi,  in  a 
duel  with  Norris  Wright  and  others  — one  of  the  bloodiest  rencontres  of  this 
class  on  record — in  which  he  was  wounded,  and  two  men  were  killed.  Shortly 
after  this  he  cqme  to  Texas,  as  did  also  his  brother  Rezin  P.  Bowie.  The  above 
facts  are  collected  from  “ De  Bow’s  Review.”  In  the  same  periodical  may  be 
found  a complete  sketch'  of  James,  by  his  brother  John  J.  James  Bowie  was 
about  six  feet  high,  of  fair  complexion,  with  small  blue  eyes,  not  fleshy,  but  well 
proportioned ; he  stood  quite  erect,  and  had  a rather  fierce  look  ; was  not  quar- 
relsome, but  mild  and  quiet,  even  at  the  moment  of  action.  He  was  quite  so- 
ciable, and  somewhat  disposed  to  intemperance,  but  never  drunk.  He  had  a 
wonderful  art  in  winning  people  to  him,  and  was  extremely  prodigal  of  his 
money.  His  muscular  power  was  as  great  as  his  daring : his  brother  says  he 
had  been  known  to  rope  and  ride  alligators  1 His  great  speculation  was  in  pur- 
chasing negroes  from  Lafitte,  and  smuggling  them  into  Louisiana.  This  is  the 
most  unpleasant  feature  in  his  history. 


272 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


ogdoches  and  Bexer,  but  at  Copano,  Yelasco,  and  Galveston, 
or  rather  at  Anahuac,  at  the  head  of  the  bay.  General  M. 
Mier  y Teran,  a stern  and  merciless  monarchist,  was  appointed 
commandant-general  of  the  eastern  states.  Colonel  John  Da- 
vis Bradburn,  one  of  the  heroes  of  Iguala,  tired  of  navigating 
the  Rio  Grande  with  steam  and  horse  power,  had  sought  and 
obtained  the  position  of  commander  of  the  forces  at  Anahuac. 
Colonel  Dominic  Ugartachea  had  command  at  Yelasco,  the 
port  at  the  mouth  of  the  Brasos ; Colonel  Piedras  at  Nacogdo- 
ches ; while  Don  Ramon  Musquiz  presided  as  a political  chief 
at  Bexar. 

In  addition  to  these  high  officers,  Ellis  P.  Bean,  a colonel  in 
the  regular  army  of  Mexico,  had  been  stationed  in  eastern 
Texas,  rather  as  agent  for  the  central  government  to  the  dif- 
ferent Indian  tribes.  In  the  contest  which  seemed  to  be  now 
approaching,  neither  party  appeared  willing  to  trust  him.  He 
was  assigned  a position  at  Fort  Teran,  on  the  Neches,  where 
was  stationed  a detachment  of  troops.  The  forces  at  the  fore- 
going points  were  as  follows : at  Nacogdoches,  three  hundred 
and  twenty;  at  Anahuac,  one  hundred  and  fifty;  and  at  Ye- 
lasco, one  hundred  and  twenty-five.  These,  with  the  two  pre- 
sidial  companies  at  Bexar  and  Goliad,  constituted  the  Mexican 
power  that  was  to  overawe  twenty  thousand  colonists,  and 
bring  them  to  submit  to  the  arbitrary  measures  of  Yice-Presi- 
dent  Bustamente.  The  state  congress,  among  its  last  decrees,* 
placed  one  hundred  and  fifty  more  troops  at  the  disposal  of 
General  Teran.  The  character  of  these  forces  may  be  inferred 
from  the  description  furnished  by  the  law,  and  given  on  a pre- 
vious page,  of  the  kind  of  soldiers  preferred. 

Colonel  Bradburn  took  the  first  step  in  carrying  out  the 
views  of  his  superiors.  He  introduced  martial  law  for  the 


* Decree  of  September  28,  1830. 


GRIEVANCES  OF  THE  TEXAN  COLONISTS. 


273 


citizens ; he  took  from  them  their  property  without  their  con- 
sent and  without  consideration ; he  had  many  of  them  arrested 
and  imprisoned  in  the  fort  of  Anahuac ; and  his  troops,  who 
were  guilty  of  robbery  and  stealing,  were  by  him  protected 
from  punishment.* 

These  were  some  of  the  grievances  of  which  the  colonists 
of  Texas  complained  before  the  close  of  the  year  1830.  It  was 
not  the  entertainment  to  which  they  had  been  invited  ! 

* T.  J.  Chambers’s  pamphlet,  1833. 

Yol.  I.  —18 


274 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

The  year  1831  found  the  American  population  of  Texas  still 
increasing.  They  now  numbered  about  twenty  thousand  ; and, 
notwithstanding  the  general  law  of  April  6,  1830,  prohibited 
natives  of  the  United  States  from  immigrating,  they  still  con- 
tinued to  come.  They  had  friends  and  relatives  in  Texas,  and 
wished  to  be  with  them.  Others,  attracted  by  the  generous 
nature  of  the  soil  and  the  fine  climate,  were  induced  to  come 
in  order  to  find  homes  in  the  new  state.  The  greater  part  of 
these  prohibited  immigrants  had  settled  east  of  the  Trinity. 
They  had  fixed  upon  their  homes,  designated  their  lands,  and 
desired  titles.  They  had  come  under  the  control  of  no  empre- 
sario,  but  under  the  general  provisions  of  the  law,  on  their  own 
account.  They  made  repeated  applications  for  titles  to  their 
lands. 

As  early  as  1829,  the  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas  had  de- 
spatched Juan  Antonio  Padilla  as  commissioner-general  to 
eastern  Texas,  to  extend  titles  to  the  colonists ; and  with  him 
came  Thomas  J.  Chambers*  as  surveyor-general  of  the  state. 


* Thomas  J.  Chambers,  a native  of  Orange  county,  Virginia,  ■went  to  the  city 
of  Mexico  in  1826,  and  for  three  years  was  diligently  occupied  in  the  study  of 
their  laws,  manners,  and  institutions.  Though  young,  he  was  already  a ripe 
scholar  when  he  went  to  the  city,  lie  soon  made  himself  master  of  their  laws 
and  language.  An  acquaintance  formed  with  Don  Victor  Blanco,  then  vice- 
governor  of  Coahuila  and  Texas,  introduced  him  to  the  authorities  of  that  state, 


USURPATIONS  OF  THE  MILITARY  AUTHORITY. 


275 


But  the  jealousy  of  those  opposed  to  the  settlement  of  eastern 
Texas  caused  Padilla  to  be  arrested  upon  a false  accusation, 
and  thus  broke  up  the  commission.* 

The  colonists  in  eastern  Texas,  not  to  be  outdone  in  this 
way,  held  public  meetings,  and  sent  their  petitions  to  the  state 
government,  asking  the  appointment  of  another  commissioner.! 
In  the  meantime,  the  state  legislature  had  assembled  at  Saltillo, 
and  Licentiate  Jose  Maria  Letona  was  declared  duly  elected 
governor,  and  Juan  Martin  de  Veramendi  vice-governor,  of  the 
state.J  The  latter,  a resident  in  San  Antonio,  indicated  a fa- 
vorable disposition  toward  Texas.  The  applications  for  a 
commissioner  to  extend  titles  was  attended  to  ; and  Francisco 
Madero  was  despatched  to  the  Trinity,  with  Jose  Maria  Car- 
bajal, his  surveyor,  for  that  purpose.  ||  Madero  was  a gentle- 
man of  popular  manners,  and  much  esteemed  by  the  colonists. 
He  proceeded  with  energy  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties,  but 
was  suddenly  arrested  by  order  of  General  Manuel  Mier  y Te- 
ran,  commandant-general  of  the  eastern  states,  and,  with  Car- 
bajal, confined  in  the  prison  of  Anahuac.  Teran  was  a gen- 
uine monarchist,  and  a fit  instrument  to  carry  out  the  designs 
of  Bustamente.  The  alleged  excuse  or  ground  of  their  arrest 
was,  that  they  were  extending  titles  to  natives  of  the  United 
States  who  had  immigrated  since  the  decree  of  the  6th  of  April, 
1830.  It  is  probable  that  such  titles  had  been  extended  ; but 
this  was  an  affair  of  the  state,  appertaining  to  the  civil  authori- 
ties : and,  although  they  had  the  authority  of  Bustamente  for 
their  proceedings,  it  was  as  clearly  illegal  as  was  the  decree 

to  which  he  emigrated  in  1829.  Gifted  with  talents  of  a high  order,  and  with 
persuasive  manners,  he  soon  gained  the  confidence  of  the  state  government 
This,  added  to  his  devotion  to  free  institutions,  enabled  him  to  do  much  for 
Texas  in  the  days  of  her  infancy. — Sketch  of  T.  J.  Chambers  : Galveston , 1858. 

* Sketch  of  T.  J.  Chambers,  p.  9.  f lb.,  p.  10. 

$ Decree  of  January  5,  1831.  j Kennedy,  vol.  ii.,  p.  6. 


276 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


of  the  6th  of  April.  Though  these  officers  were  acting  under 
the  law,  -and  the  authority  of  the  state,  nothing  could  be  done 
by  the  latter  toward  their  release  without  drawing  upon  it  the 
vengeance  of  Bustamente.* 

Among  the  acts  of  Commissioner  Madero  was  the  erection 
of  the  municipality  of  Liberty.  The  ayuntamiento  was  duly 
elected  and  organized,  holding  its  sessions  at  the  town  of  Lib- 
erty, some  thirty  miles  above  Anahuac.  As  the  design  of  the 
military  was  obviously  to  bring  the  country  under  their  subjec- 
tion, Colonel  Bradburn,  commandant  at  Anahuac,  dissolved  the 
ayuntamiento  of  Liberty,  and  ordered  one  for  the  same  munici- 
pality at  Anahuac. f Such  was  the  tyranny  of  Bradburn,  how- 
ever, that  his  ayuntamiento  fled  from  him,  and  took  refuge  in 
Austin’s  colony. 

The  sudden  change  in  the  policy  of  Mexico  in  regard  to  her 
Texan  colonies  can  not  be  attributed  altogether  to  a mere  ty- 
rannical disposition  on  the  part  of  the  acting  president,  Busta- 
mente.  The  introduction  of  so  many  troops,  the  usurpation  of 
the  military,  the  interference  of  the  supreme  government  in 
preventing  the  state  from  extending  titles  to  the  colonists,  the 
imposition  of  taxes,  the  prohibition  of  merchandise  on  the  part 
of  the  colonists,  and  numerous  other  grievances,  and  hindrances 
to  their  prosperity,  had  their  origin  mainly  in  an  apprehension 
on  the  part  of  Mexico  that  the  United  States  would,  in  some 
way  or  other — through  their  citizens  domiciliated  in  Texas 
— set  up  a claim  to  the  country.  Reference  to  some  facts  will 
place  this  matter  in  a clear  light. 

The  retrograde  movement  commenced  in  the  latter  part  of 
1829.  We  have  referred  to  the  repeated  applications  of  the 

* Governor’s  Message,  1832. 

f This  place  had  been  previously  known  as  Perry’s  point.  Its  position,  at  the 
head  of  Galveston  bay,  caused  it  to  be  erected  as  a port  of  entry.  It  was  known 
at  that  time  as  the  port  of  Galveston,  the  island  not  being  then  occupied. 


PROPOSITIONS  TO  PURCHASE  TEXAS  IN  1826. 


277 


United  States  to  purchase  Texas  of  Mexico.  The  boundary -line 
between  Louisiana  and  Texas,  as  established  by  the  treaty  of 
1819,  had  not  been  run  previous  to  the  treaty  of  Cordova  in 
1821.  Mexico,  acquiring  her  independence,  became  a party 
to  the  former  treaty  instead  of  Spain.  In  the  instructions  to 
Mr.  Poinsett,  our  first  minister  to  Mexico,  dated  March  26, 
1825,  he  was  directed  to  sound  that  government  upon  the  ques- 
tion of  making  a new  line.*  The  proposition  was  made,  but 
Mexico  insisted  on  the  treaty-line.  In  1827,  he  was  instructed 
to  propose  to  the  Mexican  government  the  purchase  of  Texas, 
and  to  offer  for  the  country  as  far  as  the  Rio  Grande  a million 
of  dollars ; or,  if  that  should  not  be  accepted,  half  a million 
for  the  part  lying  east  of  the  Colorado.!  These  propositions 
were  rejected ; and,  although  the  United  States  had  repeatedly 
acknowledged  the  validity  of  the  boundary  as  agreed  to  with 
Spain  in  1819,  yet  such  was  the  uneasiness  of  Mexico,  that  her 
chamber  of  deputies  passed  a resolution  that  they  would  not 

* “The  line  of  the  Sabine  approaches  our  great  western  mart  nearer  than 
could  be  wished.  Perhaps  the  Mexican  government  may  not  be  unwilling  to 
establish  that  of  the  Rio  Brasos  de  Dios,  or  the  Rio  Colorado,  or  the  Snow 
mountains,  or  the  Rio  del  Norte,  in  lieu  of  it.”  — Mr.  Clay  to  Mr.  Poinsett , 
March  26,  1825. 

f Among  the  reasons  assigned  by  Mr.  Clay  for  making  the  purchase  are  the 
following:  “ The  great  extent  and  the  facility  which  appears  to  have  attended 
the  procurement  of  grants  from  the  government  of  the  United  Mexican  States, 
for  large  tracts  of  country  to  citizens  of  the  United  States,  in  the  province  of 
Texas,  authorize  the  belief  that  but  little  value  is  placed  upon  the  possession  of 
the  province  by  that  government.  These  grants  seem  to  have  been  made  with- 
out any  sort  of  equivalent,  judging  according  to  our  opinions  of  the  value  of 
land.  They  have  been  made  to,  and  apparently  in  contemplation  of  being  set- 
tled by,  citizens  from  the  United  States.  These  emigrants  will  carry  with  them 
our  principles  of  law,  liberty,  and  religion  ; and,  however  much  it  may  be  hope4 
they  might  be  disposed  to  amalgamate  with  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  Mexico, 
60  far  as  political  freedom  is  concerned,  it  would  be  almost  too  much  to  expect 
that  all  collisions  would  be  avoided  on  other  subjects.  Already  some  of  these 
collisions  have  manifested  themselves,  and  others,  in  the  progress  of  time,  may 
be  anticipated  with  confidence.  These  collisions  may  insensibly  enlist  the  sym- 
pathies and  feelings  of  the  two  republics,  and  lead  to  misunderstandings.” — Mr. 
Clay  to  Mr.  Poinsett , March  15,  1827. 


278 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


take  into  consideration  the  treaty  which  the  two  governments 
had  agreed  on,  until  an  article  was  inserted  recognising  the 
boundary  named  in  the  treaty  with  Spain.  The  government 
of  Mexico  also  despatched  General  Teran,  in  1828,  to  run  the 
line  agreed  on  by  that  treaty.  This  was  on  its  own  account, 
the  convention  for  running  the  line  not  having  been  concluded. 
Again,  in  1829,  Mr.  Van  Buren,  secretary  of  state,  instructed 
Mr.  Poinsett  to-  make  another  proposition  to  purchase  Texas. 
He  proposed  to  give  four  millions  of  dollars  for  the  territory 
east  of  the  line  dividing  the  waters  of  the  Rio  Grande  and  the 
Nueces.  If  that  could  not  be  obtained,  then  the  minister  was 
to  offer  a sum  in  proportion  for  the  territory  east  of  the  Lava- 
ca ; or,  if  that  could  not  be  acquired,  then  the  line  of  the  Col- 
orado, and  lastly  that  of  the  Brasos,  was  to  be  proposed.* 
During  the  period  of  these  negotiations,  the  growth  of  the 
colonies,  the  emeute  of  the  “ Fredonians,”  the  general  sturdy 
spirit  of  the  settlers,  and,  above  all,  the  reasons  advanced  by 
the  United  States  in  favor  of  a sale  of  Texas,  had  excited  in 
the  Mexican  mind  a general  feeling  of  jealousy  and  uneasiness. 
This  feeling  soon  found  its  way  to  the  public.  Lucas  Alaman, 
secretary  of  state,  in  his  report  to  the  Mexican  Congress  in 
1829,  uses  the  following  language : — 

“ The  North  Americans  commence  by  introducing  themselves 
into  the  territory  which  they  covet,  on  pretence  of  commercial 
negotiations,  or  of  the  establishment  of  colonies,  with  or  with- 
out the  assent  of  the  government  to  which  it  belongs.  These 
colonies  grow,  multiply,  become  the  prominent  part  in  the  pop- 
ulation ; and  as  soon  as  a support  is  found  in  this  maimer,  they 
begin  to  set  up  rights  which  it  is  impossible  to  sustain  in  a se- 
rious discussion,  and  to  bring  forward  ridiculous  pretensions, 
founded  upon  historical  facts  which  are  admitted  by  nobody, 

* Mr.  Van  Buren  to  Mr.  Poinsett,  August  25,  1829. 


MEXICAN  JEALOUSY  OE  AMERICAN  IMMIGRANTS.  279 

such  as  La  Salle’s  voyages,  now  known  to  be  a falsehood , but 
which,  at  this  time,  serve- as  a support  for  their  claim  to  Texas. 
These  extravagant  opinions  are,  for  the  first  time,  presented 
to  the  world  by  unknown  writers ; and  the  labor  which  is  em- 
ployed by  others  in  offering  proofs  and  reasonings,  is  spent  in 
repetitions  and  multiplied  allegations,  for  the  purpose  of  draw- 
ing the  attention  of  their  fellow-citizens,  not  to  the  justice  of 
the  proposition,  but  to  the  advantages  and  interests  to  be  ob- 
tained or  subverted  by  their  admission. 

“ Their  machinations  in  the  country  they  wish  to  acquire  are 
then  brought  to  light  by  the  appearance  of  explorers,  some  of 
whom  settle  upon  the  soil,  alleging  that  their  presence  does 
not  affect  the  question  of  the  right  of  sovereignty,  or  possession 
of  the  land.  These  pioneers,  by  degrees,  excite  movements 
which  disturb  the  political  state  of  the  country  in  dispute  ; and 
then  follow  discontent  and  dissatisfaction  calculated  to  fatigue 
the  patience  of  the  legitimate  owner,  and  to  diminish  the  use- 
fulness of  the  administration  and  of  the  exercise  of  authority. 
When  things  have  come  to  this  pass — which  is  precisely  the 
present  state  of  things  in  Texas — the  diplomatic  management 
commences.  The  inquietude  they  have  excited  in  the  territory 
in  dispute,  the  interests  of  the  colonists  therein  established, 
the  insurrections  of  adventurers  and  savages  instigated  by 
them,  and  the  pertinacity  with  which  the  opinion  is  set  up  as 
to  their  right  of  possession,  become  the  subjects  of  notes,  full 
of  expressions  of  justice  and  moderation,  until,  with  the  aid 
of  other  incidents,  which  are  never  wanting  in  the  course  of 
diplomatic  relations,  the  desired  end  is  attained  of  concluding 
am  arrangement,  onerous  for  one  party,  as  it  is  advantageous 
to  the  other." 


* Don  Aiaman  waa  not  aware  of  the  accurate  sketch  he  was  drawing  of  the 
mode  by  which  Spain  wrested  Texas  from  France ! 


280 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


“ It  lias  been  said  further,  that,  when  the  United  States  of 
the  North  have  succeeded  in  giving  the  predominance  to  the 
colonists  introduced  into  the  countries  they  had  in  view,  they 
set  up  rights,  and  bring  forward  pretensions,  founded  on  dis- 
puted historical  facts,  availing  themselves  generally,  for  the 
purpose,  of  some  critical  conjuncture  to  which  they  suppose 
the  attention  of  government  must  be  directed.  This  policy, 
which  has  produced  good  results  to  them,*  they  have  com- 
menced carrying  into  effect  with  Texas.  The  public  prints  in 
those  states,  including  those  which  are  more  immediately  un- 
der the  influence  of  their  government,  are  engaged  in  discus- 
sing the  right  they  imagine  they  have  to  the  country  as  far  as 
the  Rio  Bravo.  Handbills  are  printed  on  the  same  subject, 
and  thrown  into  general  circulation,  whose  object  is  to  per- 
suade and  convince  the  people  of  the  utility  and  expediency 
of  the  meditated  project.  Some  of  them  have  said  that  Provi- 
dence had  marked  out  the  Bio  Bravo  as  the  natural  boundary 
of  those  states ; which  has  induced  an  English  writer  to  re- 
proach them  with  an  attempt  to  make  Providence  the  author 
of  all  their  usurpations  ! But  what  is  most  remarkable  is,  that 
they  have  commenced  that  discussion  precisely  at  the  same 
time  they  saw  us  engaged  in  repelling  the  Spanish  invasion, 
believing  that  our  attention  would,  for  a long  time,  be  thereby 
withdrawn  from  other  things.”! 

In  addition  to  the  above  causes  of  uneasiness,  a report  had 
been  circulated  in  the  newspapers  of  the  United  States  that 
Texas  would  be  invaded  by  American  adventurers ; and,  al- 
though it  had  no  foundation  in  fact,  it  found  ready  hearers  in 

* Referring  to  the  course  taken  by  the  United  States  in  regard  to  the  Flor- 
idas. 

f General  Barradas,  -with  four  thousand  five  hundred  Spanish  troops,  landed 
at  Tampico  on  the  20th  of  July,  1829 ; and,  after  various  conflicts  with  the  Mexi- 
can forces  under  Santa  Anna,  capitulated  on  the  12th  of  September  following. 


OBNOXIOUS  COURSE  OF  THE  MEXICAN  GOVERNMENT-  281 


the  jealous  Mexicans.*  It  was,  then,  clearly  more  through 
fear  of  the  growing  strength  of  the  colonies,  than  the  tyranni- 
cal disposition  of  Bustamente,  that  steps  were  taken  against 
them  by  the  supreme  government.  The  tyranny  consisted  in 
the  illegal  mode  of  passing  and  enforcing  its  decrees.  Their 
inexpediency  was  manifested  in  the  result.  All  the  misfor- 
tunes of  Mexico  in  planting  and  rearing  her  colonies  have 
arisen  from  her  ignorance  of  the  character  of  her  colonists. 
She  wished  to  nurse  them  when  they  did  not  ask  it : she 
wished  to  correct  them  when  they  would  not  bear  it. 

Having  taken  her  measures,  she  sent  troops  to  enforce  them ; 
and  directed  that  these  troops  should  be  paid  out  of  taxes  to 
be  raised  from  the  colonists  through  the  customhouses.  To 
this  the  latter  were  not  inclined  to  submit ; especially  when 
they  saw  that  the  military  were  to  supersede  the  civil  authori- 
ties. The  better  to  enforce  the  collection  of  the  customs  du- 
ties, and  prevent  smuggling,  orders  were  published  by  the  com- 
mandants at  Anahuac  and  Yelasco,  closing  all  the  maritime 
ports  except  the  port  of  Galveston  at  Anahuac.  As  this  would 
draw  the  commerce  of  the  greater  part  of  Texas  to  these  ports, 
the  colonists  resolved  to  have  the  decree  rescinded. 

Accordingly,  a large  meeting  of  the  citizens  was  held  in  the 
town  of  Brasoria,  on  the  16th  of  December,  1831,  to  consider 
the  matter.  Branch  T.  Archer  and  George  B.  M‘Kinstry  were 


* Extract  of  a letter  from  John  A.  Wharton  to  Sam  Houston : — 

“ Nashville,  Tennessee,  July  25,  1829. 

. . . . “ I have  heard  you  intended  an  expedition  against  Texas.  I suppose,  if 
it  is  true,  you  will  let  some  of  your  Nashville  friends  know  of  it.  It  is  stated  in 
the  papers,  and  believed  generally,  that  Spain  is  fitting  out  an  expedition  against 
Mexico.  Twenty-five  hundred  men  are  to  start  from  Havana,  and  land  at  Cam- 
peachy,  there  to  await  the  arrival  of  four  thousand  more;  and  in  the  fall  to 
commence  the  attack,  and  reduce  that  government  to  its  former  state.  Should 
this  be  true,  I make  no  doubt  but  you  will  join  the  Mexicans.  I certainly  will 
do  it.  ...  . “John  A.  Wharton. 

“General  Sam  Houston,  Cantonment  Gibson” 


282 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


chosen  by  the  meeting  commissioners  to  proceed  to  Anahuac, 
and  demand  of  Colonel  Bradburn  that  he  should  rescind  the 
obnoxious  order,  or  they  would  attack  the  place.  The  com- 
missioners discharged  their  duty  faithfully.  Bradburn  asked 
time  till  he  could  communicate  with  General  Teran : but  they 
would  not  allow  it,  and  drew  from  him  the  order  of  revocation. 
Thus  did  the  colonists  exhibit  a specimen  of  their  spirit. 

As  they  increased  in  power,  they  received  the  more  consid- 
eration from  the  state  legislature.  The  department  of  Texas 
was  divided  into  two  districts,  the  line  of  division  being  the 
dividing  ridge  between  the  Trinity  and  the  Brasos  and  San 
Jacinto  rivers.  Nacogdoches  was  made  the  residence  of  the 
political  chief  of  the  eastern  district ; while  the  chief  of  the 
western  district  continued  to  reside  at  Bexar.*  This  decen- 
tralizing movement  was  democratic. 

The  year  1831  did  not  pass  away  without  being  witness  to  a 
battle,  which,  considering  the  numbers  engaged,  and  its  results, 
was  the  best-contested  field  in  Texas.  On  the  2d  day  of  No- 
vember, Bezin  P.  Bowie,  James  Bowie,  David  Buchanan,  Rob- 
ert Armstrong,  Jesse  Wallace,  Matthew  Doyle,  Cephas  D 
Hamm,  James  Cornell,  Thomas  M‘Caslin,  and  two  servant- 
boys,  Charles  and  Gonzales,  set  out  from  San  Antonio  in  search 
of  the  old  silver-mines  of  the  San  Saba  mission.  “ Nothing 
particular  occurred,”  says  Rezin  P.  Bowie,f  whose  graphic 
narrative  we  quote,  “ until  the  19th,  on  which  day,  about  ten, 
A.  M.,  we  were  overhauled  by  two  Camanche  Indians  and  a 
Mexican  captive.  They  stated  that  they  belonged  to  Isaonie’s 
party  (a  chief  of  the  Camanche  tribe),  about  sixteen  in  num- 
ber, and  were  on  their  road  to  San  Antonio,  with  a drove  of 
horses,  which  they  had  taken  from  the  Wacoes  and  Twowoka- 
nas,  and  were  about  returning  to  their  owners,  citizens  of  San 


* Decree  No.  164. 


f Holly,  p.  161. 


SEARCH  FOR  THE  SILVER-MINES  OF  SAN  SABA.  283 

Antonio.  After  smoking  and  talking  with  them  about  an  hour, 
and  making  them  a few  presents  of  tobacco,  powder,  shot,  &c., 
they  returned  to  their  party,  who  were  waiting  at  the  Llano 
river. 

“~We  continued  our  journey  until  night  closed  upon  us,  when 
we  encamped.  The  next  morning,  between  daylight  and  sun- 
rise, the  above-named  Mexican  captive  came  to  our  camp,  his 
horse  very  much  fatigued,  and  who,  after  eating  and  smoking, 
stated  to  us  that  he  had  been  sent  by  his  chief,  Isaonie,  to  in- 
form us  we  were  followed  by  a hundred  and  twenty-four  Two- 
wokana  and  Waco  Indians,  and  that  forty  Caddoes  had  joined 
them,  who  were  determined  to  have  our  scalps  at  all  risks. 
Isaonie  had  held  a talk  with  them  all,  the  previous  evening, 
and  endeavored  to  dissuade  them  from  their  purpose  ; but  they 
still  persevered,  and  left  him,  enraged,  and  pursued  our  trail. 
As  a voucher  for  the  truth  of  the  above,  the  Mexican  produced 
his  chief’s  silver  medal,  which  is  common  among  the  natives  in 
such  cases.  He  further  stated  that  his  chief  requested  him  to 
say  that  he  had  but  sixteen  men,  badly  armed,  and  without 
ammunition  ; but,  if  we  would  return  and  join  him,  such  succor 
as  he  could  give  us  he  would.  But,  knowing  that  the  enemy 
lay  between  us  and  him,  we  deemed  it  more  prudent  to  pursue 
our  journey,  and  endeavor  to  reach  the  old  fort  on  the  San 
Saba  river  before  night — distance,  thirty  miles.  The  Mexican 
then  returned  to  his  party,  and  we  proceeded  on. 

“ Throughout  the  day  we  encountered  bad  roads,  being  cov- 
ered with  rocks,  and,  the  horses’  feet  being  worn  out,  we  were 
disappointed  in  not  reaching  the  fort.  In  the  evening  we  had 
some  little  difficulty  in  picking  out  an  advantageous  spot  where 
to  encamp  for  the  night.  We,  however,  made  choice  of  the 
best  that  offered,  which  was  a cluster  of  live-oak  trees,  some 
thirty  or  forty  in  number,  about  the  size  of  a man’s  body.  To 


284 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


the  north  of  them  was  a thicket  of  live-oak  bushes,  about  ten 
feet  high,  forty  yards  in  length  and  twenty  in  breadth ; to  the 
west,  at  the  distance  of  thirty-five  or  forty  yards,  ran  a stream 
of  water. 

“ The  surrounding  country  was  an  open  prairie,  interspersed 
with  a few  trees,  rocks,  and  broken  land.  The  trail  which  we 
came  on  lay  to  the  east  of  our  encampment.  After  taking  the 
precaution  to  prepare  our  spot  for  defence,  by  cutting  a road 
inside  the  thicket  of  bushes,  ten  feet  from  the  outer  edge  all 
around,  and  clearing  the  prickly  pears  from  among  the  bushes, 
we  hoppled  our  horses,  and  placed  sentinels  for  the  night.  We 
were  now  distant  six  miles  from  the  old  fort  above  mentioned. 

Nothing  occurred  throughout  the  night,  and  we  lost  no 

time  in  the  morning  in  making  preparations  for  continuing  our 
journey  to  the  fort ; and,  when  in  the  act  of  starting,  we  dis- 
covered the  Indians  on  our  trail  to  the  east,  about  two  hun- 
dred yards  distant,  and  a footman  about  fifty  yards  ahead  of 
the  main  body,  with  his  face  to  the  ground,  tracking.  The 
cry  of  ‘ Indians  !’  was  given,  and  all  hands  to-arms.  We  dis- 
mounted, and  both  saddle  and  pack  horses  were  immediately 
made  fast  to  the  trees.  As  soon  as  they  found  we  had  discov- 
ered them,  they  gave  the  war-whoop,  halted,  and  commenced 
stripping,  preparatory  to  action.  A number  of  mounted  In- 
dians were  reconnoitring  the  ground.  Among  them  we  discov- 
ered a few  Caddo  Indians — by  the  cut  of  their  hair — who  had 
always  previously  been  friendly  to  the  Americans. 

“ Their  number  being  so  far  greater  than  ours  (one  hundred 
and  sixty-four  to  eleven),  it  was  agreed  that  Rezin  P.  Bowie 
should  be  sent  out  to  talk  with  them,  and  endeavor  to  compro- 
mise rather  than  attempt  a fight.  He  accordingly  started,  with 
David  Buchanan  in  company,  and  walked  up  to  within  about 
forty  yards  of  where  they  had  halted,  and  requested  them,  in 


DESPERATE  BATTLE  WITH  THE  INDIANS. 


285 


their  own  tongue,  to  send  forward  their  chief,  as  he  wanted  to 
talk  with  him.  Their  answer  was,  4 How  de  do  ? how  de  do  V 
in  English,  and  a discharge  of  twelve  shot  at  us,  one  of  which 
broke  Buchanan’s  leg.  Bowie  returned  their  salutation  with 
the  contents  of  a double-barrelled  gun  and  a pistol.  He  then 
took  Buchanan  on  his  shoulder,  and  started  back  to  the  en- 
campment. They  then  opened  a heavy  fire  upon  us,  which 
wounded  Buchanan  in  two  more  places,  slightly,  and  piercing 
Bowie’s  hunting-shirt  in  several  places  without  doing  him  any 
injury.  When  they  found  their  shot  failed  to  bring  Bowie 
down,  eight  Indians,  on  foot,  took  after  him  with  their  toma- 
hawks, and,  when  close  upon  him,  were  discovered  by  his 
party,  who  rushed  out  with  their  rifles,  and  brought  down  four 
of  them — the  other  four  retreating  back  to  the  main  body. 
We  then  returned  to  our  position,  and  all  was  still  for  about 
five  minutes. 

“We  then  discovered  a hill  to  the  northeast  at  the  distance 
of  sixty  yards,  red  with  Indians,  who  opened  a heavy  fire  upon 
us,  with  loud  yells — their  chief,  on  horseback,  urging  them 
in  a loud  and  audible  voice  to  the  charge,  walking  his  horse, 
perfectly  composed.  When  we  first  discovered  him,  our  guns 
were  all  empty,  with  the  exception  of  Mr.  Hamm’s.  James 
Bowie  cried  out,  4 Who  is  loaded  V Mr.  Hamm  answered, 4 1 
am.’  He  was  then  told  to  shoot  that  Indian  on  horseback. 
He  did  so,  and  broke  his  leg,  and  killed  his  horse.  We  now 
discovered  him  hopping  round  his  horse  on  one  leg,  with  his 
shield  on  his  arm  to  keep  off  the  balls.  By  this  time,  four  of 
our  party,  being  reloaded,  fired  at  the  same  instant,  and  all 
the  balls  took  effect  through  the  shield.  He  fell,  and  was  im- 
mediately surrounded  by  six  or  eight  of  his  tribe,  who  picked 
him  up  and  bore  him  off.  Several  of  these  were  shot  by  our 
party.  The  whole  body  then  retreated  back  of  the  hill,  out 


286 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


of  sight,  with  the  exception  of  a few  Indians,  who  were  run- 
ning about  from  tree  to  tree,  out  of  gunshot. 

“ They  now  covered  the  hill  the  second  time,  bringing  up 
their  bowmen,  who  had  not  been  in  action  before,  and  com- 
menced a heavy  fire  with  balls  and  arrows,  which  we  returned 
by  a well-directed  aim  with  our  rifles.  At  this  instant  another 
chief  appeared  on  horseback,  near  the  spot  where  the  last  one 
fell.  The  same  question  of  4 Who  is  loaded  V was  asked.  The 
answer  was,  4 Nobody when  little  Charles,  the  mulatto  ser- 
vant, came  running  up  with  Buchanan’s  rifle,  which  had  not 
been  discharged  since  he  was  wounded,  and  handed  it  to  James 
Bowie,  who  instantly  fired  and  brought  him  down  from  his 
horse.  He  was  surrounded  by  six  or  eight  of  his  tribe,  as  was 
the  last,  and  borne  off  under  our  fire. 

44  During  the  time  we  were  engaged  in  defending  ourselves 
from  the  Indians  on  the  hill,  some  fifteen  or  twenty  of  the 
Caddo  tribe  had  succeeded  in  getting  under  the  bank  of  the 
creek,  in  our  rear,  at  about  forty  yards’  distance,  and  opened 
a heavy  fire  upon  us,  which  wounded  Matthew  Doyle,  the  ball 
entering  the  left  breast  and  coming  out  at  the  back.  As  soon 
as  he  cried  out  that  he  was  wounded,  Thomas  M4Oaslin  hast- 
ened to  the  spot  where  he  fell,  and  observed, 4 Where  is  the 
Indian  that  shot  Doyle  ?’  He  was  told  by  a more  experienced 
hand  not  to  venture  there,  as,  from  the  reports  of  their  guns, 
they  must  be  riflemen.  At  that  instant  they  discovered  an  In- 
dian ; and,  while  in  the  act  of  raising  his  piece,  was  shot 
through  the  centre  of  the  body,  and  expired.  Robert  Arm- 
strong exclaimed,  4 D — n the  Indian  that  shot  M4Caslin,  where 
is  he  ?’  He  was  told  not  to  venture  there,  as  they  must  be 
riflemen ; but,  on  discovering  an  Indian,  and  while  bringing  his 
gun  up,  he  was  fired  at,  and  part  of  the  stock  of  his  gun  cut 
off,  and  the  ball  lodged  against  the  barrel.  During  this  time 


PROGRESS  OF  THE  FIGHT. 


287 


our  enemies  had  formed  a complete  circle  round  us,  occupying 
the  points  of  rocks,  scattering  trees,  and  bushes.  The  firing 
then  became  general  from  all  quarters.  Finding  our  situation 
too  much  exposed  among  the  trees,  we  were  obliged  to  leave 
them,  and  take  to  the  thickets.  The  first  thing  necessary  was, 
to  dislodge  the  riflemen  from  under  the  bank  of  the  creek,  who 
were  within  point-blank  shot.  This  we  soon  succeeded  in  do- 
ing, by  shooting  the  most  of  them  through  the  head,  as  we  had 
the  advantage  of  seeing  them  when  they  could  not  see  us. 

u The  road  we  had  cut  round  the  thicket  the  night  previous 
gave  us  now  an  advantageous  situation  over  that  of  our  enemy, 
as  we  had  a fair  view  of  them  in  the  prairie,  while  we  were 
completely  hid.  We  baffled  their  shots  by  moving  six  or  eight 
feet  the  moment  we  had  fired,  as  their  only  mark  was  the 
smoke  of  our  guns.  They  would  put  twenty  balls  within  the 
size  of  a pocket-handkerchief,  where  they  had  seen  the  smoke. 
In  this  manner  we  fought  them  two  hours,  and  had  one  man 
wounded  — James  Cornell — who  was  shot  through  the  arm, 
and  the  ball  lodged  in  the  side,  first  cutting  away  a small  bush, 
which  prevented  it  from  penetrating  deeper  than  the  size  of  it. 

“ They  now  discovered  that  we  were  not  to  be  dislodged 
from  the  thicket,  and  the  uncertainty  of  killing  us  at  random ; 
they  suffering  very  much  from  the  fire  of  our  rifles,  which 
brought  half  a dozen  down  at  every  round.  They  now  deter- 
mined to  resort  to  stratagem,  by  putting  fire  to  the  dry  grass 
in  the  prairie,  for  the  double  purpose  of  routing  us  from  our 
position,  and,  under  cover  of  the  smoke,  to  carry  away  their 
dead  and  wounded,  which  lay  near  us.  The  wind  was  now 
blowing  from  the  west,  and  they  placed  the  fire  in  that  quar- 
ter, where  it  burnt  down  all  the  grass  to  the  creek,  and  then 
bore  off  to  the  right  and  left,  leaving  around  our  position  a 
space  of  about  five  acres  untouched  by  the  fire.  Under  cover 


288 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


of  this  smoke  they  succeeded  in  carrying  off  a portion  of  theii 
dead  and  wounded.  In  the  meantime,  our  party  was  engaged 
in  scraping  away  the  dry  grass  and  leaves  from  our  wounded 
men  and  baggage,  to  prevent  the  fire  from  passing  over  them ; 
and  likewise  in  piling  up  rocks  and  bushes  to  answer  the  pur- 
pose of  a breastwork.  They  now  discovered  they  had  failed 
in  routing  us  by  the  fire,  as  they  had  anticipated.  They  then 
reoccupied  the  points  of  rocks  and  trees  in  the  prairie,  and 
commenced  another  attack.  The  firing  continued  for  some 
time,  when  the  wind  suddenly  shifted  to  the  north,  and  blew 
very  hard. 

“We  now  discovered  our  dangerous  situation,  should  the 
Indians  succeed  in  putting  fire  to  the  small  spot  which  we  oc- 
cupied, and  kept  a strict  watch  all  around.  The  two  servant- 
boys  were  employed  in  scraping  away  dry  grass  and  leaves 
from  around  the  baggage,  and  pulling  up  rocks  and  placing 
them  around  the  wounded  men.  The  point  from  which  the 
wind  now  blew  being  favorable  to  fire  our  position,  one  of  the 
Indians  succeeded  in  crawling  down  the  creek,  and  putting 
fire  to  the  grass  that  had  not  been  burnt ; but,  before  he  could 
retreat  back  to  his  party,  was  killed  by  Robert  Armstrong. 

“ At  this  time  we  saw  no  hopes  of  escape,  as  the  fire  was 
^coming  down  rapidly  before  the  wind,  flaming  ten  feet  high, 
and  directly  for  the  spot  we  occupied.  What  was  to  be  done  ? 
We  must  either  be  burnt  up  alive,  or  driven  into  the  prairie 
among  the  savages.  This  encouraged  the  Indians;  and,  to 
make  it  more  awful,  their  shouts  and  yells  rent  the  air — they, 
at  the  same  time,  firing  upon  us  about  twenty  shots  a minute. 
As  soon  as  the  smoke  hid  us  from  their  view,  we  collected  to- 
gether and  held  a consultation  as  to  what  was  best  to  be  done. 
Our  first  impression  was,  that  they  might  charge  on  us  under 
cover  of  the  smoke,  as  we  could  make  but  one  effectual  fire : 


CESSATION  OP  THE  FIGHT. 


289 


the  sparks  were  flying  about  so  thickly,  that  no  man  could  open 
his  powder-horn  without  running  the  risk  of  being  blown  up. 
However,  we  finally  came  to  a determination,  had  they  charged 
us,  to  give  them  one  fire,  place  our  backs  together,  draw  our 
knives,  and  fight  them  as  long  as  any  one  of  us  was  left  alive. 
The  next  question  was,  should  they  not  charge  us,  and  we  re- 
tain our  position,  we  must  be  burnt  up.  It  was  then  decided 
that  each  man  should  take  care  of  himself  as  well  as  he  could 
until  the  fire  arrived  at  the  ring  around  our  baggage  and 
wounded  men,  and  there  it  should  be  smothered  with  buffalo- 
robes,  bearskins,  deerskins,  and  blankets ; which,  after  a great 
deal  of  exertion,  we  succeeded  in  doing. 

“ Our  thicket  being  so  much  burnt  and  scorched,  that  it 
afforded  little  or  no  shelter,  we  all  got  into  the  ring  that  was 
made  around  our  wounded  men  and  baggage,  and  commenced 
building  our  breastwork  higher,  with  the  loose  rocks  from  the 
inside,  and  dirt  dug  up  with  our  knives  and  sticks.  During 
this  last  fire  the  Indians  had  succeeded  in  removing  all  their 
killed  and  wounded  which  lay  near  us.  It  was  now  sundown, 
and  we  had  been  warmly  engaged  with  the  Indians  since  sun- 
rise ; and  they,  seeing  us  still  alive  and  ready  for  fight,  drew 
off  at  a distance  of  three  hundred  yards,  and  encamped  for  the 
night  with  their  dead  and  wounded. 

“ Our  party  now  commenced  to  work,  in  raising  our  fortifi- 
cation higher,  and  succeeded  in  getting  it  breast-high  by  ten, 
P.  M.  We  now  filled  all  our  vessels  and  skins  with  water, 
expecting  another  attack  next  morning.  We  could  distinctly 
hear  the  Indians,  nearly  all  night,  crying  over  their  dead, 
which  is  their  custom ; and  at  daylight  they  shot  a wounded 
chief — it  being  also  a custom  to  shoot  any  of  their  tribe  that 
are  mortally  wounded.  They,  after  that,  set  out  with  their 
dead  and  wounded  to  a mountain  about  a mile  distant,  where 
Vol.  I.  — 19 


290 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


they  deposited  tnem  in  a cave  on  the  side  of  it.  At  eight  in 
the  morning,  two  of  the  party  went  out  from  the  fortification 
to  the  encampment,  where  the  Indians  had  lain  the  night  pre- 
vious, and  counted  forty-eight  bloody  spots  on  the  grass,  where 

the  dead  and  wounded  had  been  lying.* 

“Finding  ourselves  much  cut  up — having  one  man  killed 
and  three  wounded,  five  horses  killed  and  three  wounded  — 
vve  recommenced  strengthening  our  little  fort,  and  continued 
our  labors  until  one,  P.  M.,  when  the  arrival  of  thirteen  Indians 
drew  us  into  it  again.  As  soon  as  they  discovered  we  were 
still  there,  and  ready  for  action,  and  well  fortified,  they  put  off. 
We  after  that,  remained  in  our  fort  eight  days.” 

The  company  then  set  out  for  San  Antonio,  where  they  ar- 
rived safely,  with  their  wounded  and  horses,  in  twelve  days.f 
The  Mexican  government  had  been,  during  the  year  1831, 
collecting  the  materials  that  were  to  burst  into  a conflagration 
in  the  course  of  the  following  year.  Blackburn,  at  Anahuac, 
guarding  at  once  the  land  from  surveyors  sent  by  the  state  to 
run  it  off,  and  the  port  of  Galveston  from  smugglers,  was  in 
the  vicinity  of  the  most  impracticable  portion  of  the  Texan 
population.  Nor  did  he  seem  to  use  any  means  to  conciliate 
them.  On  the  contrary,  his  conduct  was,  in  every  way,  des- 
potic. He  compelled  their  servants  to  work  for  him  without 
remuneration ; he  took,  for  his  own  use,  their  property ; he  de- 
clared martial  law ; his  soldiers  ravaged  and  plundered  the 
country  around  the  fort.  On  one  occasion,  a soldier  having 
committed  an  outrage,  the  citizens,  indignant,  arrested  the 
offender,  and  inflicted  upon  him  summary  punishment.  Black- 
burn thereupon  caused  some  of  those  concerned  to  be  taken 
and  cast  into  the  dungeon  of  the  fort.  Of  these  were  William 

* The  Indians  had  eiglity-two  killed  and  wounded!  — Holly,  p.  172. 
f The  reader  will  excuse  the  length  of  this  account  of  a model  Indian  fight 


DESPOTIC  COURSE  OF  COLONEL  BRADBURN. 


291 


B.  Travis,  Patrick  H.  Jack,  and  Monroe  Edwards — the  latter 
since  as  notorious  for  his  crimes  as  the  former  for  his  defence 
of  the  rights  of  Texas. 

These  multiplied  wrongs  could  no  longer  be  borne.  The 
people  of  Trinity  flew  to  arms,  and,  to  the  number  of  sixty, 
under  the  command  of  Colonel  Francis  W.  Johnson,  marched 
to  the  fort  at  Anahuac,  to  demand  a release  of  the  prisoners 
and  a redress  of  grievances.*  Blackburn  at  first  declined  the 
negotiation  ; but,  finding  them  in  earnest,  and  the  place  already 
invested,  and  some  little  fighting  having  already  occurred,  he 
agreed  to  their  proposition,  provided  they  would  first  retire 
some  miles  from  the  fort,  and  deliver  up  the  prisoners  they  had 
taken.  They  retired  to  Turtle  bayou,  where  they  awaited  his 
compliance.  Their  retirement  gave  Bradburn  an  opportunity 
to  secure  some  military  stores  from  a house  they  had  occupied, 
and  to  notify  Colonel  Piedras,  commandant  at  Nacogdoches, 
and  Colonel  Ugartachea  at  Yelasco,  of  his  situation.  While 
the  Texans  were  waiting  at  Turtle  bayou,  for  a compliance  on 
the  part  of  Bradburn,  they  held  a public  meeting,  and  drew  up 
a paper,  setting  forth  the  arbitrary  and  unconstitutional  con- 
duct of  Bustamente  ;f  and  also  their  adherence  to  the  consti- 
tution of  1824,  and  their  determination  to  support  it.  They 
invited  all  the  people  of  Texas  to  co-operate  with  them,  and 

* The  different  accounts  of  this  affair  are  very  conflicting:  Foote,  vol.  ii,  p. 
16 ; Kennedy,  vol.  ii.,  p.  6 ; Holly,  p.  322 ; Dewees’s  Letters,  p.  142. 

f The  meeting  was  held  on  the  13th  of  June,  1831. — Holly , p.  323.  The  lis 
of  grievances  and  resolutions  are  given  in  Edward , p.  186-187.  The  resolu- 
tions, inter  alios,  declare  — that  “we  view  with  feelings  of  the  deepest  interest 
and  solicitude  the  firm  and  manly  resistance  which  is  made  by  those  patriots, 
under  the  highly-talented  and  distinguished  chieftain  Santa  Anna,  to  the  numer- 
ous encroachments  and  infractions  which  have  been  made  by  the  present  ad- 
ministration upon  the  laws  and  constitution  of  our  beloved  and  adopted  coun- 
try.” By  the  last  resolution  they  invited  all  the  people  of  Texas  to  co-operate 
with  them  in  the  “ correct  enforcement  and  interpretation  of  the  constitution 
and  law.  according  to  their  true  spirit” 


292 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


sent  a committee,  with  a copy  of  their  proceedings,  to  lay  the 
same  before  the  proper  Mexican  authority  in  Texas. 

In  the  meantime,  Colonel  Bradburn,  having  made  his  ar- 
rangements, eschewed  the  agreement  he  had  made  with  the 
Texan  forces,  and  set  them  at  defiance.  Exasperated  at  this 
treachery,  the  latter  despatched  messengers  for  reinforcements. 
They  sent  to  Yelasco  for  artillery,  but  Colonel  Ugartachea 
would  not  allow  it  to  come.  However,  a company  under  Cap- 
tain Abner  Kuykendall  shortly  arrived  from  San  Felipe,  and 
others,  in  smaller  detachments,  came  in  from  the  Trinity ; and 
they  soon  found  themselves  two  or  three  hundred  strong. 
They  took  their  position  at  Taylor  White’s,  six  miles  from 
Anahuac. 

By  this  time,  Colonel  Piedras,  with  part  of  the  forces  from 
Nacogdoches,  and  fifty  or  a hundred  Shawnee  and  Cherokee 
Indians,*  was  advancing  to  the  relief  of  Colonel  Bradburn. 
The  Texans,  learning  of  his  approach,  sent  a committee  to 
meet  him,  and  lay  before  him  the  conduct  of  Bradburn.  Colo- 
nel Piedras  was  a gentleman  of  mild  manners,  loyal  to  his  gov- 
ernment, and  of  a conciliatory  disposition.  He  listened  to  the 
complaints  of  the  colonists,  and  granted  their  requests.  The 
prisoners  were  released,  and  Colonel  Bradburn  sent  to  New 
Orleans,  whence  he  returned  to  Mexico. f The  forces  under 
Colonel  Johnson,  having  achieved  the  object  for  which  they 
had  collected,  dispersed  to  their  homes. 

During  this  year,  events  had  been  transpiring  in  Mexico 
which  greatly  aided  and  excused  the  Texans  in  their  hostile 
movements.  The  despotism  of  Bustamente  had  become  intol- 

* It  is  said  that  the  Indians  were  overreached  by  Piedras ; and  that  when, 
on  the  march,  they  learned  his  destination  was  against  the  Texans,  they  desert- 
ed him. 

f Foote,  voL  ii.,  p.  18.  Bradburn  returned  to  Texas  with  Santa  Anna  in  1836 
He  was  in  one  of  the  rear  divisions,  and  was  not  taken. 


MEXICAN  REVOLUTION  OF  1832. 


293 


erable.  On  the  2d  of  January,  1832,  the  officers  of  the  garri- 
son of  Yera  Cruz  pronounced  in  favor  of  the  constitution,  and 
drew  up  an  address  to  Bustamente,  denouncing  the  course  pur- 
sued by  the  government,  and  demanding  the  dismissal  of  his 
ministers.*  At  the  same  time  the  garrison  called  upon  Santa 
Anna  to  assume  the  command.  In  fact,  he  was  secretly  at  the 
head  of  the  movement.  He  repaired  immediately  to  Yera 
Cruz,  and  took  the  command.  Bustamente  sent  a force,  under 
General  Calderon,  against  the  insurgents ; but  they  failed  in 
their  object,  and  retired.  The  troops  at  Tampico,  and  then 
the  state  of  Zacatecas,  joined  Santa  Anna.  Soon  he  became 
strong  enough  to  march  upon  the  capital.  But  it  was  not  un- 
til November  of  this  year  that  Bustamente,  seeing  himself 
deserted,  and  Santa  Anna  approaching  with  a powerful  army, 
resigned  his  authority,  and  fled  from  Mexico. 

The  people  of  Texas,  selecting  from  the  plans  presented  by 
the  Mexican  factions,  were  ever  ready  to  adopt  the  most  lib- 
eral ; and  though,  in  the  beginning  of  the  emeute  at  Anahuac, 
they  did  not  have  in  view  the  support  of  any  of  these  plans, 
they  gladly  availed  themselves  of  the  plan  of  Yera  Cruz,  then 
in  progress.  Hence  their  warm  and  doubtless  sincere  profes- 
sions of  attachment  to  the  constitution  of  1824  and  the  “ heroic” 


* Niles,  p.  202.  “ Whenever  a set  of  people  in  Mexico  become  dissatisfied 

from  any  common  cause,  or  from  mere  want  of  excitement,  they  begin  by  utter- 
ing complaints  and  imprecations  against  the  existing  form  of  government,  or  its 
members,  mingled  with  praises  of  some  other  system  or  persons : this,  the  first 
stage  of  a revolution,  is  termed  a grilo.  If  the  grito  continues  unchecked  for 
some  days,  a public  meeting  is  held,  in  which  the  grievances  and  modes  of  re- 
dress are  discussed,  and  arrangements  are  made  for  expressing  them  more  clearly: 
this  second  stage  is  called  a pronunciamento.  Then  comes  the  plan,  always  bear- 
ing the  name  of  the  place  at  which  it  was  concluded.  Every  large  city  in  Mex- 
ico has  its  plan;  in  more  than  one  instance  the  garrison  of  a little  post,  headed 
by  a sergeant,  has  issued  its  propositions  for  a change  of  government,  accompa- 
nied by  the  resolutions  of  the  framers  to  die  in  its  support”  — Democratic  Re- 
view, March , 1838. 


294 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


Santa  Anna,  who  was  then  fighting,  as  they  firmly  believed,  the 
battles  of  the  people. 

Lieutentant-Colonel  Dominic  Ugartachea,  in  command  at 
Fort  Yelasco,  had  a force  of  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  men 
and  a small  piece  of  artillery.  lie  was  subject  to  the  orders 
of  Colonel  Bradburn,  his  superior  officer.  Exception  was  ta- 
ken to  his  refusal  to  permit  the  Texans  on  the  Brasos  to  trans- 
port artillery  to  Anahuac.  As  early  as  the  11th  of  May,  a 
meeting  had  been  held  in  Brasoria  in  reference  to  an  attack 
upon  the  post,  but  the  proposition  failed.*  Again,  another 
meeting  was  held  in  the  early  part  of  June,  having  in  view  the 
same  object.  The  success  of  Santa  Anna  in  Mexico  deter- 
mined the  Texans  as  to  the  course  they  would  pursue. 

On  the  morning  of  the  25tli  of  June,  the  Texans,  to  the  num- 
ber of  one  hundred  and  twelve,  under  the  command  of  Captain 
John  Austin,  approached  Fort  Yelasco,  and  made  a formal  de- 
mand of  the  surrender  of  the  place  ; promising,  if  the  summons 
was  obeyed,  that  the  soldiers  should  retire  with  their  arms, 
provided  they  should  be  sent  out  of  Texas.  The  summons 
being  totally  disregarded,  Austin  made  his  preparations  for  an 
attack.  A schooner,  lying  aground  above  the  fort,  was  dis- 
lodged and  set  afloat ; and  forty  Texans,  under  the  command  of 
Captain  'William  I.  Russell,  were  placed  on  board  of  her.  She 
was  supplied  with  a light  piece  of  artillery,  an  abundance  of 
ammunition,  and  floated  down  and  moored  close  to  the  bank, 
near  the  fort.  The  land-forces  of  the  Texans  w'ere  marched 
to  within  twenty-five  paces  of  the  fort,  when  the  engagement 
commenced.  The  Texans  were  much  exposed ; but  the  artil- 
lery in  the  fort,  which  was  directed  against  the  schooner,  over- 
shot them.  The  Texan  rifles,  however,  were  very  fatal  to 
those  in  the  fort.  A Mexican  soldier  who  raised  his  head 

* Foote,  vol.  ii.,  p.  19.  “By  one  vote,"  says  Foote. 


CAPTURE  OF  FORT  VELASCO  BY  THE  TEXANS. 


295 


above  the  parapet  seldom  escaped.  The  action  having  begun 
in  the  night,  but  little  execution  was  done  until  daylight  on 
the  morning  of  the  26th.  At  one  time  during  the  fight,  the 
Texan  fire  from  the  schooner  was  so  fatal,  that  the  Mexicans 
rushed  out  of  the  fort  to  take  the  vessel,  but  the  fire  of  the 
besiegers  from  the  land-side  drove  them  back  with  loss.  At 
length,  after  a bloody  contest  of  eleven  hours,  the  Mexicans 
exhibited  the  white  flag,  and  capitulated.  The  enemy  were 
deprived  of  their  arms,  furnished  with  provisions,  and  set  at 
liberty.*  The  loss  of  the  Texans  in  this  battle  was  seven 
killed  and  twenty-seven  wounded  ; that  of  the  Mexicans,  thirty- 
five  killed  and  fifteen  wounded. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  military  display  in  Texas,  the  Mexi- 
can commandants  had  written  home  that  the  object  of  the  Tex- 
ans was  a separation  from  Mexico ; and  these  reports  received 
credit  among  the  officers  of  the  “ Liberating'  army.”f  Colonel 
Joso  Antonio  Mexia,  with  a squadron  of  five  vessels,  having 
on  board  four  hundred  men,  sailed  from  Tampico  with  orders 
to  reduce  Matamoras,  then  in  possession  of  the  partisans  of 
Bustamente,  and  afterward  to  chastise  the  Texan  revolters. 
Arriving  at  Brasos  Santiago,  he  came  to  an  agreement  with 
Colonel  Guerra,  the  commandant  at  Matamoras,  who  was  in- 
duced to  espouse  the  cause  of  Santa  Anna ; and,  on  the  14th 
of  July,  Mexia  sailed  for  the  mouth  of  the  Brasos,  where  he 
anchored  on  the  16th,  bringing  with  him  Colonel  Stephen  F. 
Austin,  on  his  return  from  the  legislature. 

Mexia  immediately  addressed  a letter  to  John  Austin,  en- 
closing a copy  of  the  agreement  made  with  Guerra  at  Matamo- 

* Letter  of  John  Austin  to  Colonel  Mexia : Edward,  p.  184. 

f Santa  Anna  had  the  command  of  the  first  division  of  this  army,  operating 
against  Bustamente.  Montezuma,  the  commandant  of  Tampico,  and  the  first  to 
join  Santa  Anna  in  support  of  the  plan  of  Vera  Cruz,  had  command  of  the  sec- 
ond division. 


296 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS’. 


ras,  stating  the  object  of  his  visit  to  Texas,  and  what  would 
have  been  his  course  had  the  late  movements  in  that  depart- 
ment had  for  their  object  its  dismemberment  from  Mexico.* 
Captain  Austin,  in  his  reply,  set  forth  in  a manly  spirit  the 
wrongs  of  the  Texans  inflicted  by  the  military,  and  declared 
the  adherence  of  his  people  to  the  Mexican  confederation — 
affirming  that  “ they  were  Mexicans  by  adoption,  were  so  in 
heart,  and  would  so  remain ; that  if  the  laws  had  granted  to 
them  the  honorable  title  of  ‘citizens?  they  wished  that  title 
should  be  respected : and  that  they  should  be  governed  by  the 
authorities  established  by  the  constitution  of  the  state.’, 

All  these  things  being  in  accordance  with  the  republican 
views  of  Colonel  Mexia — for  he  was  a sincere  republican — a 
deputation  of  the  citizens  of  Brasoria  waited  on  him,  on  board 
the  “ Santa  Anna,”  and  invited  him  to  proceed  with  Colonel 
S.  F.  Austin  to  the  town.  They  were  accordingly  conducted 
to  Brasoria,  where  Colonel  Mexia  was  presented  by  the  com- 
mittee from  Turtle  bayou  with  the  resolutions  of  the  meeting 
at  that  place  on  the  13th  of  June.  The  proceedings  of  the 
day  closed  with  a dinner,  in  which  many  sentiments  were 
drunk  indicative  of  the  temper  of  the  Texans. f 
The  ayuntamiento  of  San  Felipe  de  Austin  took  advantage 
of  the  presence  of  Colonel  Mexia,  and  of  the  political  chief  of 
Bexar,  Don  Ramon  Musquez — who  had  visited  that  town  for 
the  purpose  of  investigating  the  difficulties  in  question  — to 
ascertain  the  sentiments  of  all  the  colonists,  and  present  them 

* See  the  letter,  and  Austin’s  reply,  in  Edward,  p.  184.  Captain  John  Austin 
was  at  that  time  second  alcalde  of  the  second  department  of  Austin’s  colony. 
The  seat  of  justice  was  then  at  Brasoria, 

f Edward,  p.  187.  Among  the  toasts,  Edward  gives  the  following:  “The  Re- 
public of  Mexico  and  the  States  of  the  North : They  are  the  same  in  principle 
and  object,  and  need  only  know  each  other  to  be  united  in  feelings  and  warm 
friendship.” — “ Coahuila  and  Texas:  They  are  dissimilar  in  soil,  climate,  and 
productions ; therefore  they  ought  to  be  dissolved.” 


NATIONAL  LOYALTY  OP  TEXAS  IN  1832. 


297 


to  those  functionaries  in  legal  form.  This  they  did  on  the 
27th  of  July,  1832. 

After  denouncing  the  calumnies  that  had  been  circulated  in 
Mexico  against  the  loyalty  of  Texas,  the  ayuntamiento  charged 
the  late  outbreaks  to  u the  tyrannical  and  illegal  acts  of  Colo- 
nel Bradburn they  solemnly  adhered  to  the  principles  of  the 
republican  party  headed  by  Santa  Anna ; they  disclaimed  hav- 
ing in  view  any  other  object  than  to  u contribute  in  sustaining 
the  constitution,  and  the  true  dignity  and  decorum  of  the  na 
tional  flag.”  They  further  declared  that  the  general  and  state 
constitutions  ought  to  be  religiously  observed  as  the  only  guar- 
anty for  public  tranquillity  and  national  freedom.  After  de- 
nouncing a large  standing  army,  and  the  usurpations  of  Busta- 
mente,  they  ordered  that  a copy  of  their  proceedings  should 
be  sent  by  Colonel  Mexia  to  Santa  Anna,  and  a like  copy  by 
Musquez  to  the  state  legislature.* 

Colonel  Mexia  then  returned  with  his  fleet  and  forces  to 
Matamoras,  taking  with  him  such  of  the  Mexican  soldiers  in 
Texas  as  were  disposed  to  act  against  Bustamente.  Previous 
to  his  departure,  however,  he  had  addressed  a communication 
to  Colonel  Piedras,  the  commandant  at  Nacogdoches,  asking 
his  adherence  to  the  party  of  Santa  Anna.  This  was  refused. 

It  was  known  to  the  citizens  of  Nacogdoches  that  Colonel 
Don  Jose  de  las  Piedras  was  opposed  to  Santa  Anna,  and  that 
he  was  at  heart  a monarchist.  His  officers  were  also  generally 
adverse  to  him  in  politics ; but  they  feared  to  take  any  steps 
in  opposition  to  his  authority.  During  the  latter  days  of  July, 
1832,  the  civil  authorities  of  Nacogdoches  communicated  with 
those  of  Aes  bayou,  Teneha,  and  Bevil ; and  it  was  agreed  to 
unite  in  compelling  the  Mexican  force  at  Nacogdoches  to  de- 
clare for  the  constitution  of  1824,  or  else  to  fig!  t.  Accord- 

* See  these  resolutions  in  Edward,  p.  190. 


298 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


ingly,  the  troops  from  these  settlements  concentrated  on  the 
last  day  of  July ; and,  on  the  night  between  the  1st  and  2d  of 
August,  they  encamped  directly  east  of  the  town,  and  all  the 
families  evacuated  the  place.  After  a conference  between  the 
civil  and  military  authorities,  Isaac  W.  Burton,  Philip  A.  Sub- 
lett,  and  Henry  W.  Augustin,  were  appointed  a committee  to 
wait  on  Colonel  Piedras,  and  present  to  him  the  alternative 
agreed  on.  He  chose  to  fight.  The  committee  reported  his 
answer  to  the  Texan  forces,  then  amounting  to  about  three 
hundred  men.  They  elected  James  W.  Bullock,  of  San  Au- 
gustine, to  the  command,  and,  at  noon  on  the  2d  of  August, 
marched  into  Nacogdoches,  where  they  manoeuvred  for  some 
time,  waiting  to  be  attacked  ; but,  finding  that  the  enemy  did 
not  show  himself,  they  advanced  into  the  centre  of  the  town. 
When  a little  north  of  the  stone  house , they  were  suddenly 
charged  by  the  Mexican  cavalry,  numbering  about  one  hundred 
men.  The  latter  fired  and  wheeled,  and  received  a round  from 
the  Texan  rifles  as  they  retired.  In  this  charge  the  Mexicans 
killed  Don  Encarnacion  Chirino,  the  alcalde  of  the  town.  The 
Texans  then  took  possession  of  the  houses  on  the  north  and 
east  sides  of  the  square,  and,  whenever  any  of  the  enemy 
showed  themselves,  they  were  shot.  The  Mexicans  made  one 
sortie  in  the  evening.  It  was  commanded  by  a young  officer 
who  was  known  to  be  friendly  to  the  Texans  and  to  their  cause, 
and  who  had  shown  his  friendship  for  them  in  the  Fredonian 
troubles  of  1827.  The  Texans  spared  him.  With  the  repulse 
of  this  sortie,  the  fighting  ceased.  During  the  night,  Piedras 
and  his  troops  evacuated  the  place,  leaving  behind  him  his 
killed  and  wounded,  public  stores,  and  clothing.  His  ammu- 
nition he  had  thrown  into  the  wells. 

Colonel  James  Bowie,  who  was  engaged  in  this  action,  was 
despatched,  with  a few  chosen  men,  to  pass  by  the  retreating 


BATTLE  OF  NACOGDOCHES  — MEXICAN  DEFEAT. 


299 


Mexicans,  and  give  them  a warm  reception  as  they  crossed  the 
Angelina,  twenty  miles  distant.  He  succeeded  in  this,  by  ta- 
king the  lower  road.  As  the  advanced  guard  of  the  enemy, 
commanded  by  Sergeant  Marcos,  rode  into  the  water,  and 
stopped  to  allow  their  horses  to  drink,  the  Americans  fired  on 
them.  Marcos  fell.  The  Americans  then  drew  back,  and  the 
Mexican  troops  proceeded  on  their  way  to  a house  on  the  hill 
west  of  the  river,  where  they  passed  the  night.  Bowie’s  men, 
twenty  in  number,  encamped  a mile  below.  The  next  morn- 
ing, upon  a demand  to  surrender,  Colonel  Piedras  turned  over 
the  command  to  Major  Francisco  Medina,  who  declared  imme- 
diately in  favor  of  the  constitution  of  1824.* 

The  Mexican  loss  in  this  battle  was  forty-one  killed  and  as 
many  wounded,  while  that  of  the  Texans  was  but  three  killed 
and  five  wounded.  The  prisoners,  three  hundred  and  ten  in 
number,  were  sent,  under  the  care  of  Colonel  Bowie,  to  San 
Felipe.  Colonel  Piedras  was  placed  in  charge  of  Captain  Asa 
M.  Edwards,  to  be  by  him  delivered  to  Colonel  Mexia  at  Ana- 
huac.  On  the  way,  Edwards  received  news  of  the  sailing  of 
Mexia  for  Matamoras ; he  therefore  took  Piedras  to  Colonel 
S.  F.  Austin,  by  whom  he  was  forwarded  to  Tampico.f 

The  Texans,  in  order  to  reduce  the  entire  department  of 
Texas  into  acquiescence  with  the  measures  adopted  by  them, 

* The  chief  portion  of  this  account  is  taken  from  a statement  of  the  late  Colo- 
nel A.  Sterne,  dated  January  25,  1851.  He  was  in  the  battle.  I have  before  me 
the  official  account  made  out  by  Colonel  Bullock,  dated  August  9,  1832.  It  is  a 
meagre  affair.  Among  other  things,  he  says:  “At  the  time  we  made  the  attack, 
about  sixty  Cherokees,  under  Bowles,  well  armed  and  mounted,  were  in  gun- 
shot. I sent  for  them,  and,  after  much  explanation,  they  appeared  to  under- 
stand the  object  for  which  we  were  fighting;  stating  that  they  had  been  deceived 
by  Colonel  Piedras,  who  had  told  them  many  lies,  <fcc.  We,  however,  doubted 
their  sincerity,  and  they  no  doubt  would  have  assisted  him  had  we  not  so  com- 
pletely succeeded.” 

f This  disposition  of  the  prison*  *s  is  taken  from  the  “Journal  of  Asa  M.  Ed- 
wards,” now  before  me.  The  numbers  of  killed  and  wounded  are  derived  from 
Colonel  Bullock’s  report 


300 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


began  to  assemble  at  Gonzales ; but  the  intelligence  arrived 
that  the  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas  had  come  into  the  plan,* 
whereupon  the  towns  all  submitted,  and  the  people  returned  to 
their  homes. 

“ Thus  ended/’  says  Edward,  “ the  warlike  commotions  of 
these  colonies,  on  the  2d  of  September,  1832,  just  as  the  in- 
habitants were  informed  that  their  greatest  arch-enemy,  Gen- 
eral Teran,  and  his  troops,  on  their  way  to  Mexico  from  Mata- 
moras,  had  been  surrounded  by  the  liberal  forces  of  General 
Montezuma,  and  that  too  on  the  identical  plain  where  the  inju- 
dicious Iturbide  lost  his  life.  Teran,  having  determined  within 
himself  neither  to  unite  with  the  liberals  nor  to  submit  to  them 
as  a prisoner,  retired  to  a private  place  and  fell  on  his  own 
sword!  — appearing  to  those  who  found  him,  while  still  alive, 
as  inexorable  in  the  hour  of  death  as  he  was  uncompromising 
in  political  life.” 

* Decree  of  August  11,  1832.  This  decree  was  passed  by  the  standing  depu- 
tation (deputation  pcrvnanente\  and  was  afterward  confirmed  by  the  state  con- 
gress, Decrees  Nos.  201  and  205. 


PROPOSED  SEPARATION  OP  TEXAS  AND  COAHUILA. 


301 


CHAPTER  XX. 

The  Texans  had  thus  far  triumphed ; but,  in  so  doing,  they 
had  the  aid  and  countenance  of  one  of  the  powerful  factions 
which  alternately  sway  the  destinies  of  Mexico,  and  drench 
her  fields  with  blood.  Notwithstanding  they  were  on  the  pop- 
ular side,  they  had  been  unfortunate  in  exhibiting  to  the  states- 
men of  Mexico  their  power.  It  had  been  seen  that,  unaided, 
they  had  swept  their  own  department  of  the  Mexican  soldiery, 
and  defied  the  officers  of  the  customs.  It  was  a lesson  not  to 
be  forgotten. 

The  experience  of  the  past  few  years  had  satisfied  the  Tex- 
ans that  they  should  be  separated  from  Coahuila.  It  will  be 
remembered  that,  from  1T2T  to  1824,  Texas  was  a separate 
province,  and  in  nowise  connected  with  Coahuila,  more  than 
with  any  other  political  division  of  Mexico.*  The  Constitu- 
tional Congress  of  the  last-named  year  had  temporarily  united 
it  with  Coahuila ; providing,  however,  by  the  second  article  of 
the  Acta  Constitutiva , that  “ so  soon  as  Texas  should  be  in  a 

* “ Under  the  plan  of  Iguala  and  the  treaties  of  Cordova,  it  [Texas]  was  enti- 
tled to  one  deputy  in  the  cortes  of  the  Mexican  empire,  which  it  was  provided 
should  be  called.  When  the  Constitutional  Congress  had  determined  to  adopt 
the  federal  form  of  government,  and  provided  for  the  election  of  the  convention, 
or  congreso  conslituyente,  to  form  the  constitution,  Texas  had  continued  iu  the 
same  isolated  situation,  and  was  allowed  one  representative,  whom  it  accord- 
ingly sent.” — Thomas  J.  Chambers's  Pamphlet , 1833. 


302 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


situation  to  figure  as  a state  by  itself  alone,  it  should  give  no- 
tice of  the  same  to  the  general  Congress  for  its  resolution.” 

The  Texans  had  many  just  grounds  of  complaint  against 
their  union  with  Coahuila.  The  latter  had  three  fourths  of 
the  representation  in  the  state  legislature ; and  its  population, 
being  composed  almost  wholly  of  Mexicans,  would  naturally 
be  disposed  to  keep  the  former  in  subjection.  Hence  the  ad- 
ministration of  justice  in  Texas  was  neglected ; the  right  of 
trial  by  jury  was  postponed ; the  laws  were  published  in  a lan- 
guage unknown  to  the  colonists ; and  many  other  abuses  and 
ills  they  suffered,  which,  with  a state  organization  of  their  own,* 
they  might  have  remedied. *x* 

Having  found  themselves  able  to  drive  the  Mexican  soldiery 
out  of  their  territory,  the  Texans  believed  their  department 
was  “ in  a situation  to  figure  as  a state,”  and  took  measures  to 
call  a convention  to  adopt  a constitution,  and  lay  it  before  the 
supreme  Congress  for  its  resolution.  Accordingly,  after  a 
short  notice,  the  convention  met  at  San  Felipe,  in  October, 
1832,  and  entered  upon  the  discussion  of  a separate  state  con- 
stitution. The  work  was  one  of  delicacy.  Two  things  were 
to  be  attained : the  instrument  was  to  be  so  framed  as  to  pass 
the  ordeal  of  the  national  Congress,  and  not  come  too  much  in 
conflict  with  Mexican  prejudices  ; and  it  must  contain  all  those 
elements  of  Anglo-Saxon  liberty  usual  in  such  cases — such  as 
trial  by  jury,  the  habeas  corpus , the  absence  of  restraints  upon 
the  rights  of  conscience,  and  opposition  to  a standing  army. 
The  shortness  of  the  notice  given  for  the  assembling  of  the 
convention,  and  the  absence  of  a number  of  the  delegates,  pre- 
vented a satisfactory  conclusion  of  their  labors.  Accordingly, 
after  sitting  a week,  they  adjourned.  What  they  had  done, 
however,  was  important,  inasmuch  as  the  subject  was  brought 


* Chambers’s  Pamphlet,  1833. 


PEACE  BETWEEN  SANTA  ANNA  AND  BUSTAMENTE.  303 


before  the  public  mind  ; and  the  convention  which,  in  the  April 
following,  met  for  the  same  purpose,  came  together  more  fully 
instructed  and  prepared.* 

The  civil  war  between  Santa  Anna  and  Bustamente  contin- 
ued to  rage  in  Mexico ; but  after  the  death  of  his  favorite  gen- 
eral Teran,  Bustamente  proposed  terms  of  peace,  which  were 
accepted  by  Santa  Anna.  It  was  agreed  that  Pedraza,  the 
legally-elected  president  of  1828,  should  be  reinstated  in  his 
office,  and  that  both  parties  should  unite  in  support  of  the  con- 
stitution ot  1824.  The  national  Congress,  however,  refused  to 
ratify  this  agreement.  The  two  generals,  notwithstanding,  en- 
forced it,  and,  on  the  26th  of  December,  1832,  placed  Pedraza 
in  the  presidential  chair. f Having  accomplished  this  object, 
Santa  Anna  retired  to  await  the  reward  which  he  expected  for 
his  patriotic  efforts  in  behalf  of  the  constitution  of  1824. 

Thus,  in  the  autumn  of  the  year  1832,  Texas  seems  to  have 
been  at  peace ; and,  at  the  close  of  that  year,  the  ship  of  state 
in  Mexico  appears  to  have  got  under  way.  But  these  were 
treacherous  signs  of  peace.  Already  were  some  engaged  in 
forging  the  chains  of  slavery,  and  others  in  storing  up  muni- 
tions of  war .f 

On  the  28th  of  April,  1832,  the  state  legislature  made  an 

* Kennedy,  vol.  ii.,  p.  18. 

f lb.,  p.  11.  The  convention  between  Santa  Anna  and  Bustamente  was  con- 
cluded at  Zavaleta,  on  the  28d  of  December,  1832. 

\ What  reliance  can  be  placed  upon  historians,  when  we  find  such  contradic- 
tions as  the  following,  in  regard  to  the  last  months  of  1832  in  Texas?  “The 
Texan  colonists  were  exposed  to  severe  trials  at  the  close  of  this  year.  Hardly 
had  they  been  relieved  from  the  Mexican  soldiery,  when  they*  were  threatened 
with  a formidable  irruption  of  frontier  Indians.  Against  these  savages  their 
own  moral  and  physical  resources  constituted  the  sole  means  of  defence,  with  the 
exception  of  less  than  seventy  soldiers  maintained  by  the  citizens  of  Bexar.”  — 
Kennedy , vol.  ii.,  p.  14.  “ For  a short  period  now,  Texas  enjoyed  peace,  pros- 

perity, and  happiness.  Immigration  began  to  flow  in  again  from  the  United 
States,  and  to  strengthen  the  claims  of  the  province  to  admission  into  the  Mexi- 
can confederacy  as  a coequal  member  thereof.”  — Foote,  vol.  ii.,  p.  25. 


304 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


entire  change  in  the  colonization  law.  They  repealed  the  gen- 
eral colonization  law  of  1825,  known  as  Decree  No.  16,  and, 
instead  thereof,  limited  the  empresas  to  Mexicans ; modifying 
the  terms  of  sale  to  Mexican  purchasers,  extending  the  rights 
of  colonists,  and  excluding  natives  of  the  United  States.*  Yet 
they  showed  some  liberality  in  recognising  existing  contracts, 
and  even  in  extending  the  time  within  which  some  of  the  em- 
presarios  were  to  introduce  the  requisite  number  of  colonists. f 
The  legislature  also,  at  the  instance  of  the  Texan  delegation, 
introduced  the  practice  of  creating  municipalities,  and  direct- 
ing the  election,  by  the  people,  of  municipal  officers  .$  This 
was  a point  gained — a continuance  of  that  decentralizing  pro- 
cess by  which  the  people  were  extracting  power  from  the  po- 
litical chiefs.  These  municipal  corporate  bodies,  elected  by  the 
people,  sympathized  with  them,  and  two  years  afterward  be- 
came nuclei  around  which  they  rallied  and  organized  in  defence 
of  their  rights. 

In  the  midst  of  all  these  scenes,  Colonel  Austin  was  calm. 
His  object  was  to  consummate  his  great  work.  He  desired 
that  his  colony  should  live,  and  grow,  and  prosper.  At  the 
same  time  he  wished  it  to  be  free ; and,  although  he  foresaw, 
as  did  all  men  of  discernment,  that  a people  of  the  elevated 
and  independent  character  of  his  colonists  could  not  and  would 
not  long  live  in  subjection  to  the  changing,  antiquated  system 
of  government  followed  by  Mexican  statesmen,  yet,  before  the 
separation  came,  he  wished  to  see  his  people  in  their  manhood 
— able  to  grapple  with  an  enemy  who  would  not  easily  surren- 
der so  great  a prize. 

The  statesmen  of  Mexico  looked  at  these  scenes  with  very 
different  eyes.  They  would  gladly  have  cherished  Texas,  and 
conferred  upon  her  many  favors ; but  they  were  afraid  of  her. 

* Decree  No.  190.  f Decree  No.  192.  \ Decree  No.  196. 


SKETCH  OF  SAM  HOUSTON. 


305 


The  Anglo-Saxon  love  of  liberty — the  lofty  bearing  of  the 
humblest  of  the  colonists — their  enterprise,  intelligence,  and 
abhorrence  of  the  bloody  scenes  of  Mexico — and  their  general 
contempt  for  the  Mexican  rulers  — made  them  an  object  of 
dread  to  the  supreme  government  at  the  capital.  The  active 
movements  of  the  summer  of  1832  began  to  attract  the  atten- 
tion of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  and  the  love  of  adven- 
ture drew  to  the  colonies  many  enterprising  and  daring  spirits. 
These,  by  the  prominent  stand  they  took  in  Texas,  increased 
this  dread. 

Among  the  new-comers  into  Texas  in  the  year  1832  was  Sam 
Houston,  late  governor  of  the  state  of  Tennessee,  a man  of  ex- 
traordinary fortunes.  By  birth  a Virginian,  but  brought  up  in 
Blount  county,  among  the  mountains  of  East  Tennessee,  he  vol- 
unteered at  an  early  age  as  a soldier  in  the  army ; was  pro- 
moted to  the  rank  of  lieutenant ; fought  at  the  battle  of  the 
Horse-shoe , in  which  he  was  severely  wounded ; returned  to 
Tennessee,  where  he  attracted  the  attention  of  General  Jack- 
son,  and  was  taken  into  his  military  family ; was  appointed 
Indian  agent  for  the  Cherokees ; he  afterward  studied  law, 
was  elected  attorney-general  for  Tennessee,  and  major-general 
of  the  state  militia ; represented  the  Nashville  district  in  Con- 
gress ; was  elected  governor  of  the  state ; married — which 
soon  proving  unfortunate,  he  resigned  his  office  of  governor, 
and  in  April,  1829,*  went  into  voluntary  exile,  among  those 


* Houston  was  appointed  second  lieutenant  in  the  39th  regiment  of  infantry, 
by  President  Madison,  on  the  20th  of  April,  1816,  “to  rank  as  such  from  the 
20th  of  May,  1814 and  first  lieutenant  in  the  1st  regiment  of  infantry*  hy  Presi- 
dent Monroe,  on  the  5th  of  March,  1818,  “to  rank  as  such  from  the  1st  of  May, 
1817.”  In  November,  1817,  he  was  appointed  sub-agent  of  the  Cherokee  In- 
dians. On  the  14th  of  December,  1821,  he  was  elected  major-general  ot  the 
middle  division  of  Tennessee  militia.  In  August  of  the  years  1823  and  1826  he 
was  elected  a representative  to  Congress;  and  in  August,  1827,  he  was  choeen 
governor  of  the  state  of  Tennessee. 

Vol.  I.  — 20 


306 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


Cherokee  Indians  for  whom  he  had  been  agent  twelve  years 
before.  But  they  had  been  removed,  and  in  1829  were  living 
on  the  Indian  lands  near  Cantonment  Gibson  Houston  had 
been  adopted  by  the  chief  John  Jolly,  and  on  the  21st  of  Oc- 
tober of  the  above-mentioned  year  was  admitted  to  the  rights 
of  citizenship,*  by  an  official  act  of  the  authorities  of  the  na- 
tion. Among  these  people  he  subsisted  by  trade,  making  an 
occasional  trip  to  the  older  states  until  1832.  During  the  time 
of  his  exile,  the  papers  were  filled  with  stories  in  regard  to  the 
gigantic  projects  he  had  in  view.  At  one  time  he  was  repre- 
sented as  intending  to  join  Mexico  against  the  Spanish  inva- 
sion of  1829.  At  another,  it  was  said  that  he  intended  to  re- 
treat into  the  Rocky  mountains,  and  engage  in  the  fur-trade. 
Again,  that  he  intended  to  invade  and  detach  Texas  from  the 
Mexican  confederacy — one  account  stated,  with  the  Cherokee 
Indians  ; another,  with  adventurers  gathered  from  all  parts  of 
the  United  States,  meeting  at  a rendezvous  in  Arkansas.  All 
these  reports  were  equally  untrue.  Houston,  stricken  with  a 
grief  strictly  private,  and  of  which  the  world  knew  not,  had 
gone  from  society  to  find  a resting-place  for  a troubled  spirit. 
Time  alone  could  restore  his  mind  to  its  wonted  elasticity.  It 
may  well  be  supposed  that,  during  that  period  of  depression 
and  gloom,  he  was  hatching  no  treason  against  the  Union,  nor 
was  his  mind  employed  in  any  such  gigantic  projects.  These 
reports,  however,  had  spread  far  and  wide.  They  had  reached 

♦The  instrument  says:  “In  consideration  of  his  former  acquaintance  with 
and  services  rendered  to  the  Indians,  and  his  present  disposition  to  improve 
their  condition  and  benefit  their  circumstances,  and  our  confidence  in  his  integ- 
rity and  talents,  if  he  should  remain  among  us — we,  as  a committee  appointed 
by  order  of  the  principal  chief,  John  Jolly,  do  solemnly,  firmly,  and  irrevocably 
grant  to  him  for  ever  all  the  rights,  privileges,  and  immunities,  of  a citizen  of  the 
Cherokee  nation,  <tc “Walter  Webber,  Pres't  Com. 

“Aaron  Price,  Vice- Chief 

“ John  Brown,  C'erlc. 

“ Approved,  JOHN  JOLLY  Principal  Chief” 


president  jackson’s  letter  to  Houston  in  1829.  307 

the  ears  of  President  Jackson.  A letter  from  him,  dated  at 
Washington  city,  June  21,  1829,  shows  that  he  disbelieved 
them : “ It  has  been  communicated  to  me,”  said  he,  “ that  you 
had  the  illegal  enterprise  in  view  of  conquering  Texas  ; that 
you  had  declared  you  would,  in  less  than  two  years,  be  emperor 
of  that  country,  by  conquest.  I must  have  really  thought  you 
deranged  to  have  believed  you  had  such  a wild  scheme  in  con- 
templation ; and  particularly,  when  it  was  communicated  that 
the  physical  force  to  be  employed  was  the  Cherokee  Indians ! 
Indeed,  my  dear  sir,  I can  not  believe  you  have  any  such  chi- 
merical, visionary  scheme  in  view.  Your  pledge  of  honor  to 
the  contrary  is  a sufficient  guaranty  that  you  will  never  engage 
in  any  enterprise  injurious  to  your  country,  or  that  would  tar- 
nish your  fame.”* 

In  December,  1830,  President  Jackson  received  a letter  from 
a Dr.  Mayo,  stating  that  Houston  had  imparted  to  him  his  de- 
sign of  conquering  Texas  by  means  of  the  “ Indians  in  the  Ar- 
kansas territory,  and  recruits  among  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States.”  The  president,  on  receipt  of  this  letter,  wrote  confi- 
dentially to  William  Fulton,  secretary  of  state  for  Arkansas, 
at  Little  Rock,  stating  the  intelligence  he  had  received,  and 
that,  although  he  “ believed  the  information  was  erroneous,” 
yet  such  was  his  detestation  of  the  criminal  steps  alluded  to, 
that  he  wished  him  to  Watch  the  course  of  things,  and  keep 

* An  eloquent  passage  from  this  same  letter  will  not  be  unacceptable:  “My 
affliction  was  great,  and  as  much  as  I well  could  bear,  when  I parted  with  you 
on  the  18th  of  January  last  I then  viewed  you  as  on  the  brink  of  happiness, 
and  rejoiced.  About  to  be  united  in  marriage  to  a beautiful  young  lady,  of  ac- 
complished manners  and  of  respectable  connections,  and  of  your  own  selection 
— you  the  governor  of  the  state,  and  holding  the  affections  of  the  people : these 
were  your  prospects  when  I shook  you  by  the  hand  and  bade  yon  farewell  l — 
You  can  well  judge  of  my  astonishment  and  grief  in  receiving  a letter  from  you, 
dated  at  Little  Rock,  A.  T.,  11th  of  May,  conveying  the  sod  intelligence  that  you 
were  then  a private  citizen,  * an  exile  from  your  country  T What  reverse  of  for- 
tune 1 How  unstable  are  all  human  affairs  I” 


308 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


him  constantly  advised  of  any  such  movements.  Colonel  Ful- 
ton made  the  proper  inquiries,  and  informed  the  president  that 
there  were  no  such  hostile  movements  on  foot  in  Arkansas 
against  Texas  or  Mexico.*  This  correspondence  obtained  con- 
sequence from  the  use  made  of  it  by  Ex-President  John  Quincy 
Adams  in  1838. 

As  to  the  time  when  Houston  first  determined  to  come  to 
Texas,  it  is  useless  to  inquire : it  is,  however,  tolerably  certain 
that  he  did  not  determine  to  make  it  his  home  until  1833.  As 
early  as  the  autumn  of  1829,  he  received  strong  solicitations 
from  his  friends  to  immigrate  hither.f  It  was  on  the  10th  of 
December,  1832,  that  he  first  crossed  Red  river,  near  Jones- 
borough,  on  his  way  to  Nacogdoches.  He  had  two  objects  in 
view : first,  to  act  as  a confidential  agent  of  the  government  of 
the  United  States  in  looking  into  the  condition  and  disposition 
of  the  Indian  tribes,  particularly  the  great  nation  of  the  Ca- 
manches : and  to  examine  into  the  character  of  the  country, 
With  a view  to  its  value  to  the  United  States  should  they  pur- 
chase it.  His  second  object  was  that  of  an  agent  for  claimants 
of  lands.  In  furtherance  of  the  first  object,  he  was  furnished 
by  the  secretary  of  war  with  a passport  requesting  all  the  tribes 
of  Indians,  “ whether  in  amity  with  the  United  States,  or,  as 
yet,  not  allied  to  them  by  treaties,”  to  permit  him  to  pass  freely 
through  their  territories.^:  He  was  also  furnished  with  secret 


* See  these  letters  in  the  “Extra  Globe,”  July  21  and  September  13,  1838. 
Also  in  John  Quincy  Adams’s  speech  in  the  house  of  representatives,  from  June 
16  to  July  7,  1838. 

f Letters  of  John  A.  Wharton  and  Leonard  W.  Groce,  October  26,  1829. 
Wharton  says : “ I therefore  request  you  once  more  to  visit  Texas.  It  is  a fine 
field  for  enterprise.  You  can  get  a grant  of  land,  and  yet  be  surrounded  by 
your  friends;  and  what  may  not  the  ‘ coming  on  of  time’  bring  about?” — “ I am 
now  on  my  way  to  Texas,  in  company  with  my  brother  and  his  lady,  Major 
Royd,  and  Mr.  Groce.” 

X Passport,  August  6,  1832. 


Houston’s  mission  to  texas  in  1832  3 09 

instructions  to  induce  those  Iudians  who  had  come  to  Texas 
from  the  United  States  to  return.* 

Between  Jonesborough  and  Nacogdoches,  Houston  found 
but  two  houses.  After  remaining  a while  at  the  latter  place, 
he  proceeded  to  San  Felipe,  with  a view  to  meet  Colonel  Aus- 
tin ; but  the  latter  was  not  at  home.  Houston,  after  partaking 
of  a Christmas-dinner  at  San  Felipe,  set  out  for  San  Antonio, 
in  company  with  Colonel  James  Bowie.  Arriving  there,  he 
made  the  acquaintance  of  Beramendi,  the  vice-governor  of  the 
state,  and  father-in-law  of  Bowie  ; also  that  of  Buis,  the  Mexi- 
can commandant.  Having  stated  his  object,  with  their  pernus- 
sion  he  held  a consultation  with  the  Camanche  chiefs,  and  dis- 
tributed to  them  medals.  He  then  returned  to  Nacogdoches, 
by  way  of  San  Felipe,  where  he  reported  himself  to  Colonel 
Austin,  and  made  his  acquaintance.!  At  Nacogdoches,  Hous- 
ton was  urged  by  the  American  residents  to  settle  among  them, 
which  he  partially  promised,  and  shortly  afterward  concluded 
to  do.  On  his  return  to  Natchitoches,  he  reported  to  the  presi- 
dent, and  also  to  the  commissioner  for  Indian  affairs.^ 
Notwithstanding  the  consultation  with  the  Camanche  chiefs 
was  held  in  the  presence  of  the  Mexican  officers  at  San  Anto- 
nio, and  through  their  interpreter,  and  they  were  distinctly  in- 
formed that  the  object  of  the  United  States  was  to  get  them  to 
meet  commissioners  at  Cantonment  Gibson  to  make  a treaty 
of  peace,  yet  a feeling  of  jealousy  prevented  the  consummation 
of  that  desirable  end.  Although  the  authorities  at  San  Anto- 
nio did  not  openly  oppose  it,  they  did  not  aid  it,  but,  on  the 
contrary,  by  their  conduct  and  objections  prevented  it.|| 

* The  Mexicans  were  complaining  of  these  intrusions  of  the  Indians,  They 
were  in  violation  of  the  thirty-third  article  of  the  treaty  of  friendship  between 
the  two  countries.  — Exec.  Doc.,  Senate , No.  14,  32c?  Congress,  2 d session,  p.  4. 
f Letter  to  Guy  M.  Bryan,  November  15,  1852. 

\ 8ee  Appendix  No.  1. 

| Houston  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  July  80,  1833. 


310 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


The  Indians  along  the  Texan  frontier  were  generally  mis- 
chievous. In  fact,  there  was  scarcely  a month  that  passed, 
but  some  murder  or  robbery  was  perpetrated  by  them.  The 
year  1832  was  not  an  exception.  Hence  it  was  some  consola- 
tion to  the  Texans  that,  during  that  year,  the  different  tribes 
had  a good  deal  of  fighting  among  themselves,  especially  a 
great  battle  between  the  Camanches  and  Shawnees,  in  which 
the  former  were  badly  defeated.* 

According  to  the  federal  constitution  of  1824,  the  legisla- 
tures of  the  several  Mexican  states  were  required,  on  the  1st 
day  of  September,  1832,  to  vote  for  president  and  vice-presi- 
dent of  the  republic.  This,  it  appears,  they  did  not  do  until 
the  29th  of  March,  1833. f Santa  Anna  was  elected  president 
without  opposition.  He  took  his  seat  on  the  16th  of  May  fol- 
lowing, the  most  popular  man,  with  the  exception  of  the  viceroy 
Jose  Galvez,  that  had  occupied  the  national  palace.  A hero 
of  the  revolution  of  1821,  the  conqueror  of  the  tyrant  Iturbide, 
the  friend  of  Victoria,  the  victor  over  Barradas  in  1829,  and 
the  supposed  unyielding  friend  of  the  republican  constitution 
of  1824,  he  declared,  in  his  inaugural  address,  that  it  had  been 
the  object  of  his  life  to  secure  to  Mexicans  the  full  enjoyment 
of  their  rights,  and  to  break  the  triple  yoke  of  ignorance,  tyr- 

* In  1832,  a party  of  five  hundred  Camanches  came  into  San  Antonio.  At 
that  time  a party  of  Shawnees,  twenty-five  in  number,  were  encamped  in  the 
hills,  about  thirty-five  miles  north  of  the  town.  A Camanche  Indian  attempted 
to  carry  off  one  of  the  Shawnee  women,  who  was  in  the  town.  She  fled  to  her 
people,  gave  them  information  of  what  had  occurred,  and  they  prepared  an  am- 
bush for  their  enemies  at  a point  where  they  expected  them  to  encamp.  The 
Camanches  came  as  anticipated,  and  took  off  their  packs.  Just  at  this  time  the 
Shawnees  opened  a fire  on  them;  and,  though  they  rallied  often,  so  deadly  was 
the  fire,  and  so  secure  the  position  of  the  attacking  party,  that  the  Camanches 
at  last  fled,  leaving  one  hundred  and  seventy-five  dead  on  the  field  I The  dis- 
comfited party  returned  to  San  Antonio,  and  the  Mexican  authorities  sent  out  a 
large  force  to  assist  them.  — Telegraph  and  Texas  Register , August  14,  1839. 

f Mexican  Constitution,  Section  7,  Article  79 : Niles’s  History  of  Mexico^ 
p.  204. 


CONSTITUTIONAL  CONTENTION  OF  1833. 


311 


anny,  and  vice ; that  he  would  attend  to  the  interests  of  edu- 
cation ; and  that  his  administration,  like  his  own  character, 
should  be  mild  and  tolerant.  Such  were  his  professions,  and 
such  the  happy  auspices  under  which  he  assumed  the  reins  of 
power.  In  making  these  professions,  he  seems  to  have  exhib- 
ited his  contempt  for  the  Mexican  people,  for  he  seized  the  first 
occasion  to  give  the  lie  to  all  he  had  said ! 

In  the  meantime,  on  the  first  of  March,  1833,  the  people  of 
Texas  had  renewed  their  election  of  delegates  to  the  postponed 
convention  to  frame  a constitution.  The  Mexicans  did  not 
participate  in  this  election,  because  it  had  not  been  ordered  by 
the  political  chiefs.  The  delegates  assembled  on  the  first  of 
April  following,  at  San  Felipe.  A body  of  more  distinguished 
men  had  not  met  in  Texas.  Among  them  were  Branch  T.  Ar- 
cher, Stephen  F.  Austin,  David  G.  Burnet,  Sam  Houston  (one 
of  the  five  delegates  from  Nacogdoches),  J.  B.  Miller,  and 
William  H.  Wharton.  The  latter  was  chosen  president  of  the 
convention.  The  members  entered  upon  their  labors  in  ear- 
nest. The  requisite  committees  were  appointed  : among  them 
were  the  important  committees  on  the  constitution,  and  on  a 
memorial  to  the  supreme  government  of  Mexico.  Sam  Hous- 
ton was  appointed  chairman  of  the  first  and  David  G.  Burnet 
of  the  second  named  committee.  The  constitution  framed  was 
a model  of  republicanism,  with  now  and  then  an  indication, 
however,  that  some  clauses  were  inserted  and  some  principles 
retained  to  please  the  Mexican  ear.  The  right  of  trial  by 
jury,  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus , the  right  of  petition,  freedom 
of  the  press,  direct  and  universal  suffrage,  and  all  those  clauses 
usual  in  a bill  of  rights,  were  inserted.  On  the  subject  of  reli- 
gious liberty,  however,  they  were  silent. 

A considerable  debate  was  had  on  the  subject  of  the  banking 
clause.  B.  T.  Archer  was  in  favor  of,  and  Sam  Houston  op- 


312 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


posed  to  allowing  them.  The  latter  prevailed  and  it  was 
declared  by  the  convention  that  no  bank,  or  banking  institu- 
tion, or  office  of  discount  and  deposite,  or  any  other  moneyed 
corporation  or  banking  establishment,  should  ever  exist  under 
that  constitution.* 

The  convention  completed  its  labors,  and  adjourned  on  the 
13th  of  April.  The  memorial  to  the  supreme  government  was 
drawn  up  by  David  G.  Burnet.  It  is  an  excellent  document, 
and  delineates  with  forcible  elegance  and  correctness  the  un- 
happy  position  of  Texas,  f There  were  other  matters  claiming 
the  attention  of  the  convention.  Unprincipled  men,  for  the 
sake  of  gain,  had  been  engaged  in  the  piratical  practice  of  im- 
porting negroes  from  Africa  into  Texas  ; and,  though  some  of 
them  had  been  arrested  and  hung  by  the  British  cruisers,  the 
business  still  continued.  Strong  resolutions  were  offered  and 
passed  prohibiting  this  traffic. 

It  was  necessary  to  select  delegates  to  present  to  the  supreme 
government  the  wants  and  wishes  of  the  people  of  Texas.  Ste- 
phen F.  Austin,  William  H.  Wharton,  and  J.  B.  Miller,  were 
chosen  for  that  purpose,  the  former  by  the  largest  vote.  They 
were  instructed  to  present  to  the  central  government,  not  only 
the  application  for  a separate  state  organization,  but  also  for 
the  repeal  of  the  odious  decree  of  April  6,  1830,  prohibiting 
natives  of  the  United  States  from  emigrating  to  Texas ; also 
the  enactment  of  a law  establishing  regular  mails  in  Texas,  the 
defence  of  the  colonies  against  the  Indians,  and  the  regulation 
of  the  tariff.:): 

For  various  causes,  Austin  was  the  only  one  of  the  commis- 
sioners that  went  to  Mexico.  He  set  out  shortly  after  the 

* See  the  constitution  of  1838,  in  Edward,  p.  196. 

f See  Appendix  No.  2. 

X Victor  Blanco  to  the  Governor  of  Coahuila  and  Texas,  October  6,  183A,  MS. 


ATTEMPT  TO  MAKE  SANTA  ANNA  DICTATOR. 


313 


adjournment  of  the  convention,  and  reached  the  capital  in  time 
to  see  it  the  scene  of  confusion  and  intrigue.  As  his  stay  in 
Mexico  was  lengthy,  and  greatly  prolonged  by  political  events, 
it  will  be  proper  to  refer  to  them  in  this  place. 

On  the  first  of  June  next  following  the  installation  of  Santa 
Anna,  General  Duran  pronounced  in  favor  of  the  church  and 
the  army — that  is,  a strong  government — at  the  same  time 
nominating  Santa  Anna  as  dictator.  It  has  been  suggested 
that  Santa  Anna  was  at  the  bottom  of  this  movement,  though 
without  any  other  evidence  than  that  of  his  subsequent  conduct. 
He  sent  out  a strong  force,  under  the  command  of  Arista,  for 
its  suppression,  accompanying  the  expedition  in  person.  On 
the  march,  Arista  himself  declared  for  the  plan  of  Duran,  and 
secured  the  person  of  the  president,  at  the  same  time  proclaim- 
ing him  dictator.  This  declaration  was  echoed  back  from  the 
army  in  the  city.  But  Gomez  Farias,  a civilian,  and  an  honest 
supporter  of  the  constitution  of  1824  — the  vice-president,  and 
acting  as  president  in  the  absence  of  Santa  Anna — suspecting 
that  the  latter  had  some  hand  in  this  matter,  proceeded,  with 
the  aid  of  Lorenzo  de  Zavala,  then  governor  of  Mexico,  to 
raise  a force  of  republicans,  and  in  a short  time  put  down  this 
attempt  upon  the  constitution.  Santa  Anna  appears  to  have 
remained  a>  willing  captive  in  the  hands  of  Arista.  It  was 
only  when  he  found  that  the  movement  was  abortive,  that  he 
pretended  to  escape  from  his  captors,  and  returned  to  the  capi- 
tal.* Arista  was  pardoned,  and  Duran  banished.  This  little 
farce  is  an  epitome  of  the  life  of  Santa  Anna,  and  co-ordinate 
with  the  Mexican  mind. 

Upon  these  new  laurels  Santa  Anna  retired  to  his  estates, 
leaving  the  government  in  the  hands  of  Farias  and  a republi- 
can Congress.  The  country  was  deeply  in  debt,  the  revenues 

* Niles,  p.  204 ; Kennedy,  vol.  ii.,  p.  24. 


3U 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


were  exhausted : the  active  means  and  resources  of  the  nation 
had  fallen  into  the  possession  of  the  clergy.  To  lighten  the 
public  burden,  the  army  was  reduced ; and,  to  raise  further 
means  to  meet  the  public  wants,  a part  of  the  revenues  of  the 
church  were  appropriated.  These  admirable  decrees  of  the 
Congress  were  duly  approved  by  Farias.  The  church  was 
thereupon  aroused,  and,  uniting  with  those  opposed  to  the  fed- 
eral form  of  government,  poured  in  their  petitions  for  the  re- 
peal of  these  laws.  Santa  Anna,  while  in  his  retirement,  medi- 
tating on  his  ambitious  projects,  had  determined  in  his  mind 
to  abandon  the  republican  party,  overturn  the  constitution,  and 
establish  an  absolute  government.  His  instruments  to  be  used 
for  the  accomplishment  of  these  ends  were  the  church  and  the 
army — acting  at  once  on  the  superstitions  and  fears  of  the 
people.  Hence  he  gave  countenance  and  encouragement  to 
these  petitions,  and  openly  expressed  his  dislike  for  Farias 
and  his  administration. 

While  Santa  Anna  was  thus  fanning  the  flame  of  a civil  war, 
in  which  he  expected  to  reap  the  principal  harvest,  Austin,  the 
faithful  representative  of  Texas,  was  endeavoring  in  vain  to 
obtain  the  action  of  the  government  upon  the  matters  by  him 
laid  before  it.  His  petitions  were  referred  to  a committee  of 
Congress,  where  they  slept,  while  a revolutionary  contest  was 
raging  in  many  parts  of  the  republic,  and  especially  about  the 
capital.'*  To  add  to  the  confusion,  the  cholera  broke  out  with 
great  virulence,  and  in  a few  weeks  carried  off  ten  thousand 
of  the  inhabitants  in  the  metropolis  alone. f The  epidemic  had 
deranged  the  meetings  of  Congress ; and  so  desponding  were 
the  hopes  of  Austin,  that,  in  his  letter  of  the  2d  of  October, 

* Austin’s  letters  of  the  14th  of  August  and  the  2d  of  October,  1833. 

-j-  It  also  extended  to  Texas,  where  it  made  fearful  inroads  among  her  scat- 
tered population.  Among  the  victims  were  the  gallant  John  Austin  and  Asa  M. 
Edwards. 


IMPRISONMENT  OF  AUSTIN  BY  FARIAS. 


315 


1833,  to  the  municipality  of  Bexar,  he  recommended  that  all 
the  municipalities  of  Texas  should  unite  in  organizing  a state, 
under  the  provisions  of  the  Acta  Constitutiva  of  May  7,  1824, 
and,  by  union  and  harmony,  prepare  for  a refusal  of  their  ap- 
plication by  the  supreme  government.  He  further  advised 
them  that,  if  they  did  not  take  matters  into  their  own  hands, 
Texas  was  ruined  for  ever.  While  this  letter  was  on  its  way, 
Austin  succeeded  in  procuring  the  repeal  of  the  law  of  April 
6,  1830,  prohibiting  natives  of  the  United  States  from  immi- 
grating hither  as  colonists,  and  set  out  for  home  on  the  10th 
of  December,  1833.  But  his  letter  of  the  2d  of  October  was 
transmitted  by  the  municipality  of  Bexar  to  Vice-President 
Farias,  who,  finding  in  it  what  he  believed  to  be  treasonable 
matter,  despatched  an  express  for  Austin,  had  him  arrested  at 
Saltillo,  and  taken  back  to  Mexico  and  imprisoned. 

Farias,  though  in  principle  a republican,  was  not  accustomed 
to  the  freedom  of  speech  natural  to  the  Texans.  In  the  Octo- 
ber previous,  Austin  had  told  him  very  plainly  that  the  Texans 
had  determined,  if  the  federal  government  did  not  remedy  the 
evils  which  threatened  them,  “ to  remedy  them  themselves, 
without  waiting  any  longer — on  the  ground  that  self-preserva- 
tion rendered  such  a step  necessary,  and  would  justify  it.” 
Farias  construed  this  into  a threat  and  personal  insult ; and, 
though  he  had  become  partially  reconciled  to  Austin  before  he 
departed  on  the  10th  of  December,  the  letter  to  the  corporation 
of  Bexar  renewed  and  increased  his  exasperation.* 

Austin  was  shut  up  in  prison  on  the  13th  of  February,  1834, 
where  he  remained  in  close  confinement  for  three  months,  ex- 
cluded from  the  use  of  books  or  writing-materials,  or  even  the 
light  of  day. 

We  will  now  turn  our  attention  to  the  state  legislature  and 

* Austin’s  letter  of  August  25,  1834. 


316 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


its  proceedings.  This  body,  having  met  on  the  first  of  January, 
1833,  reaffirmed  its  recognition  of  Pedraza  as  president  of  the 
republic ; at  the  same  time  it  declared  that  the  state  would 
not  support  any  agreement  ( convenio ) tending  directly  or  indi- 
rectly to  attack  the  federal  form  of  government  and  the  state 
sovereignty.  It  further  declared  that  it  recognised  as  the  wil 
of  the  nation  only  what  was  approved  by  a majority  of  the 
legislatures.*  It  shortly  after  proceeded  to  attack  the  right 
of  petition,  and  declared  that  any  person  or  corporation,  who  as- 
sumed the  voice  of  the  people  by  making  any  petition,  usurped 
the  rights  of  society,  and  excited  disorder.  More  than  three 
persons  were  forbidden  to  join  in  a petition ! The  entire  law 
is  an  attack  upon  the  liberties  of  freemen  :f  but  we  must  see 
and  know  the  people  of  Coahuila  before  we  pronounce  too 
strongly  against  the  legislature. 

On  the  9th  of  March  following,  the  legislature  carried  into 
effect  its  previously-expressed  determination  to  remove  the  seat 
of  government  to  Monclova,  and  ordered  the  state  officers  to 
appear  at  the  latter  place  by  the  first  of  April.  This  exas- 
perated the  people  of  Saltillo,  and  they  were  found  ready  to 
join  any  party  that  might  rise  in  opposition  to  the  legislature. 
This  feeling  was  increased,  on  the  meeting  of  that  body,  by 
the  enactment  of  a decree  disbanding  the  civic  force  of  thirty 
men  at  Saltillo  which  had  been  supported  by  the  state. :f 

Among  other  things,  the  legislative  body  repealed  the  law 
of  the  9th  of  April,  1832,  prohibiting  persons  not  born  in  the 
republic  of  Mexico  from  retailing  goods  in  the  state.  ||  This 
law  had  given  just  cause  of  offence  to  the  people  of  Texas,  and 
its  repeal  was  due  to  their  growing  influence.  To  this  influ- 
ence may  likewise  be  assigned  the  law  granting  to  Madero  (a 

* Decrees  Nos.  205  and  206.  f lb.,  No.  212:  March  1,  1833. 

t lb.,  Nos.  214  and  216.  ||  lb.,  No.  217. 


CHANGE  OF  GOVERNMENT  IN  MEXICO  IN  1834.  317 

favorite  with  the  Texans)  the  exclusive  right  to  navigate  the 
Trinity.* 

During  the  latter,  part  of  the  year  1833  began  the  settlement 
of  the  colony  of  Beales  and  Grant.  They  had  obtained  a-con- 
cession  for  eight  hundred  families,  to  be  located  between  the 
Rio  Grande  and  the  Neuces.  In  the  last  days  of  December, 
about  sixty  colonists,  under  Mr.  Beales,  reached  the  new  set- 
tlement, and  laid  off  the  town  of  Dolores,  on  Las  Moras,  a 
small  stream  about  ten  feet  wide  and  two  feet  deep.  They  re- 
mained there  about  a year,  when  they  dispersed.  They  were 
Europeans,  and  but  poorly  qualified  for  such  an  enterprise. 
Kennedy — himself  an  Englishman  — speaking  of  the  failure  of 
this  colony,  says  it  supplied  “ further  evidence  of  the  superi- 
ority of  the  Anglo-Americans  in  forming  colonies.  The  North 
Americans  are  the  only  people  who,  in  defiance  of  all  obsta- 
cles, have  struck  the  roots  of  civilization  deep  in  the  soil  of 
Texas.  Even  as  I trace  these  lines,  I reflect  upon  their  prog- 
ress with  renewed  wonder  and  admiration.  They  are  indeed 
the  organized  conquerors  of  the  wild,  uniting  in  themselves 
the  threefold  attributes  of  husbandmen,  lawgivers,  and  sol- 
dier s.”f 

The  year  1834  was  occupied  in  Mexico  in  changing  the  form 
of  government  from  that  of  a republican  confederation  of  states 
to  a purely  national  government,  controlled  by  a single  man, 
without  any  other  restraint  than  he  might  choose  to  place  upon 
his  own  actions.  Farias  met  the  complaints  and  petitions  of 
the  clergy  and  the  monarchists  by  banishment  and  the  prison. 
Santa  Anna,  who  had  been  watching  the  progress  of  things, 
now  discovered  that  the  combined  influence  of  the  clergy,  the 
army,  and  the  monarchists,  would  be  sufficient  to  answer  his 
purpose.  He  accordingly  came  out  from  his  retreat,  and  re- 

f Kennedy,  vol.  ii.,  p.  57. 


* Decree  No.  218. 


318 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


sumcd  his  seat  as  president  of  the  nation.  It  was  very  soon 
ascertained  that  the  Congress  would  not  repeal  the  obnoxious 
laws  lately  enacted ; and  that  body,  in  consequence,  became 
very  odious  to  the  centralists.  By  the  constitution  of  the  re- 
public, Congress  was  required  to  close  its  sessions  annually  on 
the  15th  day  of  April,  with  liberty  to  continue  its  sittings 
thirty  days  longer  (Sundays  and  solemn  festivals  excepted), 
should  they  deem  it  necessary,  or  if  the  president  should  re- 
quire it.*  At  the  close  of  its  regular  session  in  1834,  Con- 
gress declared  it  necessary  to  sit  thirty  days  longer.  This 
period  would  expire  on  the  14th  of  May  following.  It  appears 
that,  on  the  day  preceding,  Santa  Anna  notified  the  members 
that,  if  they  did  not  disperse,  he  would  use  a military  force  to 
turn  them  out  of  their  hall.  The  Congress  adjourned  on  the 
14th,  declaring  that  its  rights  had  been  invaded  by  Santa  Anna. 
The  latter,  however,  immediately  appealed,  by  a proclamation, 
to  the  people,  setting  forth  the  alleged  tyranny  of  the  vice- 
president  Farias  and  the  majority  of  the  Congress. f 

The  popularity  of  Santa  Anna  gave  weight  to  his  address ; 
and  the  consequence  was  a pronunciamento  and  plan , drawn  up 
at  Cuernavaca,  on  the  25th  of  May.  It  proposed — first,  that 
the  late  laws  against  the  church,  and  those  for  the  banishment 
of  the  monarchists,  who  had  taken  an  active  part  against  the 
federalists,  should  be  declared  void ; second,  that  the  Congress 
should  be  dismissed,  and  another  convened  with  power  to  form 
a new  constitution ; and,  third,  that  Santa  Anna  should  be  sus- 
tained in  carrying  into  execution  the  views  he  had  published. 
This  plan  was  almost  universally  adopted ; but,  as  it  required 
some  time  to  go  through  a decent  formality,  and  to  elect  a new 
Congress,  we  will  return  to  other  events. 

* Mexican  Conatitution,  Section  *7,  Article  71. 

f Democratic  Review,  April,  1838,  p.  110;  Edward,  p.  218. 


LEGISLATIVE  ACTION  IN  TEXAS  IN  1834.  319 

The  legislature  of  Coahuila  and  Texas  met  on  the -first  of 
January,  1834  ; and,  in  default  of  the  governor  and  vice-gov- 
ernor, Councillor  Francisco  Yidaurri  y Villasenor  was  duly  in- 
vested with  the  executive  functions.*  The  influence  of  Texas 
was  much  felt  in  this  body,  and  the  presence  of  Thomas  J. 
Chambers  at  Monclova  added  greatly  to  that  influence.  The 
new  municipalities  of  Matagorda  and  San  Augustine  were  cre- 
ated at  this  session  ;f  Texas  was  divided  into  three  depart- 
ments, and  it  was  provided  that  both  the  Spanish  and  English 
languages  should  be  used  in  public  affairs ; an  additional  rep- 
resentative in  the  legislature  was  also  allowed  her,J  thus  giv- 
ing to  Texas  three  out  of  eight  in  that  body.  Acting  in  the 
spirit  of  Gomez  Farias,  the  legislature  did  what  they  could  to 
restrain  the  privileges  of  the  clergy : it  prohibited  the  found- 
ing of  edifices  by  charitable  donations  ; also  debarring  any  one 
from  disposing  of  more  than  one  fiftieth  of  his  estate  for  the 
benefit  of  his  soul ; likewise  forbidding  the  ecclesiastical  au- 
thority from  intervening  in  civil  affairs,  and  the  bishops  from 
making  the  testament  visit  ( visita  testamentos')  .||  It  may  be 
proper  to  state  here  that  the  political  chiefs , of  which  Texas 
was  to  have  three,  were  selected  in  the  following  manner:  the 
ayuntamientos  of  each  department  named  three  persons  to  the 
council  of  state ; if  that  body  approved  of  them,  it  nominated 
them  to  the  governor,  out  of  which  he  selected  and  appointed 
one  as  political  chief  for  the  department.  He  held  his  office 
for  four  years,  and  receiyed  a salary  of  eight  hundred  dollars 
per  annum. § 

* Decree  of  January  8,  1834. 

f Decree  of  March  6,  1834.  San  Patricio  and  Mina  -were  established  subse- 
quently at  the  same  session. 

\ Decree  of  March  18,  1834.  The  new  department  of  Texas  was  that  of  Bra- 
to 8,  having  its  capital  at  San  Felipe. 

| Decree  No.  263. 

§ Article  147,  Constitution  of  the  State  of  Coahuila  and  Texas:  Decree  No.  270. 


320 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


Another  decree,  passed  at  this  session  of  the  legislature,  for 
the  sale  at  auction  of  vacant  lands,  is  important  for  other  mat- 
ters embraced  in  it.*  Its  provisions  exhibit  considerable  lib- 
erality. The  lands  were  to  be  surveyed  into  labors  (one  hun- 
dred and  seventy-seven  acres  each),  and  sold  for  not  less  than 
ten  dollars  each,  the  purchaser  paying  down  one  third  in  cash, 
and  the  balance  in  one  and  two  years.  Foreigners  were  like- 
wise allowed  to  purchase ; and,  what  had  not  before. been  per- 
mitted, they  were  allowed  a year  in  which  to  bring  their  fami- 
lies to  Texas.  But  the  most  important  article  provided  that 
“ no  person  should  be  molested  for  political  and  religious  opin- 
ions, provided  the  public  order  was  not  disturbed.” 

This  law  for  the  sale  of  lands  was  in  a few  weeks  dispensed 
with,  to  make  way  for  more  gigantic  projects.  The  Mexican 
members  of  the  legislature,  who  themselves  set  no  value  upon 
wild  lands,  had  discovered  that  the  Texans  did.  As  the  for- 
mer loved  money,  and  the  latter  real  estate,  an  arrangement 
of  interests  was  mutually  effected.  At  this  time  the  memorial 
sent  by  Austin,  for  a separation  of  Texas  from  Coahuila,  was 
still  pending  before  the  federal  government,  and  the  issue  was 
uncertain.  The  state  legislature,  fearful  of  losing  the  rich 
lands  of  Texas  without  consideration,  was  disposed  to  make 
the  most  of  them  while  it  had  the  power. f Many  complaints 
had  been  made  of  the  depredations  committed  by  the  Indfans 
on  the  Texan  frontier.  A proposition  was  therefore  made  to 
provide  a body  of  rangers, $ and  to  pay  them  in  lands , for  which 
purpose  four  hundred  leagues  were  to  be  set  apart.  The  prop- 
osition passed  into  a decree ; but,  in  its  engrossment,  a fraudu- 
lent alteration  was  made,  by  which  the  executive  was  author- 


* Decree  No.  272,  March  26,  1834. 
f Thomas  J.  Chambers’s  Pamphlet,  1837. 
\ Decree  No.  278.  April  19,  1834. 


ATTEMPT  TO  ESTABLISH  A JUDICIARY. 


321 


ized  to  sell  the  lands.*  Accordingly,  the  lands  were  sold,  and 
the  settlers  on  the  frontier  left  to  battle  with  the  Indians  as 
they  had  done  before,  f 

The  great  necessity  for  a well-organized  judiciary,  and  the 
numerous  complaints  of  the  Texans  on  that  subject,  induced 
the  passing  of  a decree  on  the  17th  of  April,  1834,  making 
Texas  a judicial  circuit,  dividing  it  into  three  districts,  and 
prescribing  the  mode  of  procedure.  The  most  important  fea- 
ture in  this  law  was  the  provision  establishing  trial  by  jury. 
In  other  respects  it  was  as  much  assimilated  to  the  rules  of 
common-law  courts  as  Mexican  prejudices  would  permit.  Thom- 
as J.  Chambers  was  appointed  judge  of  the  circuit;  but,  after 
making  efforts  to  organize  the  courts  in  the  several  districts, 
such  was  the  confusion  incident  to  the  approaching  revolution, 
that  the  law  became  useless. 

The  legislature  closed  its  session  on  the  last  of  April,  leav 
ing  the  government  of  the  state  in  the  hands  of  Villasenor,  the 
acting  governor,  and  the  council  and  standing  deputation. 


* In  General  Chambers’s  own  words:  “The  article  of  the  decree  relating  to 
the  subject  required,  in  the  first  place,  that  the  executive  should  call  out  a suffi- 
cient number  of  the  militia  to  repress  the  audacity  of  the  savages,  and  then  pro- 
vided that  the  troops  should  be  paid,  or  rewarded,  with  vacant  land,  in  the  fol- 
lowing terms : * Y para  pagar  6 premiar  d los  milicianos  podra  hechar  mano  de 
las  tierras  valdias  hasta  in  cantidad  de  cuatro  cientos  siiios,  repartiendoselos 
bajo  las  rcglas  y condiciones  qve  cstablesca .’  These  were  the  terms  in  which  it 
received  the  sanction  of  Congress,  and,  if  it  had  remained  thus  expressed,  the 
executive  could  never  have  sold  the  land  to  speculators.  For  repartiendoselos 
is  a compound  word,  composed  of  the  participle  of  the  verb  rcpartir  (to  divide 
among),  and  the  two  pronouns  se  and  los , one  of  which  refers  to  the  land  and 
the  other  to  the  troops ; making  it  obligatory  upon  the  executive  to  divide  the 
land  among  the  troops.  But  the  ingenious  member  caused  the  pronoun  refer- 
ring to  the  troops,  to  be  omitted  in  engrossing  the  decree;  and  it  received  the 
sanction  of  the  executive,  and  was  published  as  a law,  with  the  compound  word 
changed  into  fepartiendolos , leaving  the  executive  free  to  dispose  of  the  four 
hundred  leagues  of  land,  by  dividing  them  out,  without  determining  among 
whom.”  — Pamphlet , 1837. 

f Abstract  of  Land-Titles,  p.  175. 

Vol.  I.  — 21 


322 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


These  functionaries,  on  receiving  intelligence  of  the  plan  of 
Cuernavaca,  assembled  on  the  24th  of  June,  and  declared  that 
the  state  would  not  permit  the  exalted  name  of  religion  to 
be  invoked  within  her  limits,  under  any  such  pretence ; that 
the  executive  should  take  measures  to  banish  from  the  state 
such  as  endeavored  to  do  so ; and  that  he  should  not  permit 
the  troops  of  the  standing  army  to  be  introduced  into  the  state 
under  any  pretence.* 

On  the  same  day,  an  extra  session  of  the  legislature  was 
convoked  to  meet  on  the  lltli  of  August,  to  take  measures  for 
the  safety  of  the  federal  system  of  government,  and  for  the 
regulation  of  the  public  treasury,  which  was  exhausted.  The 
acting  governor  was  also  authorized  to  levy  and  organize  such 
number  of  the  civic  militia  as  he  might  deem  necessary  for  the 
defence  of  that  system. f In  a short  time,  however,  the  will 
of  the  nation  having  expressed  itself  so  fully  in  favor  of  Santa 
Anna  and  his  strong  government,  the  executive  of  the  state 
and  his  council  withdrew  their  opposition,  and  declared  for  the 

dictator.^ 

Four  days  previous  to  this,  however  (July  19),  the  town  of 
Saltillo  issued  its  pronunciamento  against  the  government  of 
the  state,  and  established  a government  of  its  own,  appointing 
the  licentiate  Jose  Maria  Goribar  as  governor.  At  the  same 
time  it  declared  all  the  acts  of  the  state  congress  and  govern- 
ment, since  the  first  of  January,  1833,  to  be  a nullity ! || 

Thus  a civil  war  was  about  to  commence  in  the  state.  The 
respective  parties  flew  to  arms.  The  call  for  an  extra  session 
of  the  legislature  was  not  obeyed.  To  add  to  the  confusion, 
a meeting,  composed  of  the  ayuntamiento  of  Monclova,  three 

* Laws  of  Coahuila  and  Texas,  p.  278. 

f Decree  of  June  26,  1834.  X R>*,  23,  1834. 

j Sketch  of  General  T.  J.  Chambers,  p.  32,  et  seq. 


DISPUTES  OF  SALTILLO  AND  MONCLOVA- 


323 


members  of  the  legislature,  and  two  of  the  council,  was  held 
on  the  80th  of  August,  at  which  the  constitutional  governor 
was  deposed,  and  Colonel  Juan  Jose  Elguezabal  appointed  in 
his  stead.*  On  the  next  day,  Elguezabal  issued  his  proclama- 
tion, declaring  that  he  had  “ taken  the  administration  by  the 
free  suffrage  of  the  representatives  of  the  people and  that 
the  state  recognised  Santa  Anna  as  president,  and  would  con- 
form to  whatever  a majority  of  the  national  Congress,  with  his 
approval,  would  do.  He  then  advised  the  two  parties  of  Sal- 
tillo and  Monclova  to  make  peace. f The  warlike  preparations 
of  these  rival  factions,  however,  continued.  It  was  only  after 
some  skirmishing,  and  the  speedy  prospect  of  bloodshed,  that 
the  acting  governor,  on  the  part  of  Monclova,  and  Vicente  Cam- 
pos and  Ignacio  de  Arispe,  on  the  part  of  Saltillo,  met  at  the 
former  town,  on  the  6th  of  November,  1834,  and  at  midnight 
made  a treaty  of  peace.  The  terms  of  the  agreement  were, 
that  the  question  of  difference  between  them  should  be  referred 
to  Santa  Anna ; that,  in  the  meantime,  all  prisoners  and  prop- 
erty taken  should  be  restored,  the  troops  disbanded  and  sent 
home,  and  everything  placed  in  the  position  it  occupied  before 
the  difficulty  occurred.  $ 

The  Texans  were  not  a party  to  these  disgraceful  scenes. 
They  beheld  with  astonishment  two  petty  aspirants  claiming 
to  be  governor  of  the  state  in  which  they  lived,  neither  one 
having  the  least  color  of  a claim  to  the  office ! But  they  were 
not  indifferent.  The  pending  confusion  had  prevented  the  con- 
stitutional recurrence  of  the  elections ; the  government  under 
the  constitution  was  in  fact  destroyed.  Under  xhese  circum- 


* Decree  of  August  30,  1834.  This  decree  is  not  published  in  Carbajal’s  col- 
lection. The  fifth  article  of  the  decree  softens  the  facts  considerably.  The  gov- 
ernor is  said  to  be  deposed  “ because  of  his  infirmities.” 
f Dated  August  31,  1834.  MS.  J MS. 


324 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


stances,  Jose  Antonio  Vasquez  and  Oliver  Jones,  the  Texan 
representatives  to  the  state  legislature,  and  Thomas  J.  Cham- 
bers, superior  judge  of  Texas,  in  a short  address,  dated  at 
Monclova,  on  the  1st  of  September,  1834, * presented  to  the 
people  of  Texas  the  unhappy  condition  of  their  affairs,  and 
proposed  a congress,  to  meet  at  Bexar,  on  the  15th  of  Novem- 
ber following,  to  take  into  consideration  the  political  situation 
of  their  own  department  of  the  state,  and,  if  necessary,  to  form 
a provisional  government.  The  adoption  of  this  measure,  it  is 
believed,  was  prevented  by  the  uncertainty  of  their  affairs  in 
the  Mexican  capital.  Santa  Anna,  after  his  resumption  of  the 
reins  of  power,  on  the  13th  of  May,  1834,  released  Austin  from 
the  dungeon  of  the  Inquisition,  in  which  he  had  been  confined, 
but  kept  him  in  confinement  elsewhere  until  the  12th  of  June, 
when  the  military  tribunal,  to  whom  his  case  had  been  referred, 
decided  that  they  had  no  jurisdiction  over  it.  It  was  then  re- 
ferred to  a civil  tribunal,  which  also  disclaimed  jurisdiction ; 
a like  decision  was  made  by  the  judge  of  the  federal  district 
of  Mexico,  to  whom  the  case  was  referred.  The  matter  was 
then  submitted  to  the  supreme  court  of  the  nation,  that  they 
might  declare  what  court  had  jurisdiction.  This  body  never 
made  the  decision,  nor  was  Austin  ever  tried ; neither  can  it 
be  for  a moment  supposed  that  he  was  made  to  run  the  round 
of  these  courts  for  any  other  reason  than  to  gain  time,  and  hold 
him  as  a sort  of  hostage  for  the  good  behavior  of  Texas.  His 
letter  of  the  25th  of  August  following,  and  the  flattering  atten- 
tion of  Santa  Anna,  show  this  fact  conclusively.!  But,  after 
the  reference  of  the  affair  of  Monclova  and  Saltillo  to  the  de- 
cision of  the  president,  and  a temporary  calm  was  experienced 
in  the  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas,  Santa  Anna  found  it  to  be 
good  policy  to  enter  seriously  into  the  discussion  of  the  peti- 

* Sketch  of  Thomas  J.  Chambers,  p.  31.  f Edward,  p.  210. 


CONTINUED  UNION  OF  TEXAS  AND  COAHUILA. 


825 


tions  with  which  Austin  had  been  charged  by  the  Texan  con- 
vention of  1833,  and  to  decide  upon  them.  Accordingly,  on 
the  5th  of  October,  1834,  the  president  convoked  a meeting, 
composed  of  his  four  secretaries  of  state,  the  three  representa- 
tives from  Coahuila  and  Texas,  three  of  his  confidential  gener- 
als, Lorenzo  de  Zavala,  and  Stephen  F.  Austin.  The  session 
was  opened  at  eleven  o’clock  in  the  morning.  The  president 
having  stated  the  topics  to  which  the  discussion  was  limited, 
Austin  laid  before  the  meeting  the  object  of  his  mission,  and 
the  grounds  of  his  petition.  After  a discussion  which  lasted 
three  hours,  embracing  every  head  of  the  question,  and  in  which 
several  of  the  members  participated,  Austin  urged  lastly  the 
separation  of  Texas  from  Coahuila,  and  its  formation  into  an 
independent  state.  This  was  opposed  by  the  representatives 
of  the  state  in  the  national  Congress,  and  particularly  by  Vic- 
tor Blanco,  who  spoke  last  on  the  subject.  Santa  Anna  then 
resolved  — 

1.  That  he  would  meditate  maturely  the  decree  repealing 
the  11th  article  of  the  law  of  the  6th  of  April,  1830,  and,  if 
no  objections  were  presented,  would  give  it  his  sanction. 

2.  That  a corps,  composed  of  cavalry,  infantry,  and  artillery, 
four  thousand  strong,  should  be  stationed  at  Bexar,  for  the 
protection  of  the  coast  and  frontier  of  the  country,  to  be  under 
the  command  of  General  Mexia. 

3.  That  proper  steps  should  be  taken  to  have  regular  mails, 
and  to  remove  all  obstacles  to  the  agricultural  and  other  in- 
dustry of  the  inhabitants,  “ who  are  viewed  with  the  greatest 
regard.” 

4.  That  Texas  must  necessarily  remain  united  with  Coahu- 
ila, because  it  had  not  the  elements  warranting  a separation, 
nor  would  it  be  convenient.  Amd,  though  it  might  be  allowed 
to  form  a territory,  if  the  inhabitants  called  for  it,  yet  the  dis- 


326 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


membering  of  a state  was  unknown  to  the  Mexican  laws,  and 
he  would  be  at  a loss  how  to  proceed.* 

Thus  was  decided  all  the  matters  embraced  in  Austin’s  mis- 
sion. Still  he  was  detained  in  Mexico.  His  continued  ab- 
sence necessarily  produced  much  feeling  in  Texas.  This,  added 
to  the  chaotic  proceedings  in  the  state  and  federal  governments, 
not  only  excited  but  exasperated  the  colonists  against  Mexico, 
and  everything  that  pertained  to  her. 

The  reference  of  the  dispute  between  Saltillo  and  Monclova 
to  Santa  Anna  was  accepted,  and  a solution  given.  It  was  as 
follows : — 

1.  The  seat  of  government  should  remain  at  Monclova. 

2.  Alguezabal  to  continue  to  act  as  governor  until  a new 
election. 

3.  A new  election  for  governor,  vice-governor,  and  members 
of  the  legislature,  to  be  ordered  for  the  entire  state. f 

This  arrangement  referred  the  matter  to  the  people;  and, 
although  there  was  no  law  for  the  election,  it  was  satisfactory. 
The  decision  was  made  on  the  2d  of  December,  1834 ; and 
Austin  hastened  to  communicate  the  fact,  in  a letter  of  that 
date,J  advising  the  people  of  Texas  to  sustain  this  adjustment 
of  their  difficulties  by  the  president.  “All  is  changed,”  said 
he,  “ since  October  of  last  year.  Then  there  was  no  local  gov- 
ernment in  Texas ; now  there  is,  and  the  most  of  your  evils 
have  been  remedied,  so  that  it  is  now  important  to  promote 
union  with  all  the  state,  and  keep  down  all  kind  of  excitement. 
All  is  going  well.  The  president,  General  Santa  Anna,  has 
solemnly  and  publicly  declared  that  he  will  sustain  the  federal 

* Victor  Blanco  to  the  Governor  of  Coahuila  and  Texas,  October  6,  1834. 

\ The  time  for  the  election,  under  the  constitution,  was  the  previous  Septem- 
ber. Texas  had  elected  Messrs.  Austin,  Jones,  and  Vasquez;  but  the  civil  war 
in  Coahuila  had  prevented  the  elections  there. 

\ Austin  to  Messrs.  Durst  and  Thorn,  MS. 


almonte’s  report  on  texan  affairs. 


327 


representative  system , as  it  now  exists , and  he  will  be  sustained 
by  all  parties.” 

In  the  spring  of  1834,  Colonel  Juan  N.  Almonte,  who,  after 
his  return  to  Mexico,  had  become  distinguished,  wTas  sent  by 
Santa  Anna  to  visit  Texas,  and  report  upon  its  condition,  physi- 
cal and  moral.  He  devoted  some  months  to  this  business, 
spending  most  of  his  time  with  his  old  friend,  and  the  friend 
of  his  father,  Colonel  Ellis  P.  Bean.*  On  his  return,  he  pub- 
lished so  much  of  his  report  as  was  deemed  expedient.  In 
that  report,  he  attributes  the  rapid  advance  of  the  Texans  to 
their  industry,  and  the  absence  of  that  civil  strife  so  common 
in  Mexico.  He  estimated  the  population  at  twenty-one  thou- 
sand souls, f though  there  were  doubtless  at  that  time  thirty 
thousand.  He  computed  the  number  of  negroes  at  only  eleven 
hundred,  when  they  were  undoubtedly  three  times  that  number. 
The  trade  of  the  three  chieftaincies  of  Texas  was  estimated  as 
follows : Brasos,  six  hundred  thousand  dollars,  mostly  in  cot- 
ton ; the  imports  about  three  hundred  and  twenty-five  thousand 
dollars : Nacogdoches,  four  hundred  and  seventy  thousand  dol- 
lars in  cotton,  skins,  grain,  and  cattle ; the  imports  about  two 
hundred  and  sixty-five  thousand  dollars : Bexar,  only  eight  or 
ten  thousand  skins  of  exports,  and  a few  articles  imported  from 
New  Orleans — thus  making  the  total  foreign  trade  of  Texas, 
in  1834,  about  one  million,  six  hundred  and  eighty  thousand 
dollars. 

* After  the  Fredonian  war,  Colonel  Bean  ceased  to  be  actively  engaged  in 
public  affairs.  He  continued  to  hold  his  appointment  as  a colonel  in  the  Mexi- 
can service,  and  was  Indian  agent.  During  the  troubles  of  1832,  he  was  sta- 
tioned with  a detachment  of  troops  at  Fbrt  Teran.  His  command  was  ordered 
to  Nacogdoches  by  Piedras,  and  were  taken  prisoners  by  the  Texans.  Bean, 
not  wishing  to  lose  his  commission,  did  not  take  part  in  that  contest. 

\ Population  of  Texas  in  1834,  by  municipalities:  Bexar,  2,400;  San  Patricio, 
600;  Matagorda,  1,400;  Nacogdoches,  3,500;  Jonesborough,  2,000;  Goliad,  700; 
San  Felipe,  2,500;  Gonzales,  900;  San  Augustine,  2,500;  Victoria,  300;  Colum- 
bia, 2,100  ; Mina,  1,100  ; Liberty,  1,000.  Total  population,  according  to  Almonte, 
21,000. 


328 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


On  the  return  of  Colonel  Almonte  to  Mexico,  in  the  autumn 
of  the  foregoing  year,  it  was  proposed  that  he  should  again 
proceed  to  Texas,  in  the  capacity  of  colonial  director , and  aid 
in  introducing  a larger  number  of  Mexicans  into  that  depart- 
ment ; but  the  subsequent  troubles  prevented,  and  he  did  not 
return  till  he  came  with  the  army  in  1836. 

It  was  during  the  year  1834  that  an  attempt  was  made  by 
the  Creek  Indians  to  obtain  a settlement  in  Texas.  Through 
some  influence,  the  chiefs  Apothtayoha  and  Ben  Hawkins  came 
to  Nacogdoches,  and  entered  into  an  agreement  to  procure  the 
lands  lying  north  of  that  town,  which  were  then  under  the  con- 
trol of  a New  York  company.  A part  of  the  purchase-money 
was  advanced  by  the  Indians,  and  further  steps  were  taken  to 
complete  the  title.  In  the  meantime,  the  report  of  this  project 
having  gone  abroad,  and  been  made  public  by  the  newspapers, 
aroused  the  American  settlers,  and  also  the  Cherokees.  Colo- 
nel Bean,  the  Indian  agent,  was  consulted  ; and  in  a short  time 
the  public  mind  became  so  exasperated,  that  the  matter  was 
abandoned.  Hawkins  was  killed  by  the  Cherokees.* 

* “ September  15,  1835  : F.  Thorn, president ; T.  J.  Rusk,  secretary.  Resolved , 
That  General  Houston  be  appointed  to  take  such  steps  as  he  may  deem  necessary 
in  attempting  to  arrest  the  progress  of  one  Benjamin  Hawkins,  who,  we  have 
every  reason  to  believe,  is  attempting  to  introduce  a large  body  of  Indians  from 
the  United  States  into  Texas.”  — Proceedings  of  Vigilance  Committee,  Nacog- 
doches. 


FIRST  TEXAN  REVOLUTIONARY  MOVEMENTS. 


329 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

The  first  strictly  revolutionary  meeting  in  Texas  was  held 
at  Bexar,  on  the  13th  of  October,  1834,  in  pursuance  of  the 
recommendation  of  the  representatives  and  superior  judge  of 
the  department.  At  this  assembly,  on  motion  of  Erasmo  Se- 
guin,  the  call  for  a convention,  to  meet  at  Bexar,  on  the  15th 
of  November  following,  was  approved.  The  proceedings  were 
sent  to  the  other  municipalities ; but,  as  previously  stated,  the 
movement  did  not  succeed.  A meeting  followed  on  the  20  th 
of  October,  at  San  Eelipe,  under  the  auspices  of  the  political 
chief  of  Brasos,  which  went  further  than  was  at  first  recom- 
mended, by  proposing  a perpetual  dissolution  of  the  connection 
between  Coahuila  and  Texas.  But  it  appears  that  the  conven- 
tion of  April,  1833,  previous  to  its  adjournment,  had  appointed 
a grand  central  committee  to  look  after  the  public  interests. 
This  committee,  considering  that  the  movement  was  premature 
— that  Austin  was  still  in  confinement,  and  his  safety  jeoparded 
by  such  action  — and  following  his  advice,  as  transmitted  from 
Mexico  — replied  to  these  proceedings,  and  recommended  ac- 
quiescence for  the  present.* 

The  Mexican  national  Congress  met  on  the  first  of  January, 
1835,  in  pursuance  of  the  plan  of  Cuernavaca.  The  central- 

* See  the  arguments  of  each  party  in  Edward,  p.  220,  et  seq.;  Kennedy,  voL 
ii.  p.  64. 


330 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


ists  had  triumphed  everywhere,  except  in  the  two  states  of 
Zacatecas  and  Coahuila  and  Texas.  Zacatecas  resolved  that 
she  would  adhere  to  the  constitution  of  1824,  and  so  instructed 
her  representatives.  Among  the  first  acts  of  Congress  was  the 
banishment  of  Gomez  Farias,  the  vice-president,  who,  though  a 
rough  believer,  was  at  the  head  of  republicanism  in  Mexico. 
Another  act  was  to  deelare  Zacatecas  in  a state  of  rebellion ; 
and  yet  another,  reducing  the  number  of  the  militia  to  one  sol- 
dier for  each  five  hundred  inhabitants,  and  disarming  the  re- 
mainder. This  arbitrary  decree  was  a sufficient  justification 
of  Texas  for  her  subsequent  acts.*  Every  one  who  knows  the 
Texans,  or  who  had  heard  of  them,  would  naturally  conclude 
that  they  never  would  submit  to  be  disarmed-.  Any  govern- 
ment that  would  attempt  to  disarm  its  people  is  despotic ; and 
any  people  that  would  submit  to  it  deserve  to  be  slaves ! 

In  the  meantime,  in  pursuance  of  the  award  of  Santa  Anna, 
the  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas  proceeded  to  hold  elections 
for  governor,  vice-governor,  and  members  of  the  legislature. 
Augustin  Yiesca  was  elected  governor,  and  Ramon  Musquiz 
vice-governor,  f They  were  both  republicans  ; the  legislature 
was  of  the  same  political  character.  It  may  be  stated  in  ad- 
vance, that,  however  patriotic  these  gentlemen  assumed  to  be, 
they  were  men  of  easy  virtue ; and,  in  escaping  from  under 
the  ruins  of  a falling  government,  they  managed  to  carry  off 
more  plunder  than  belonged  to  them.  The  first  evidence  of 
legislative  corruption  appeared  in  a decree,  passed  on  the  14th 
of  March,  1835,  authorizing  the  governor  to  sell  four  hundred 
leagues  of  land,  without  being  subject  to  the  provisions  of  the 
general  colonization  law  of  1825.  The  lands  were  shortly  dis- 

* Democratic  Review,  April,  1838 ; Kennedy,  vol.  ii.,  p.  82. 

f Decree  No.  204.  Governor  Elguezabal  sent  in  his  resignation  at  the  open- 
ing of  the  session;  and,  as  the  votes  for  governor  had  not  yet  b6en  returned, 
Jose  M Cantu  was  invested  with  the  executive  power  for  the  time  being. 


REVOLT  OP  SALTILLO  — LEGISLATIVE  MEASURES.  331 

posed  of  to  speculators ; but  the  law  itself  was  abrogated  by 
the  general  Congress  on  the  25th  of  April  following.*  The 
town  of  Saltillo,  devoted  to  Santa  Anna,  and  ever  ready,  since 
the  removal  of  the  seat  of  government  from  that  place,  to  take 
advantage  of  any  errors  committed  at  Monelova,  seized  this 
occasion  to  revolt.  Her  deputies  retired  from  the  legislature, 
leaving  their  protest.  On  their  return  home,  the  people  of 
Saltillo  pronounced.  General  Martin  Pcrfecto  de  Cos,  com- 
mandant-general of  the  eastern  states,  gave  them  aid  and  coun- 
tenance, by  a letter  to  Governor  Yiesca,  supporting  their  views  : 
and  not  only  this,  but  he  set  out,  with  a body  of  troops,  for  the 
capital  of  the  state,  to  enforce  the  points  laid  down  in  his 
letter ! f 

The  legislature,  being  informed  of  these  facts,  passed  a de- 
cree, dated  the  Tth  of  April,  authorizing  the  governor  to  raise 
such  force  as  he  might  deem  necessary  to  secure  the  public 
tranquillity,  and  to  protect  the  civil  authorities  in  the  exercise 
of  their  functions.  That  body  further  declared  that  no  portion 
of  the  standing  army  should  be  stationed  in  the  capital,  except 
by  the  express  orders  of  the  president  of  the  nation. 

At  the  time  Santa  Anna  determined  against  the  admission  of 
Texas  as  a state , he  held  out  some  hope  that  he  would  organize 
it  into  a territory . The  Texans  did  not  desire  this,  any  more 
than  their  union  with  Coahuila.  However,  the  idea  had  be- 
come general  in  the  state  ; and  G'ovcrnor  Yiesca,  on  taking  his 
seat,  published  an  address,  advising  union  between  all  sections  : 
and  in  a note  appended  to  the  address  it  was  stated  that  Santa 
Anna  wished  to  reduce  Texas  to  the  condition  of  a territory — 
“ to  separate  her  from  Coahuila,  in  order  that  the  people  might 
be  considered  as  foreigners.”  This  address  was  dated  on  the 
15th  of  April,  1835 — for  Yiesca  did  not  in  fact  assume  the 

* Laws  and  Decrees,  p.  SOI. 


f lb.,  p.  284. 


332 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


executive  functions  until  that  day;  but  Austin,  writing  from 
Mexico,  under  date  of  the  15th  of  March,  said : “ The  territo- 
rial question  is  dead.  The  advocates  of  that  measure  are  now 
strongly  in  favor  of  a state  government ; and  that  measure  is 
now  before  Congress.  A call  has  been  made  upon  the  presi- 
dent for  information  on  the  subject;  and  I am  assured  the 
president  will  make  his  communication  in  a few  days,  and  that 
it  will  be  decidedly  in  favor  of  Texas  and  the  state.”* 

Thus  was  Santa  Anna  temporizing  with  Texas,  through  Aus- 
tin, until  he  could  get  the  country  occupied  with  his  troops. 
Coahuila,  at  the  same  time,  was  courting  her  regards,  and 
urging  her  to  remain  as  part  of  the  state,  while  she  was  heart- 
ily tired  of  them  both. 

The  state  government,  finding  that  the  transfer  of  so  large 
a body  of  the  public  lands  of  Texas  into  the  hands  of  specula- 
tors had  produced  quite  an  excitement  in  the  mind  of  the 
general  community,  undertook  an  apology,  which  was  published 
in  “ La  Gaceta  del  Gobierno  Supremo  del  Estado ” of  the  1st 
of  April.  Therein  it  was  stated  that,  by  the  defection  of  Sal- 
tillo, the  treasury  of  the  state  was  exhausted,  and  that  the  gov- 
ernment must  have  means.  Still,  this  hardly  justified  the  pri- 
vate sale  of  four  hundred  leagues  of  excellent  lands  at  less 
than  two  cents  per  acre ! But  much  was  promised  to  Texas. 

“For  the  satisfaction  of  the  people  of  Texas,”  says  ‘ La 
Gaceta ,’  “ and  the  friends  of  freedom  generally,  we  will  state 
that  bills  are  now  presented  to  the  legislature,  and  others  will 
soon  be  presented,  which  will  greatly  promote  the  advance- 
ment and  prosperity  of  that  fair  portion  of  our  country — such 
as  the  regulation  of  the  colonization  system  upon  a liberal  and 
practicable  basis ; the  regulation  and  termination  of  Indian 
claims  and  Indian  wars ; the  appropriation  of  sufficient  sums 


* Edward,  p.  241. 


ATTEMPTS  AT  CONCILIATION. 


333 


of  money  out  of  the  proceeds  of  public  lands  to  establish  in 
Texas  a state  college  and  good  rudimental  schools ; the  settle- 
ment of  all  the  loose  families  in  Texas ; the  decision  of  all 
land  claims  and  disputes ; and  to  put  an  end  to  many  abuses 
practised  upon  the  people,  and  ultimately  many  other  projects 
highly  favorable  to  the  state  in  general,  and  to  Texas  in  par- 
ticular.’? 

Thus  were  the  hopes  of  the  Texans  flattered,  while  they  were 
robbed  of  their  fair  domain ; and  thus  did  this  legislature  ren- 
der itself  worthy  to  be  driven  from  its  halls  by  the  minions  of 
Santa  Anna.  The  federal  Congress  had  under  consideration 
a decree  of  conciliation  and  amnesty.  It  proposed  only  to  ex- 
tend the  act  of  oblivion  to  a time  limited,  and  to  include  none 
but  natives  of  Mexico.  The  state  legislature  very  properly 
recommended  that  the  provisions  of  the  amnesty  should  be  en- 
larged, so  as  to  cover  the  entire  past,  and  also  include  natu- 
ralized foreigners."  This  suggestion,  had  it  been  adopted, 
might  have  postponed  the  impending  political  crisis  somewhat 
longer : for  Texas,  composed  almost  entirely  of  foreigners, 
would  not  otherwise  obtain  any  benefit  from  the  decree.  The 
legislature,  forgetting  awhile  its  selfish  ends,  and  being  witness 
to  the  scandalous  and  bloody  scenes  enacting  in  the  city  of 
Mexico,  declared,  in  an  address  to  the  federal  Congress,  that 
notwithstanding  plans  were  formed,  and  pronunciamentos , ac- 
companied by  appeals  to  arms,  constantly  occurred,  and  the 
principles  of  the  constitution  and  the  rights  of  the  people  were 
as  constantly  proclaimed,  yet,  unfortunately,  action  had  never 
corresponded  with  declaration ; but  that,  on  the  contrary,  dis- 
trust, discord,  and  a disposition  to  persecution  and  revenge, 
constituted  their  settled  course  of  procedure.  That  body  fur- 
ther declared  that  it  represented  a people  who  were  proud  of 


* Decree  of  April  8,  1835. 


334 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


having  always  sustained  the  constitution  of  1824,  and  hat  they 
would  firmly  continue  to  sustain  it.  It  warned  the  federal 
Congress  that  “ reforms,”  at  all  times  and  in  all  places  danger- 
ous, would  then  be  still  more  so  in  Coahuila  and  Texas ; that 
it  was  bordering  on  a flourishing  sister-republic,  and  was  set- 
tled by  thousands  of  inhabitants  with  whom  the  changes  contem- 
plated would  not  agree,  as  they  could  not  conform  to  them  ;* 
and  that  such  changes  would  highly  compromit , not  only  the 
internal  peace  of  the  country,  but  the  very  integrity  of  the 
nation. 

Santa  Anna  and  his  pliant  Congress  disregarded  these  pro- 
phetic warnings.  That  body,  after  declaring  its  own  almost 
unlimited  powers,  proceeded  gradually  in  its  work  of  destroy- 
ing what  little  of  republican  liberty  yet  remained  in  the  Mexi- 
can confederacy.  In  April,  the  president-dictator  set  out,  at 
the  head  of  three  thousand  four  hundred  troops,  to  chastise  the 
people  of  Zacatecas  ; and,  about  the  same  time,  he  ordered  his 
brother-in-law,  General  Cos,  then  stationed  at  Matamoras,  to 
proceed,  at  the  head  of  a suitable  force,  to  disperse  the  legis- 
lature at  Monclova. 

Don  Francisco  Garcia,  governor  of  Zacatecas,  had  assem- 
bled, on  the  plains  of  Guadalupe,  not  far  from  the  city,  a force 
of  five  thousand  men,  with  several  pieces  of  artillery.  On  the 
10th  of  May,  Santa  Anna  approached  with  his  army,  and  sent 
a demand  to  the  governor  to  surrender.  The  latter  refused 
with  spirit.  On  the  next  morning,  at  five  o’clock,  the  battle 
commenced,  and,  after  a bloody  engagement  of  two  hours,  the 
Zacatecans  were  entirely  routed.  Two  thousand  of  them  were 
killed,  and  twenty-seven  hundred  more  were  made  prisoners. 
All  their  arms  and  ammunition  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  vic- 
tors. Santa  Anna,  with  his  troops — of  whom,  according  to 

* Laws  and  Decrees,  p.  288. 


MASSACRE  AND  PLUNDER  OF  ZACATECAS. 


335 


his  own  bulletins,  he  had  scarcely  lost  a hundred  in  the  battle 
— marched  into  the  capital  of  the  state,  where  for  two  days 
they  were  engaged  in  the  butchery  of  the  unfortunate  inhabit- 
ants and  the  plunder  of  their  city ! Zacatecas  was  one  of  the 
wealthiest  mining-districts  in  Mexico.  It  had  likewise  been 
one  of  the  earliest  and  most  constant  friends  of  the  national 
revolution,  in  which  it  had  suffered  greatly.  The  spirit  of  lib- 
erty had  taken  deep  root  in  the  state  ; but  this  great  blow  had 
utterly  prostrated  her,  and  submission  to  the  dictator  was  the 
only  alternative."  The  intelligence  of  this  disaster  produced 
a painful  sensation  in  Texas. 

Meantime,  General  Cos  with  his  force  was  slowly  approach- 
ing the  capital  of  the  state  of  Coahuila  and  Texas.  The  legis- 
lature prepared  to  meet  this  invasion  of  its  rights,  not  by  force 
of  arms,  but  by  the  enactment  of  laws  for  extending  land-titles. 
It  found  time,  during  its  last  days,  to  create  a bank,  to  be  or- 
ganized, under  the  auspices  of  an  empresario , in  Texas. f Gov- 
ernor Yiesca  called  out  the  militia,  to  defend  the  legislature ; 
but  the  public  mind  of  the  state,  especially  in  Texas,  was  so 
thoroughly  convinced  of  the  selfishness  and  corruption  of  that 
body,  that  the  stirring  appeals  of  his  excellency  could  not 
arouse  them.  They  declared  that  it  was  too  much  to  risk 
their  blood  to  sustain  those  who  had  wantonly  squandered 
their  lands. $ The  legislature,  therefore,  after  passing  a de- 
cree authorizing  the  provisional  location  of  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment at  such  point  as  the  governor  might  select,  hastily  ad- 
journed. ||  Thus  closed  for  ever,  on  the  21st  day  of  April, 

* First  official  account  of  the  battle,  May  11,  1835  ; Niles’s  Mexico,  p.  ‘207. 

f Decree,  No.  308.  \ Kennedy,  vol.  ii.,  p.  89. 

| Decree  No.  325.  The  legislature  of  Coahuila  and  Texas  granted  to  Jose  M. 
Carbajal  a license  to  publish  in  the  Spanish  and  English  languages  the  laws  and 
decrees  of  the  state  (Decree  No.  319).  Through  Colonel  Carbajal,  a copy  was 
procured  by  the  government  of  Texas,  translated  by  Dr.  Kimball,  and  published 
in  both  languages  in  1839. 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


OOft 

ooO 

1835,  the  legislature  of  Coahuila  and  Texas.  It  fell  by  the 
hands  of  a tyrant,  but  unpitied  by  the  people. 

The  governor,  having  selected  Bexar  as  the  future  temporary 
capital  of  the  state,  collected  the  archives,  and  set  out  on  his 
journey  thither,  with  an  escort  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  of  the 
militia,  and  some  few  Texans.  After  proceeding  as  far  as 
Hermanos,  he  returned  to  Monclova,  with  a view  to  surrender 
and  make  terms  with  Santa  Anna ; but  subsequently,  appre- 
hending that  he  would  be  safer  in  Texas,  he  set  out  on  his  way 
to  that  department,  in  company  with  Colonel  Milam  and  John 
Cameron.  The  party  were,  however,  captured  in  the  mount- 
ains by  the  forces  under  Cos,  and  started  to  Vera  Cruz.  Mi- 
lam escaped  at  Monterey,  and  the  others  at  Saltillo,  and  finally 
all  reached  Texas.  Such  of  the  legislators  as  did  not  escape 
were  imprisoned  and  banished.  The  federal  Congress  after- 
ward deposed  the  state  authorities,  and  annulled  all  the  decrees 
of  the  late  session.* 

We  will  return  to  the  occurrences  in  Texas.  The  people 
of  that  department  were  now  without  a government ; and  it 
devolved  on  them,  either  to  establish  a system  of  their  own,  or 
submit  to  the  will  of  Santa  Anna.  From  their  character,  the 
latter  could  not  be  expected.  The  national  decree,  dissolving 
the  civic  militia,  exposed  the  country  to  the  constant  depreda- 
tions of  the  Indians,  who  had  already  become  very  troublesome 
and  dangerous.  As  an  instance  of  this,  early  in  1835,  an  Ital- 
ian and  several  Mexicans,  engaged  in  transporting  goods,  were 
attacked  in  the  morning  by  about  seventy  Indians,  on  the  road, 
fifteen  miles  west  of  Gonzales.  The  merchants,  forming  a 
breastwork  of  their  goods,  continued  the  fight  till  evening. 
But  gradually  their  numbers  were  thinned  by  the  fire  of  their 
adversaries,  till  they  were  no  longer  able  to  defend  their  posi- 

* Kennedy,  vol.  ii.,  p.  90. 


ORGANIZATION  OF  COMMITTEES  OF  SAFETY. 


337 


tion.  An  assault  was  then  made  on  the  survivors  by  the  sav- 
ages, and  every  one  was  butchered  and  scalped.*  Such  a 
scene,  on  the  great  thoroughfare  of  the  country,  was  sufficient 
"to  prove  the  necessity  of  an  organized  militia,  and  that  militia 
well  armed. 

The  first  step  toward  an  independent  organization  in  Texas 
was  through  committees  of  safety.  The  first  committee  of 
safety  was  appointed  at  Mina  (now  Bastrop),  on  the  17th  day 
of  May,  1835,  It  was  chosen,  not  in  reference  to  a rupture 
with  Mexico,  but  in  consequence  of  repeated  outrages  commit- 
ted by  the  Indians.  The  people  assembled  on  that  day,  to 
make  some  arrangement  for  their  protection.!  Samuel  Wolf- 
enbarger  was  called  to  the  chair,  and  J.  W.  Bunton  appointed 
secretary.  A previous  meeting  of  the  ayuntamiento  and  a few 
citizens  had  convened  on  the  8th  of  the  month,  and  nominated 
D.  C.  Barrett,  John  M‘Gehee,  and  B.  Manlove,  as  a committee 
of  safety.  The  meeting  of  the  17th  confirmed  it,  and  added  to 
it  the  names  of  Samuel  Wolfenbarger  and  Edward  Burleson. 
This  example  was  soon  followed  by  all  the  municipalities ; so 
that  in  a short  time  they  were  found  in  the  active  discharge  of 
their  functions,  laboring  with  a zeal  and  constancy  worthy  of 
the  noble  cause  in  which  they  were  engaged. 

Early  in  1835,  Captain  Tenorio,  with  twenty  Mexican  troops, 
was  stationed  at  Anahuac,  to  guard  and  protect  the  port  of 
Galveston.  Some  of  the  Texans,  headed  by  William  B.  Tra- 
vis, determined  that  taxes  should  not  thus  be  collected  from 
them  to  support  a standing  army  in  their  own  country,  attacked 
and  drove  them  off.  They  retired  to  San  Felipe,  where  they 
were  hospitably  received,  and  assisted  on  their  way  to  Bexar. 

* Indianola  Bulletin,  1853. 

f Proceedings  of  the  Committee  of  Mina,  MS.  I am  indebted  to  B.  C.  Frank- 
lin, Esq.,  for  this,  as  well  as  some  other  valuable  papers,  emanating  from  that 
municipality. 

Vol.  I.  — 22 


338 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


Santa  xVnna,  having  deposed  the  governor  of  the  state,  filled 
the  office  by  the  appointment  of  Don  Miguel  Falcon,  a creature 
of  his  own ; but  Falcon  shortly  afterward  proving  impractica- 
ble, he  removed  him,  and  invested  the  commandant-general  Cos 
with  the  civil  as  well  as  the  military  power.  This,  added  to 
the  rumored  approach  of  a standing  army,  increased  the  public 
alarm.  Colonel  Ugartaclica,  the  Mexican  commandant,  was 
stationed  at  Bexar.  He  was  a man  of  courage,  and  of  many 
amiable  qualities ; in  fact,  he  was  personally  popular  with  the 
Texans.  He  saw  the  approaching  storm,  and  did  what  he 
could  to  avert  it ; but  he  was  a soldier,  and  acted  under  or- 
ders. Cos  was  a different  nian ; yet  he  was  capable  of  as  much 
hypocrisy  as  he  deemed  necessary  to  conceal  his  designs  and 
ensnare  the  Texan  patriots.  He  did  not,  however,  deceive 
them  long.  He  sent  them  a circular,  dated  the  12th  of  June, 
1835,  full  of  the  paternal  views  of  the  national  government. 
At  the  same  time  he  despatched  a message  to  the  commandant 
at  Anahuac,  informing  him  that  the  two  companies  of  New 
Leon  and  the  battalion  of  Morales  would  sail  immediately  for 
Texas ; and  that  they  would  be  followed  by  another  strong 
force,  which  he  had  solicited  the  government  to  send.  With 
this  despatch  also  went  another,  from  Ugartachea,  giving  the 
information  that  the  force  which  had  conquered  Zacatecas,  and 
which  was  then  at  Saltillo,  had  likewise  been  ordered  to  Texas, 
and  would  soon  regulate  matters ! The  courier  bearing  these 
documents  was  arrested  by  a party  at  San  Felipe,  and  the 
papers  opened  and  read.* 

The  intelligence  thus  received  served  only  to  increase  the 
public  excitement.  There  were  two  parties  in  San  Felipe, 

* Address  of  R.  M.  Williamson,  chairman  of  the  meeting  of  San  Felipe,  of  Juno 
22,  1835.  Letter  of  J.  B.  Miller,  political  chief  of  Brasos,  to  General  Martin 
Prefecto  do  Cos,  July  1,  1835. 


WAR  AND  PEACE  PARTIES  — THEIR  MOVEMENTS.  339 

and,  in  fact,  throughout  Texas.  The  war-party,  on  receipt  of 
the  news  of  the  flight  of  Governor  Yiesca,  and  his  subsequent 
arrest,  held  a meeting,  and  resolved  to  rescue  the  governor, 
and  drive  the  Mexican  troops  from  San  Antonio.  Notwith- 
standing this,  the  peace-party  did  not  co-operate,  but  urged 
the  bad  faith  of  the  governor  and  legislature  as  a reason  why 
they  should  not  interpose  in  their  behalf.  “ But,”  rejoined  the 
war-party,  “ the  sale  of  the  four  hundred  leagues  of  land  has 
nothing  to  do  with  the  subject.  You  are  justly  indignant  at 
that  sale  — so  also  are  we ; but  that  can  and  ought  to  have  no 
weight  with  the  public  mind  at  this  time.  It  is  too  inconsid- 
erable to  be  noticed  when  compared  to  the  importance  of  our 
country,  our  property,  our  liberty,  and  our  lives,  which  are  all 
involved  in  the  present  contest  between  the  states  and  the  mili- 
tary.”* Thus,  while  the  peace-party  were  engaged  in  making 
apologies,  and  in  soothing  Cos  and  Ugartachea,  the  war-party 
were  publishing  flaming  documents,  full  of  the  wrongs  of  Texas, 
and  of  her  threatened  ruin. 

The  meeting  of  the  war-party,  on  the  22d  of  June,  was  fol- 
lowed by  an  address  from  the  chairman,  R.  M.  Williamson, 
which  produced  a powerful  effect  on  the  public  mind.  As  Ra- 
mon Musquiz,  the  vice-governor,  was  in  Bexar,  and  was  willing 
to  act  as  governor  if  the  colonists  would  sustain  him,  it  was 
proposed  to  take  that  place,  install  him  in  the  executive  office, 
and  have  him  appoint  commissioners  to  extend  to  the  colonists 
the  titles  to  their  lands.  The  legislature,  before  its  flight,  had 
authorized  such  appointments,  but  the  governor  was  arrested 
before  he  could  make  them. 

These  views  were  supported  by  several  of  the  municipalities, 
but  others  rejected  them.  The  ayuntamiento  of  Liberty,  on 
the  1st  of  June,  issued  an  address,  denouncing  the  conduct  of 


Williamson’s  Address,  July  4,  1835. 


840 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


the  party  that  had  expelled  the  troops  from  Anahuac,  declared 
them  a mob,  and  threatened  to  punish  all  such  offenders  against 
the  laws  of  Mexico.*  John  A.  Williams,  a considerable  per- 
sonage in  the  jurisdiction  of  Liberty,  published  a circular,  de- 
nouncing the  meeting  at  San  Felipe  of  the  22d  of  June.f  “ We 
arc  told,”  says  he,  u much  about  extravagant  reforms,  danger- 
ous innovations,  and  extraordinary  prerogatives  assumed  by 
the  general  Congress,  yet  not  one  word  is  said  about  the  pub- 
lic fraud  committed  by  the  governor  and  legislature  in  the  ille- 
gal sale  of  four  hundred  leagues  of  land  to  their  favorite  specu- 
lators  I fear,”  he  continues,  “ the  people  are  now  ready 

to  plunge  headlong  into  the  yawning  jaws  of  a hopeless  civil 
war.  It  seems  to  me  that  I never  heard  of  an  attack  so  dar- 
ing, so  ungrateful  and  unprovoked,  as  that  held  forth  by  the 
people  of  San  Felipe.  To  capture  and  occupy  San  Antonio,  to 
make  treaties  with  the  Indians,  to  send  forces  and  rescue  the 
governor,  to  protect  the  frontiers,  and  sustain  our  position 
against  the  combined  forces  of  the  Mexican  United  States,  are 
what  we  are  urged  to  do ! 0 vanity ! 0 ignorance  ! what  have 

ye  done  ? Will  my  countrymen  ever  be  the  prey  of  political 
jugglers  ?” 

Dr.  James  B.  Miller,  the  political  chief  of  Brasos,  while  he 
despatched  a letter  of  peace  to  General  Cos,  proceeded  to  or- 
ganize the  militia  of  his  jurisdiction  — though  this  he  might 
well  do  to  oppose  the  Indians,  for  they  had  become  trouble- 
some. In  pursuance  of  previous  notice,  however,  there  was 
held  on  the  17th  of  July,  at  San  Felipe,  a meeting  of  the  rep- 
resentatives sent  from  the  jurisdictions  of  Austin,  Columbia, 
and  Mina,$  to  take  into  consideration  the  state  of  the  country, 

* Edward,  p.  235.  f Pine  Bluff,  July  3,  1835.  MS. 

\ Delegates  from  Columbia:  John  A,  Wharton, x James  F.  Perry,  Stirling 
M'Neil,  James  Knight,  and  Josiah  H.  Bell.  From  Austin:  A.  Somerville,  John 
R.  Jones,  Wylie  Martin,  Jesse  Bartlett,  and  C.  B.  Stewart.  From  Afina : D.  C 
Barrett — Journal  of  Proceedings , MS. 


CONCILIATORY  MEETING  AT  SAN  FELIPE. 


341 


and  the  alleged  outrages  against  Mexico.  Wylie  Martin  was 
chosen  president,  Charles  B.  Stewart  secretary,  and  the  meet- 
ing duly  organized.  After  a session  of  four  days,  but  little 
was  accomplished.  A reply  was  made  to  the  letter  of  Ugarta- 
chea,  in  which  he  had  assured  the  Texans  of  the  good  will  of 
the  central  government.  The  reply  represented  the  existence  of 
a like  conciliatory  spirit  on  the  part  of  Texas,  and  expressed 
regret  for  the  recent  outrages,  requesting  Ugartachea  to  inter- 
pose with  Santa  Anna  and  Cos.  Captain  Tenorio,  who  was 
present  at  this  meeting,  was  mollified,  by  sending  to  Harris- 
burg for  his  arms,  and  to  Patrick  II.  Jack  for  his  private  pa- 
pers that  had  been  taken  from  him  at  Anahuac.'*  On  the  sec- 
ond day  of  the  convention,  John  A.  Wharton  moved  for  a call 
of  a general  council  of  the  people  of  Texas,  but  the  proposition 
was  voted  down.  A committee  of  five  was  then  appointed,  to 
draw  up  a statement  of  facts  in  regard  to  the  late  disturbances, 
but  the  next  day  it  was  discharged,  for  want  of  the  necessary 
information  as  to  what  constituted  the  facts.  A commission, 
however,  consisting  of  two  persons  (D.  C.  Barrett  and  Edward 
Gritton),was  appointed,  to  proceed  to  Matamoras,  and  explain 
to  General  Cos  the  recent  occurrences,  and  to  assure  him  of 
the  adherence  of  Texas  to  the  general  government  and  its  in- 
stitutions.! The  meeting,  having  left  all  unfinished  business 
in  the  hands  of  the  political  chief  at  his  request,  adjourned  to 
meet  again  on  the  first  of  August  following. 

* “This  day,  25th  of  July,  gave  Captain  Tenorio  an  order  from  the  political 
chief  to  Wray,  comisario  at  Harrisburg,  for  the  ai  ms  and  accoutrements  which 
were  taken  at  his  surrender;  also  an  order  to  P.  Jack  for  his  (Tenorio’s)  private 
papers.”  — Journal. 

\ Journal,  p.  6.  Edward  Gritton  was  an  Englishman,  who  had  been  for  some 
time  domiciliated  in  Mexico,  and  had  come  to  Texas  in  1834,  in  company  with 
Colonel  Almonte.  There  remains  now  but  little  doubt  of  his  treachery.  The 
meeting  raised  by  subscription  five  hundred  and  forty-seven  dollars,  and  paid  it 
over  to  these  commissioners  as  an  outfit.  Gritton  was  a brother-in-law  of  Colo- 
nel Carbajal. 


342 


HTSTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


The  proceedings  of  this  convention  had  the  effect  to  calm 
the  feelings  of  the  war-party,  and  place  them  in  the  minority. 
In  the  letter  of  Ugartachea,  referred  to  on  the  previous  page, 
he  stated  to  the  Texans  that  they  had  nothing  to  fear  from  the 
introduction  of  troops  into  Texas ; that  they  would  be  placed 
in  detachments  at  the  commercial  points  to  prevent  smuggling, 
and  also  on  the  frontiers  to  repress  the  incursions  of  the  In- 
dians." Nevertheless,  it  was  the  object  of  the  peace-party  to 
prevent,  if  possible,  the  introduction  of  troops  into  Texas  ; and 
they  declared  to  Colonel  Ugartachea,  in  their  reply  of  the  17th 
of  July,  that  if  troops  were  despatched  to  attack  the  colonists, 
or  were  sent  in  great  numbers  for  any  purpose,  it  would  cause 
the  reunion  of  all  parties,  and  a fearful  civil  war  would  be  the 
result. 

The  people  on  the  Navidad  took  a warlike  view  of  public 
occurrences.  They  held  a meeting  at  the  house  of  William 
Millican,  on  the  19th  of  July,  and,  after  appointing  James  Kerr 
chairman  and  Samuel  Rogers  secretary,  declared  their  belief 
that  Santa  Anna  was  hostil  * to  state  sovereignty  and  the  state 
constitution ; that  they  would  oppose  any  force  that  might  be 
introduced  into  Texas  for  other  than  constitutional  purposes ; 
that,  whereas  there  were  then  at  Goliad  two  hundred  infantry, 
on  their  march  to  Bexar,  they  recommended  the  chief  of  the 
department  to  intercept  them ; and  they  further  advised  the 
taking  of  Bexar.  They  concluded  their  proceedings  by  calling 
on  the  militia,  and  directing  them  to  be  ready  to  march  at  a 
moment’s  warning.  An  account  of  these  spirited  proceedings 
was  speedily  sent  to  San  Felipe,  but  a change  of  feeling  had 
occurred  there  since  the  meeting  of  the  22d  of  June,  and  the 
people  were  awaiting  the  result  of  the  mission  of  Messrs.  Bar- 
rett and  Gritton. 

* Letter  of  July  7,  1835,  MS.  This  was  brought  from  Ugartachea  by  Gritton. 


THE  WAR-PARTY  — LETTER  FROM  TRAVIS.  343 

The  people  of  Nacogdoches,  though  farther  removed  from 
the  seat  of  disquiet,  had  already  chosen  a committee  of  safety 
and  vigilance.  Henry  Rueg,*  the  political  chief  of  that  depart- 
ment, was  friendly  to  the  war-party,  and  aided  the  committee 
in  its  labors.  Among  the  leaders  of  the  war-party,  the  most 
prominent  at  that  time  were  Travis,  Bowie,  Williamson,  and 
Johnson.  A letter  from  Travis,  at  San  Felipe,  to.  Bowie,  at 
Nacogdoches,  dated  July  30,  1835,  will  give  some  idea  of  the 
views  of  his  party  at  that  date.  “ The  truth  is,”  says  Travis, 
u the  people  are  much  divided  here.  The  peace-party , as  they 
style  themselves,  I believe  are  the  strongest,  and  make  much 
the  most  noise.  Unless  we  could  be  united,  had  we  not  better 
be  quiet,  and  settle  down  for  a while  ? There  is  now  no  doubt 
but  that  a central  government  will  be  established.  What  will 
Texas  do  in  that  case  ? Dr.  J.  H.  C.  Miller,  and  Chambers, 
from  Gonzales,  are,  I believe,  for  unqualified  submission.  I 
do  not  know  the  minds  of  the  people  upon  the  subject ; but  if 
they  had  a bold  and  determined  leader,  I am  inclined  to  think 

they  would  kick  against  it General  Cos  writes  that  he 

wants  to  be  at  peace  with  us ; and  he  appears  to  be  disposed 
to  cajole  and  soothe  us.  Ugartachca  does  the  same.  . . . God 
knows  what  we  are  to  do ! I am  determined,  for  one,  to  go 
with  my  countrymen : right  or  wrong,  4 sink  or  swim,  live  or 
die,  survive  or  perish,’  I am  with  them !’’ 

On  the  12th  of  July,  General  Cos  addressed  a letter  to  the 
political  chief  of  Brasos,  inquiring  as  to  the  late  proceedings, 

* Henry  Rueg  was  a native  of  Switzerland.  He  came  to  the  United  States  in 
1818,  and,  with  his  partner  Norgelle,  brought  a number  of  Dutch  families  to  a 
tract  of  land  near  Compt6,  on  Red  river;  but  the  colony,  not  prospering,  was 
abandoned,  and  Rueg  proceeded  to  Texas  in  1821.  After  engaging  for  a while 
in  the  mule-trade,  he  set  up  a small  store  in  Nacogdoches.  Here  an  intimacy 
sprang  up  between  him  and  Piedras  the  commandant,  which,  when  that  town 
was  erected  into  a separate  chieftaincy,  resulted  in  his  appointment  to  that  office. 
He  was  the  first  and  last  political  “chief  of  the  department. 


344 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


and  directing  him  to  take  measures  for  the  suppression  of  dis- 
turbances. J.  B.  Miller  was  absent  and  sick  at  the  time  this 
paper  reached  San  Felipe,  and  it  was  answered  by  Wylie  Mar- 
tin, the  chief  pro  tem .*  He  assured  General  Cos  that  he  had 
already  taken  steps  to  allay  the  disturbances,  and  had  made 
known  to  the  people  the  friendly  assurances  of  his  excellency. 
He  further  informed  him  of  the  appointment  of  commissioners 
to  visit  him  at  Matamoras,  and  make  explanations. 

In  the  meantime,  early  in  July,  Lorenzo  de  Zavala,  late 
governor  of  the  state  and  city  of  Mexico,  and  embassador  to 
France,  had  fled  from  the  tyranny  of  Santa  Anna,  and  sought 
refuge  on  the  shores  of  Texas.  No  sooner  had  the  Mexican 
authorities  learned  this  fact,  than  an  order  was  despatched  to 
have  him  arrested.  Captain  Antonio  Tenorio,  late  of  Anahuac, 
made  the  application  for  arrest  to  Wylie  Martin,  acting  politi- 
cal chief,  on  the  24th  of  July.  On  the  26th  the  chief  replied 
that  he  could  not,  in  his  civil  capacity,  proceed  to  arrest  Za- 
vala, because  he  had  received  no  order  to  that  effect  from  the 
government ; and  therefore  he  refused. 

But  there  were  spies  at  San  Felipe,  watching  and  reporting 
to  Ugartachea  the  movements  of  the  war-party.  Dr.  James 
H.  C.  Miller,  of  Gonzales,  who  was  then  at  San  Felipe  as  a 
delegate  to  the  approaching  convention,  of  the  first  of  August, 
thus  wrote  to  John  W.  Smith,  of  Bexar,  under  date  of  July  25, 
1885  : “All  here  is  in  a train  for  peace.  The  war  and  specu- 
lating parties  are  entirely  put  down,  and  are  preparing  to 
leave  the  country.  They  should  now  be  demanded  of  their 
respective  chiefs  — a few  at  a time.  First,  Johnson,  William- 
son, Travis,  and  Williams  ; and  perhaps  that  is  enough.  Cap- 
tain Martin,  once  so  revolutionary,  is  now,  thank  God,  where 
he  should  be,  in  favor  of  peace,  and  his  duty ; and  by  his  influ- 

* Letter  of  Wylie  Martin  to  General  Cos,  July  25,  1835.  MS. 


ORDERS  TO  ARREST  SUSPECTED  PERSONS. 


345 


ence,  in  a good  degree,  has  peace  been  restored.  But  now 
they  should  be  demanded.  The  moment  is  auspicious.  The 
people  are  up.  Say  so,  and  oblige  one  who  will  never  forget 
his  true  allegiance  to  the  supreme  authorities  of  the  nation, 
and  who  knows  that,  till  they  are  dealt  with,  Texas  will  never 
be  quiet.  Travis  is  in  a peck  of  troubles.  Dr.  J.  B.  Miller 
disclaims  his  act  in  taking  Anahuac,  and  he  feels  the  breach. 
Don  Lorenzo  de  Zavala  is  now  in  Columbia,  attempting  to 
arouse,  Ac.  Have  him  called  for,  and  he  also  will  be  deliv- 
ered up.  Williams,  Baker,  and  Johnson,  are  now  on  a visit 
to  him,  and  no  doubt  conspiring  against  the  government.  Fail 
not  to  move  in  this  matter,  and  that  quickly , as  now  is  the 
time.” 

Smith  immediately  exhibited  this  letter  to  Ugartachea,  who, 
being  misled  by  it,  and  supposing  the  people  of  Texas  would 
surrender  their  leading  men,  issued  an  order  to  each  of  the 
alcaldes,  ordering  them  to  take  every  possible  means  to  arrest 
Zavala,  Johnson,  Williamson,  Travis,  Williams,  and  Baker; 
and,  when  in  safe  custody,  to  deliver  them  to  Captain  Tenorio 
at  San  Felipe.  He  further  stated  in  the  order,  that,  should 
they  not  do  so,  they  would  not  only  be  compromitted  them- 
selves, but  he  would  send  a respectable  force  to  arrest  those 
persons.* 

The  commissioners  to  General  Cos  reported  their  proceed- 
ings to  the  committee  of  safety  at  Mina,  and  they  were  approved 
on  the  29tli  of  July.  Haying  made  the  necessary  preparations, 
the  commissioners  set  out.  Their  correspondence  is  long  and 
pointless.  They  left  Bastrop  on  the  30th  of  July,f  and  arrived 
at  Gonzales  on  the  night  of  the  1st  of  August,  where  they  met 

* Order  from  Bexar,  July  31,  1835. 

f Letter  fron  Edward  Gritton  to  Wylie  Martin,  July  30,  1835.  The  prii  ci- 
pal  business  of  the  commission  on  the  route  appeared  to  be  the  collection  of 

funds. 


346 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


the  order  of  Ugartaclica  for  the  arrest  of  Zavala  and  the  other 
suspected  persons.  They  succeeded  in  detaining  the  express 
until  Gritton  could  hasten  to  Bexar,  and  endeavor  to  effect  the 
revocation  of  the  order.  He  succeeded  only  so  far  as  to  have 
rescinded  that  portion  which  required  the  prisoners,  when  ar- 
rested, to  be  delivered  to  Captain  Tenorio. 

The  commissioners  reached  Bexar  on  the  5th  of  August,  and 
had  several  interviews  with  Colonel  Ugartachea.  He  could 
not  understand  what  was  meant  by  conventions,  commissioners, 
and  committees  of  safety,  but  looked  upon  them  with  jealousy 
as  a sort  of  j uronunciamcwtos,  and  of  rebellious  tendency.  But 
they  were  operating,  as  they  supposed,  favorably  upon  the  kind- 
hearted  Mexican  commandant  of  Texas,  when  — “ Lo  ! at  this 
auspicious  moment,”  say  the  commissioners,  “ a courier  from 
General  Cos  arrived,  interdicting’  all  communication  with  the 
colonies,  leaving  them  to  go  to  the  devil  in  their  own  way  !”* 
Cos  had  received  a copy  of  the  4th-of-July  address  of  R.  M. 
Williamson  : hence  the  interdict. 

That  night  the  commissioners  went  to  bed  — not  to  sleep,  but 
“ haunted  by  visions  of  broken  heads,  mangled  limbs,  and  an 
ill-natured  and  unnatural  conflict,  unnecessarily  provoked,  and 
for  the  want  of  time  to  effect  a proper  understanding  among 
all  the  parties  concerned.”  But  the  next  morning  another 
courier  arrived  from  Cos,  countermanding  the  order  of  the  pre- 
ceding evening.  He  had  received  the  account  of  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  peace-convention  of  July  17-21,  which  changed  the 
face  of  things,  and  consequently  his  own  feelings.  In  his  last 
despatch,  however,  General  Cos  still  required,  as  a condition 
of  peace,  that  the  disturbers  of  public  order  should  be  given 
up.  Nor  did  he  act  without  the  authority  of  Santa  Anna.  In 
a letter  from  Tornel,  the  minister  of  war  and  marine,  to  Cos, 

* D,  C.  Barrett  to  the  political  chief  of  Brasos,  August  8,  1835. 


SANTA  ANNA’S  ATTEMPT  TO  APPREHEND  ZAVALLA.  347 

dated  the  1st  of  August,  lie  stated  that  it  was  Santa  Anna’s 

“ will  that  the  delinquents  be  chastised that  those  who 

had  attempted  to  disturb  order  should  be  given  up,  to  be 
placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  tribunals.”  The  order  was  also 
repeated  on  the  3d,  so  that  General  Cos  had  no  discretion  in 
the  matter ; and,  while  he  was  determined  to  obey  these  com- 
mands, as  far  as  he  could,  he  took  care  to  make  them  public.* 
As  the  Texan  commissioners  were  not  authorized  to  surrender 
any  one  to  the  Mexican  authorities,  or  to  agree  that  it  should 
be  done,  it  was  concluded  to  send  back  Mr.  Gritton  for  further 
instructions,  thus  intimating  pretty  clearly  that  the  surrenders 
should  be  made. 

In  pursuance  of  the  foregoing  arrangement,  Mr.  Gritton  re- 
turned to  San  Felipe,  while  Mr.  Barrett  remained  at  Bexar ; 
both,  however,  were  to  meet  at  Goliad  on  their  way  to  Mata- 
moras.  But  to  return  to  more  important  events. 

Santa  Anna  was  extremely  solicitous  to  obtain  possession  of 
the  person  of  Zavala.  The  latter  had  been  his  friend,  and  had 
sustained  him  in  a trying  hour.  But  the  aid  was  given  for  the 
cause  of  liberty ! Santa  Anna  had  deserted  that  cause,  and 
now  wished  to  sacrifice  an  ancient  friend,  who  might  live  to 
reproach  him  for  his  perfidy.  “ I give  this  supreme  order,” 
says  Tornel  to  Cos,  “ having  the  honor  to  direct  it  to  you,  re- 
quiring you  to  provide  and  bring  into  action  all  your  ingenuity 
and  activity  in  arranging  energetic  plans  for  success  in  the 
apprehension  of  Don  Lorenzo  Zavala,  which  person,  in  the 
actual  circumstances  of  Texas,  must  be  very  pernicious.  To 
this  end  I particularly  recommend  that  you  spare  no  means  to 
secure  his  person,  and  place  it  at  the  disposition  of  the  supreme 
government.” 

* I have  before  me  certified  copies  of  these  orders  distributed  by  Colonel 
Ugartachea. 


348 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


Cos,  in  transmitting  this  order  to  Ugartachea,  on  the  8th  of 
August,  directed  him,  if  Zavala  was  not  given  up,  to  proceed 
at  the  head  of  all  his  cavalry  to  execute  the  command,  and  to 
give  to  the  local  authorities  on  the  route  information  as  to  his 
sole  object.  General  Cos  also  approved  of  Colonel  Ugarta- 
chea’s  requisition  upon  the  alcaldes  for  the  other  obnoxious 
individuals  previously  mentioned,  and  especially  Travis,  whose 
arrest  he  ordered,  that  he  might  be  conducted  to  Bexar,  to  be 
tried  by  a military  court. 

The  next  point  was  to  execute  this  “ supreme  order.”  Za- 
vala was  needed  by  the  Texans  in  organizing  their  defence : 
and  the  time  had  not  yet  arrived  when  Travis  should  be  shot 
at  Bexar.  But  efforts  to  execute  the  order  were  postponed, 
to  await  the  result  of  the  application  for  new  instructions  to 
be  furnished  Mr.  Gritton.  The  points  on  which  the  Texan 
commissioners  wished  instructions  were  — 1.  What  disposition 
they  should  make  of  the  individuals  demanded  for  punishment. 
2.  As  to  the  modification  of  the  Mexican  tariff,  the  general 
Congress  being  then  in  session.  3.  With  respect  to  a direct 
mail  communication  from  Mexico,  through  Texas,  to  the  Uni- 
ted States.  4.  As  to  the  right  of  carrying  on  a coasting-trade 
in  foreign  bottoms.  5.  In  regard  to  citizenship.  6.  The  ap- 
pointment of  commissioners  to  extend  land-titles  to  those  Tex- 
ans unprovided,  and  three  fourths  of  them  were  in  that  condi- 
tion. T.  As  to  the  sending  of  troops  into  Texas.  8.  With 
regard  to  the  practice  of  sentencing  convicts  to  Texas,  making 
it  a sanctuary  for  rogues.*  Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  the 
simple  embassy  of  peace,  long  before  it  reached  its  destination, 
had  grown  to  one  of  plenipotentiary  powers. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  the  meeting  that  had  appointed 
these  commissioners  had  adjourned  to  meet  again  on  the  1st 

* Exhibit  No.  7 to  Barrett’s  letter  of  August  8,  1835.  MS. 


THE  WAR-PAJRTY  IN  THE  ASCENDENCY.  349 

of  August.  On  that  day  but  three  municipalities  were  repre- 
sented. After  waiting  till  the  3d  of  the  month,  the  political 
chief  dissolved  the  council,  saying  that,  if  anything  should  oc- 
cur, he  would  call  another  meeting  ;*  so  that,  when  Mr.  Gritton 
presented  himself,  he  found  no  one  able  to  furnish  him  with 
instructions.  The  acting  political  chief,  Wylie  Martin,  in  re- 
ply, however,  stated  that  the  body  that  had  appointed  the  com- 
missioners had  ceased  to  exist ; and  that  a new  election  and 
convocation  would  require  four  weeks,  and  that  would  defeat 
the  object  of  the  mission — which  was  simply  one  of  pacifica- 
tion. He  regretted  their  delay,  believing  their  powers  suffi- 
cient for  the  main  object ; and  concluded  by  informing  them 
that  those  persons  proscribed  had  left  the  department  of  Bra- 
sos,  and  that  the  balance  of  the  war-party  were  still  urging 
Texas  to  ruin,  by  attempting  to  bring  about  a general  conven- 
tion of  the  department. 

The  report  that  the  proscribed  persons  were  on  their  way 
to  the  United  States  was  eagerly  seized  by  Ugartachea  as  an 
excuse  for  not  marching  in  pursuit,  at  the  risk  of  losing  all  "his 
cavalry.  General  Cos  wrote  to  him  on  the  20th  of  August, 
stating  that  it  was  useless  for  the  commissioners  to  come  to 
see  him,  for  the  purpose  of  making  explanations,  unless  the 
disturbers  of  public  order  were  first  given  up.  But,  in  order 
to  make  matters  easier,  Ugartachea  procured  Barrett  to  write 
to  the  political  chief  of  Brasos  on  the  subject,  and  request  of 
him  affidavits  of  the  fact  that  Zavala  had  left  the  country.  The 
affidavits,  however,  were  not  made.f 

In  the  meantime,  the  news  of  the  demand  made  for  these 
men  had  been  extensively  circulated  in  Texas,  and  excited  a 
thorough  war-spirit.  The  war-party  was  in  the  ascendency. 

* Journal  of  the  council,  MS. 

f Barrett  to  the  political  chief  of  Brasos,  August  17,  1835.  MS. 


350 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


Rueg,  the  political  chief  of  Nacogdoches,  had  become  fully 
aroused  on  the  subject.  He  addressed  a circular  letter  to  his 
department,  declaring  his  adherence  to  the  federal  form  of 
government.  It  was  published  in  the  “ New  Orleans  Bulletin” 
of  the  7th  of  August,  and  met  the  eye  of  General  Cos.  “ You 
are  made  responsible,”  said  Cos  to  him  in  his  letter  of  the  17th 
of  the  month,  “ for  the  consequences  which  such  a document 
may  produce  ; for  it  is  your  duty  to  give  to  your  subordinates 
an  example  of  submission  and  respect  to  the  laws  of  the  coun- 
try. You  have  invited  and  conducted  them  toward  rebellion 
and  open  resistance  to  its  superior  dispositions.  The  plans  of 
the  revolutionists  of  Texas  are  well  known  to  this  command- 
ancy ; and  it  is  quite  useless  and  vain  to  cover  them  with  a 
hypocritical  adherence  to  the  federal  constitution.  The  con- 
stitution by  which  all  Mexicans  may  be  governed  is  the  consti- 
tution which  the  colonists  of  Texas  must  obey , no  matter  on 
what  principles  it  may  be  formed.” 

It  is  clear  enough  that  the  Texans  could  not  subscribe  to 
this  military  dogma  of  General  Cos,  without  a total  abandon- 
ment of  their  rights. 

The  people  of  the  “Red  Lands’’  had  also  organized.  In 
a series  of  resolutions  introduced  by  Sam  Houston,  at  a meet- 
ing in  San  Augustine,  they  declared  their  adherence  to  the 
Acta  Constitutiva , and  the  constitution  of  1824 ; that  the  ar- 
rest of  Governor  Viesca  and  the  members  of  the  legislature, 
and  the  intended  introduction  of  an  army  into  Texas,  were  evi- 
dences of  tyranny,  dangerous  to  liberty,  and  a violation  of  the 
terms  on  which  the  colonists  had  been  invited  hither ; and  that 
there  was  no  legitimate  head  to  the  state  government,  the  gov- 
ernor being  imprisoned,  and  a creature  of  Santa  Anna’s  being 
placed  in  his  stead — in  the  exercise  of  powers  unknown  to 
the  constitution.  The  resolutions  further  provided  for  negoti- 


DESPOTIC  COURSE  OF  SANTA  ANNA. 


351 


ations  with  the  Indian  tribes,  for  raising  and  organizing  the 
militia,  and  for  appointing  a committee  of  safety.  They  also 
declared  that  those  who  should  fly  the  country  should  forfeit 
their  lands. 

In  the  meantime,  Santa  Anna  was  engaged  in  Mexico  in  the 
consolidation  of  a despotism.  There  were  in  that  nation  many 
genuine  friends  of  liberty,  ardent  supporters  of  the  constitution 
of  1824 ; but  the  terrors  of  banishment  and  death  restrained 
them.  Those  who  dared  to  oppose  him  were  pursued  and 
hunted  down  like  wild  beasts  ! Of  this  number  were  Zavala 
and  Mexia.  The  Congress  was  completely  in  his  hands.  With 
the  clergy  and  the  army  he  fulminated  his  spiritual  and  mili- 
tary thunders.  Over  a timid  and  superstitious  people  his 
power  had  become  nearly  omnipotent.  All  but  Texas  had 
bowed  the  neck  to  the  imperious  tyrant.  To  him  she  was  like 
“ Mordecai  sitting  in  the  king’s  gate.’,  His  plan  for  her  sub- 
jugation was,  however,  skilfully  laid.  It  was,  to  fill  the  coun- 
try gradually  with  military  forces,  under  different  pretences. 
In  fact,  five  hundred  troops  were  embarked  for  Texas  in  April 
of  the  present  year  (1835),  but  the  disturbances  in  Zacatecas 
caused  them  to  be  recalled.  The  time  which  the  dictator  had 
fixed  for  the  overthrow  of  the  constitution  was  in  the  following 
October.  Events  had,  however,  hurried  him  on  so  rapidly, 
that  he  was  compelled  to  change  his  plaji,  and  despatch  troops 
to  Texas  more  rapidly.  In  July,  he  accordingly  sent  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty  ; in  the  first  days  of  August,  three  hundred  more  ; 
and  therfe  were  a thousand  more  on  the  route.* 

Under  these  threatening  circumstances,  the  peaceful  mission 
of  Messrs.  Barrett'  and  Gritton  died  a natural  death.  So  much 
was  the  public  mind  directed  to  the  impending  danger,  that 
the  diplomatic  functions  of  the  commissioners  expired  like  an 

* Address  of  tlie  Committee  of  Columbia,  August  20,  1835. 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


352 

exhausted  taper,  and  no  record  was  left  to  inform  us  of  the 
closing  scene.  It  is  certain,  however,  that  they  never  reached 
the  court  to  which  they  were  accredited. 

The  western  and  middle  colonies  of  Texas,  during  the  sum- 
mer of  1835,  prepared  and  sent  out  an  expedition  against  the 
Indians.  The  four  small  companies  of  Captains  Robert  M. 
Williamson,  John  H.  Moore,  George  W.  Barnett,  and  Philip 
Coe,  assembled  on  the  last  days  of  July  at  Tenoxtitlan — 
whence,  on  the  31st  of  that  month,  they  marched  to  Parker’s 
fort,  on  the  NavaSoto,  to  the  relief  of  Captain  Colemam  Here 
they  organized  by  the  election  of  John  H.  Moore  as  major  of 
the  command.  Thence  they  proceeded  to  Twowokana.  The 
Indians,  however,  getting  news  of  their  approach,  abandoned 
the  town.  The  expedition  returned  after  a campaign  of  some 
weeks,  in  which  they  had  a number  of  adventures  .with  the  re- 
treating savages.  This  seasonable  display  gf  force  on  the 
frontier  was  of  great  service,  as  it  overawed  the  Indians,  and 
also  tended  to  discipline  the  volunteers,  and  prepare  them  for 
the  toils  and  triumphs  that  awaited  them  at  home.* 

By  the  month  of  August  it  was  clearly  understood  that  the 
federal  constitution  was  to  be  destroyed.  The  plan  of  Toluca 
— countenanced  and  perhaps  started  by  Santa  Anna — pro- 
posed a central  government.  The  doctrine  had  already  gone 
forth  that  the  authority  of  the  national  Congress  was  unlim- 
ited— that  it  could  do  anything  which  Santa  Anna  desired.  It 
was  further  understood  that  the  president  was  to  hold  his  office 
for  eight  years,  and  was  to  have  some  sort  of  advisory  body,  a 
council  or  Congress,  but  this  body  was  to  be  dependent  on  him. 

In  regard  to  the  Mexican  policy  toward  Texas,  it  had  been 
manifestly  hostile  since  1832.  The  troops  were  to  be  in  that 
department  by  the  time  of  the  change  in  the  form  of  govern- 


* Captain  Williamson  to  the  political  chief  of  Brasos,  August  16,  1835. 


MEXICAN  POLICY  TOWARD  TEXAS. 


353 


ment,  fixed  for  October.  Customhouses  were  to  be  established 
and  defended.  All  those  who  had  immigrated  into  Texas  from 
the  United  States,  since  the  law  of  April  6, 1830,  were  to  be 
driven  from  the  country.  A number  of  proscribed,  of  which  a 
long  list  was  preserved,  were  to  be  arrested  and  tried  by  a 
drum-head  court ! The  slaves  were  to  be  freed,  and  introduced 
to  citizenship.  The  empresarios  were  to  be  dismissed  from 
their  functions,  and  future  immigrants  supplied  fpom  Mexico.* 
This  appears  to  have  been  the  future  designed  for  Texas,  and 
digested,  no  doubt,  from  the  notes  of  Almonte. 

* EL  A.  Alsberry  to  the  People  of  Texas,  August  28,  1835. 


Vol.  I.— 23 


354 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

The  idea  of  a general  consultation  of  all  Texas  had  its  ori- 
gin in  the  jurisdiction  of  the  municipality  of  Columbia.  The 
people  approved  and  recommended  it  in  a meeting  held  there 
as  early  as  the  23d  of  June,  1835.  xlt  another  assembly,  in 
the  town  of  Columbia,  on  the  15th  of  August,  a committee  of 
fifteen  persons  was  appointed,  to  be  called  “ a committee  of 
safety  and  correspondence  for  the  jurisdiction  of  Columbia.” 
It  was  “ instructed  to  prepare  an  address  to  all  the  jurisdic- 
tions of  Texas,  requesting  them  to  co-operate  in  the  call  for  a 
consultation  of  alt  Texas.”*  The  committee  published  its 
address,  and  it  was  sent  by  express  to  every  municipality  in 

* Address  of  the  People  of  Columbia  to  the  People  of  Texas,  August  20,  1835. 
The  committee  appointed  at  the  meeting  of  the  15th  of  August  consisted  of  John 
A.  Wharton,  W.  D.  C.  Hall,  Henry  Smith,  Silas  Dinsmore,  James  F.  Perry,  John 

G.  M‘Neil,  Robert  IT.  Williams,  W.  II.  Jack,  F.  A.  Bingham,  John  Hodge,  Wade 

H.  Bynum,  Branch  T.  Archer,  William  T.  Austin,  P.  Bertrand,  and  Isaac  T. 
Tinsley.  — Journal  of  the  Consultation,  p.  4.  To  do  justice  to  Zavala,  it  is  proper 
to  state  that,  in  an  address  made  by  him  on  the  7th  of  August,  1835,  at  Harris- 
burg, he  said  that  “Coahuila  and  Texas  formed  a state  of  the  republic,  and,  as 
one  part  of  it  is  occupied  by  an  invading  force,  the  free  part  of  it  should  proceed 
to  organize  a power  which  would  restore  harmony,  and  establish  uniformity  in 
all  the  branches  of  the  public  administration,  which  would  be  a rallying-point 
for  the  citizens,  whose  hearts  now  tremble  for  liberty.  But  as  this  power  can 
only  be  organized  by  means  of  a convention,  which  should  represent  the  free 
will  of  the  citizens  of  Texas,  it  is  my  opinion  that  this  step  should  be  taken,  and 
I suggest  the  15th  day  of  October  as  a time  sufficient  to  allow  all  the  depart- 
ments to  send  their  representatives.”  — Foote , vol.  ii.,  p.  83. 


TEXAN  PRONUNCIAMENTO. 


355 


Texas.  This  was  a genuine  pronunciamento ; the  consequent 
plan  being  that  each  jurisdiction  or  municipality  should  elect 
five  individuals  as  representatives,  the  elections  to  be  holden 
on  the  5th  of  October,  and  the  consultation  to  convene  at  the 
town  of  Washington  on  the  15th  of  the  same  month.  Each 
member  elect  was  to  ascertain  and  bring  with  him  the  number 
of  people  in  his  jurisdiction ; and  those  jurisdictions  that  had 
not  already  appointed  committees  of  correspondence  and  safety, 
were  to  do  so. 

This  arrangement  for  a consultation  was  wise : it  was  in- 
tended to  unite  and  direct  the  energies  of  the  whole  people  in 
compliance  with  the  wishes  of  the  majority.  There  were  in 
Texas,  at  that  time,  three  parties,  as  follows : the  war-party, 
who  thought  the  country  should  fight  at  once ; a second  party, 
that  wished  to  consult  and  be  united  before  adopting  warlike 
measures ; and  a third  party,  known  as  submissionists , who 
were  opposed  to  war  under  any  circumstances.  A general 
consultation  would  heal  these  divisions,  and  enable  Texas  to 
present  an  undivided  front  to  her  enemy. 

The  Mexicans  commenced  their  warlike  movements  at  Go- 
liad. Colonel  Ugartachea  had  been  too  long  in  Texas,  knew 
too  much  of  the  character  of  her  people,  and  was  entirely  too 
humane  in  his  disposition,  to  answer  the  ends  of  General  Cos ; 
besides,  he  had  not  been  as  active  in  arresting  the  persons  pro- 
scribed as  it  was  supposed  he  ought  to  have  been,  though  his 
experience  at  Yelasco  had  taught  him  the  necessity  of  great 
prudence  in  his  dealings  with  the  colonists.  He  was  accord- 
ingly made  to  give  place  in  the  Texan  commandancy  to  Colo- 
nel Nicholas  Candelle,  a man  of  barbarous  antecedents,  and 
much  prejudiced  against  the  Texans.  He  commenced  his  ca- 
reer in  Goliad  by  putting  the  alcalde  in  jail,  and  extorting 
from  the  administrador  the  sum  of  five  thousand  dollars,  under 


356 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


the  penalty  of  being  sent  on  foot  a prisoner  to  Bexar  in  ten 
hours.  He  also  stripped  the  town  of  its  arms,  pressed  the 
people  into  the  ranks  as  soldiers,  and  gave  notice  that  the 
troops  would  be  quartered  upon  the  citizens  — five  to  a family 
— and  should  be  supported  by  them.* 

The  movement  for  a general  consultation  met  with  a general 
and  favorable  response  from  the  different  municipalities ; and, 
after  some  correspondence  with  regard  to  the  place  of  meeting, 
it  was  concluded,  inasmuch  as  the  principal*  political  characters 
resided  near  San  Felipe,  and  a printing-press  was  located  there, 
that  the  meeting  should  occur  at  that  place.  Accordingly,  the 
public  mind  was  directed  to  the  points  to  be  settled  by  the 
consultation,  and  to  suitable  persons  to  carry  out  the  will  of 
the  people. 

Shortly  after  the  capture  of  Captain  Tenorio  and  his  force 
at  Anahuac  by  Travis,  General  Cos  despatched  the  schooner- 
of-war  Correo  Mexicano , commanded  by  Captain  Thompson, 
to  the  scene  of  action,  to  give  protection  to  Mexican  commerce 
in  that  quarter.  Thompson  remained  some  time  in  Galveston 
bay,  and  was  quite  insolent  to  traders  and  citizens,  threaten- 
ing to  burn  down  the  town  of  Anahuac. f While  engaged  in 
“ protecting  the  revenues,”  he  captured  a small  vessel  engaged 
in  the  Texan  trade.  This  conduct  exasperated  the  public  mind 
against  him  ; and  a merchant-vessel,  the  San  Felipe , was  pur- 
chased and  armed  at  New  Orleans,  placed  under  the  command 
of  Captain  Hurd,  and  sent  in  pursuit  of  him.  By  the  aid  of 
the  steamboat  Laura , the  Correo  was  captured  (in  September, 
1835),  and  Captain  Thompson  sent  to  New  Orleans  to  be  tried 
for  piracy 4 

* Address  of  the  people  of  Columbia,  <fcc. 

t Travis’s  letter  to  Bowie,  July  30,  1835.  MS. 

% Letter  of  Captain  Thomas  M.  Thompson  to  the  editor  of  the  “Telegraph," 
October  15,  1837.  Captain  Thompson  remained  six  months  in  prison  in  New 


RETURN  OF  AUSTIN  TO  TEXAS. 


357 


In  the  first  days  of  September,  Stephen  F.  Austin,  after  a 
detention  so  long  and  painful  in  Mexico,  returned  to  Texas. 
The  old  pioneers  who  had  come  with  him  into  the  country,  and 
been  with  him  in  days  gone  by,  and  who  had  witnessed  and 
partaken  of  his  toils  and  privations,  gathered  round  and  re- 
ceived him  as  one  risen  from  the  dead.  Such  demonstrations 
of  regard  were  fully  reciprocated  by  Austin.  He  was  a genu- 
ine lover  of  his  race,  and  especially  of  those  for  whose  happi- 
ness he  had  devoted- the  best  energies  of  his  life.  If  there  was 
any  one  desire  nearer  to  his  heart  than  all  others,  it  was  to 
see  his  colony  prosper.  He  was  greatly  distressed  to  find 
Texas  in  her  then  unsettled  condition.  “ I fully  hoped,’’  said 
he,  “ to  have  found  Texas  at  peace  and  in  tranquillity,  but  re- 
gret to  find  it  in  commotion — all  disorganized,  all  in  anarchy, 
and  threatened  with  immediate  hostilities.  This  state  of  things 
is  deeply  to  be  lamented.” 

Austin’s  many  friends  invited  him  to  a dinner  at  Brasoria, 
on  the  8th  of  September.  On  that  occasion  he  addressed  them 
in  some  sensible  remarks  touching  their  affairs.  He  declared 
in  favor  of  their  “ constitutional  rights,  and  the  peace  and  se- 
curity of  Texas ; also  for  a general  consultation  of  the  people.” 
The  great  popularity  and  personal  influence  of  Austin  sufficed 
to  bring  over  to  the  side  of  a consultation  nearly  all  its  oppo- 
nents. Wylie  Martin,  the  acting  political  chief,  who  had  been 
so  strongly  opposed  to  revolutionary  measures,  and  who  had, 
in  fact,  been  at  the  head  of  the  peace-party,  surrendered  his 
opposition,  and  joined  the  friends  of  civil  liberty.  In  his  ad- 
dress, Austin  stated  that  Santa  Anna  had  “ verbally  and  ex- 
pressly authorized  and  requested  him  to  say  to  the  people  of 

Orleans,  at  the  expiration  of  which  time  he  was  tried  and  acquitted.  He  was 
an  Englishman,  and  had  been  in  the  Mexican  service  some  years.  He  was  very 
kind  afterward  to  Texan  prisoners  at  Matamoras,  and  ultimately  took  the  side 
of  the  Texans. 


358 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


Texas  that  he  was  their  friend,  that  he  wished  for  their  pros- 
perity, and  would  do  all  he  could  to  promote  it ; and  that  in 
the  new  constitution  he  would  use  his  influence  to  give  to  the 
people  of  Texas  a special  organization  suited  to  their  educa- 
tion, habits,  and  situation.” 

In  a few  days,  Austin  was  placed  on  the  committee  of  vigi- 
lance and  safety  at  San  Felipe,  and  gave  a fresh  impulse  to  the 
revolutionary  correspondence  of  the  committees.  On  the  12th 
of  September,  the  committee  at  San  Felipe  sent  out  a circular, 
noticing,  among  other  things,  the  rights  of  the  Indians.  It  is 
true  they  qualified  it  by  speaking  only  of  their  just  and  legal 
rights.  This  was  a point  of  vast  importance  to  eastern  Texas, 
and,  in  fact,  to  the  whole  country,  for  there  were  more  than  a 
thousand  warriors  among  the  different  tribes  that  had  emi- 
grated from  the  United  States,  and  almost  surrounded  the 
frontier  of  eastern  Texas.  Colonel  Bean,  who  had  been  for  a 
long  time  Mexican  agent  for  these  Indians,  possessed  great  in- 
fluence over  them  ; and  they  had  only  to  turn  their  savage  arms 
upon  Texas  to  decide  the  contest  in  favor  of  Mexico.  It  was 
generally  admitted  that  they  had  some  rights,  though  they  had 
never  been  distinctly  defined  by  the  Mexican  government.  The 
committees  of  San  Augustine  and  Nacogdoches  had  jointly  sent 
a deputation,  which  included  the  names  of  Houston  and  Rusk, 
to  conciliate  them.  They  declared  to  the  Indians  that  “ they 
had  ordered  all  their  surveyors  to  keep  away  from  their  lands, 
and  not  to  make  any  marks  on  them ; that  they  did  not  intend 
that  any  white  man  should  interrupt  them  on  their  lands.” 
These  promises,  to  which  others  were  afterward  added,  as  we 
shall  see,  served  to  keep  the  Indians  quiet.*  Besides,  Bean 
was  probably  at  heart  in  favor  of  the  Texan  cause ; but  he  had 

* Letter  to  the  Cherokees,  September  18,  1835  : MS.  Big  Mush  and  Bolles 
to  the  political  chief  of  Nacogdoches,  September  17,  1835 : MS. 


LAND-FRAUDS  — WAR  INEVITABLE. 


359 


grown  old,  was  very  poor,  and  was  receiving  a colonel’s  pay 
in  the  Mexican  service : therefore  he  did  not  wish  to  compro- 
mit  either  his  office  or  his  countrymen. 

The  desire  of  the  colonies  to  perfect  the  titles  to  their  lands 
was  not  suspended  by  the  approach  of  war ; and  many,  who 
had  bought  up  headright  claims,  were  still  more  anxious  to 
have  the  titles  extended.  On  the  3d  of  September,  Colonel 
Ugartachea  addressed  an  order  to  the  political  chief  at  Nacog- 
doches to  suspend  all  persons,  so  engaged,  from  giving  titles, 
till  the  further  commands  of  the  supreme  government  should 
be  received.  This  order  was  referred  to  the  committee  of 
safety,  who  resolved  that,  under  the  laws,  the  settlers  were 
entitled  to  their  lands,  and  that,  under  the  constitution,  Colonel 
Ugartachea  had  no  right  to  control  the  civil  authority ; and 
that  therefore  they  would  resist  such  an  assumption  of  power, 
and  would  sustain  the  land-commissioner  in  extending  titles. 
This  was  all  manly  and  patriotic  in  the  committee,  though  it 
would  have  been  better  if  they  had  restrained  the  commis- 
sioner ; for,  during  the  contest  which  followed,  and  while  the 
worthy  of  the  land  were  in  the  army,  monstrous  frauds  were 
perpetrated  by  the  commissioner,  and  hundreds  of  leagues  per- 
haps were  passed  away  in  the  names  of  fictitious  persons,  and 
of  such  as  had  fled  the  country,  never  to  return  ! 

In  the  beginning  of  September,  very  few  doubted  that  war 
was  inevitable.  The  commission  of  Messrs.  Barrett  and  Grit- 
ton  will  be  remembered.  Gritton  had  been  sent  from  Bexar 
to  San  Felipe  for  instructions.  He  returned  without  them,  but 
with  a letter  from  Wylie  Martin,  stating  that  no  further  in- 
structions were  necessary.  Barrett  himself  then  returned  to 
San  Felipe,  leaving  Gritton  at  Bexar.  It  was  shortly  after- 
ward discovered  that  Gritton  was  a spy ; at  least,  the  facts 
looked  strongly  that  way.  His  intimacy  with  the  Mexican 


360 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


officers  ; his  desire  to  have  the  proscribed  persons  surrendered  ; 
his  holding  out  the  olive-branch  to  Texas  until  the  enemy  had 
almost  filled  the  country  with  troops — these,  and  other  facts, 
rendered  him  justly  suspected.  Barrett  was  advised,  by  a let- 
ter from  Gonzales,  of  the  suspicious  conduct  of  his  colleague, 
and,  for  a while  at  least,  did  not  write  to  him.* 

The  Mexican  officers,  though  they  had  seen,  in  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  great  meeting  at  Columbia,  of  the  15th  of  August, 
a resolution  declaring  that  the  proscribed  persons  would  not 
be  surrendered,  still  renewed  and  revised  the  list,  and  sent  it 
to  the  different  political  chiefs.  Even  as  late  as  the  3d  of 
September,  a new  list  was  sent  off.f  With  this  list,  they  in- 
formed the  Texans,  through  Edward  Gritton,  that  they  would 
certainly  march  into  the  colonies ; and,  among  other  things, 
when  they  came,  they  would  remove  intruders  from  the  public 
lands. 

At  length,  a despatch  was  received  from  the  secretary  of 
state  of  the  supreme  government,  J declaring  that  “ the  colo- 
nists, in  adopting  Texas  for  their  country,  subjected  themselves 
to  the  laws  which  a majority  of  the  nation  might  establish.” 
If  the  colonists  had  been  allowed  a voice  in  making  those  laws, 
even  then  there  would  be  a limit  to  their  obedience  — which 
limit  would  depend  upon  the  character  of  the  laws,  and  the 


* E.  Bailey  to  D.  C.  Barrett,  September  10,  1835:  MS. 

\ “Lista  de  los  yndividuos  cuya  aprehension  se  ha  recomendado  en  verifiea* 
tivo  al  gefe  politico  de  los  Brasos:  — 

“ Jonson,  “ Baker, 

“Willerson,  “ Juan  H.  Moore, 

“ Travis,  “ D“.  J.  M\  Carvajal, 

“ Villiams,  “ Dn.  Juan  Zambrano. 

Ademas  los  que  abrieron  la  correspondencia  oficial  de  la  ComR.  Gral.  y de  esta 
Prat  Bejar,  3 de  Septe.,  de  1835.  “ Ugartachea.” 

The  above  is  from  the  original  before  me.  Carvajal  and  Zambrano  were 
taken  shortly  afterward,  and  sent  into  the  interior. 

X Secretary  of  state  to  Mr.  Ponton,  August  12,  1835. 


COS  WITH  ADDITIONAL  TROOPS  IN  TEXAS. 


361 


prospect  of  a successful  resistance ; but,  having  absolutely  no 
voice  in  making  the  laws,  the  proposition  was  wholly  inadmis- 
sible, and  incompatible  with  civil  liberty. 

To  add  to  the  war-feeling  among  the  Texans,  positive  intel- 
ligence arrived  that  General  Cos,  with  an  additional  force,  was 
on  his  march  to  Bexar,  to  overrun  and  disarm  the  country,  to 
drive  out  all  Americans  who  had  come  into  Texas  since  1830, 
and  to  punish  those  who  had  trampled  upon  Mexican  authority. 
On  the  receipt  of  this  news,  the  committee  of  safety  at  San 
Felipe,  of  which  Stephen  F.  Austin  was  chairman,  warned  the 
people  that  “ war  was  their  only  resource,”  and  advised  that 
volunteer  companies  be  immediately  formed.* 

About  the  middle  of  September,  Cos  landed  at  Matagorda, 
with  five  hundred  additional  troops,  and  proceeded  on  his  way 
to  Bexar. f On  his  arrival  in  Texas,  active  operations  com- 
menced. In  1831,  the  commandant  at  Bexar  had  furnished 
the  corporation  of  Gonzales  with  a piece  of  artillery,  to  aid 
them  in  their  defence  against  the  Indians.  They  continued  to 
retain  it,  and  claimed  it  as  a gift.  The  Mexicans  averred  that 
it  had  only  been  loaned.  :f  Ugartachea,  wishing  to  disarm 
them  of  this  cannon,  despatched,  through  the  political  chief  of 
Bexar,  an  order  for  it.  They  refused  to  deliver  it  up,  on  the 
ground  of  the  alleged  gift,  declaring  that  the  only  object  of 
the  military  at  Bexar  was  to  disarm  them  ; and  that  they  had 
no  use  for  the  cannon  at  Bexar,  as  they  had  there,  besides  those 
mounted,  eighteen  pieces  unmounted.  This  refusal  being  made 
known  at  the  latter  place,  Ugartachea  despatched  a force  of 
one  hundred  cavalry,  under  Captain  Castonado,  to  exact  the 
delivery,  giving  him  orders  first  to  send  a demand  to  the 

* Circular  of  Committee,  September  49,  1835. 

f John  W.  Moore  to  Sam  Houston,  September  20,  1835. 

\ Ugartachea  to  Austin,  October  4,  1835:  MS.  Letter  of  G.  W.  Davis.— 
Foote , vol.  ii.,  p.  69. 


362 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


alcalde  for  the  cannon,  and,  if  refused,  then  to  employ  force. 
When  Castonado  with  his  cavalry  arrived  on  the  west  bank  of 
the  Guadalupe,  he  found  that  the  ferry-boat  and  canoes  had 
all  been  removed  to  the  left  bank  of  the  river.  This  was  on 
Tuesday,  the  29th  of  September.  On  the  first  demand,  how- 
ever, the  committee  of  safety  for  Gonzales  had  despatched  an 
express  eastward  for  aid,  as  they  anticipated  this  force  of  the 
enemy.  A movement  had  already  been  made  to  send  a body 
of  Texans  to  Copano,  to  intercept  the  troops  under  Cos  : but, 
on  the  receipt  of  the  news  from  Gonzales,  the  volunteers  di- 
rected their  course,  by  a forced  march,  to  that  point.*  The 
intelligence  of  the  Mexican  advance  reached  Bastrop  on  the 
morning  of  the  27th.  Energetic  measures  were  immediately 
taken,  and  the  volunteers  from  that  quarter  rendezvoused  at 
the  “ house  of  James  Curtis”  on  the  28th. f 

On  the  29th,  the  actual  force  at  Gonzales  was  only  eighteen 
men,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Albert  Martin.  In  reply 
to  the  demand  for  the  cannon  which  was  made  by  the  Mexicans 
across  the  river,  they  were  informed  that  the  alcalde  was  not 
at  home,  but  would  return  in  the  evening.  This  answer  was 
given  in  order  to  gain  time.  The  enemy  then  retired  to  a 
point  on  the  prairie  about  half  a mile  from  the  ferry,  where 
they  encamped.^ 

The  alcalde  not  having  made  his  appearance,  the  regidor  of 
the  town  informed  the  Mexicans  that  the  authorities  could  do 
nothing  until  they  had  consulted  with  the  political  chief  of 
Brasos.  It  is  proper  here  to  state  that  Santa  Anna  had  lately 
appointed  Don  Rafael  Musquiz  governor  of  Coahuila  and  Texas, 

* Austin  to  F.  W.  Johnson,  of  Naeogdoches,  September  30,  1835 : MS. 

f Journal  of  the  Committee  of  Safety  at  Mina:  MS. 

X Letter  of  David. B.  Macomb. — J Foote,  vol.  ii.,  p.  99.  Kennedy  says  Casto- 
nado had  one  hundred  and  fifty  men  ; Foote  says  two  hundred.  As  it  was  only 
a captain’®  command,  Ugartacheas  statement  is  most  probably  correct 


OPENING  CONFLICT  OF  THE  REVOLUTION. 


863 


and  that  the  political  chief  of  Bexar  had  surrendered  to  his  au- 
thority, but  no  other  chief  of  Texas  had  done  so.  The  people 
on  the  right  bank  of  the  Guadalupe,  at  the  first  alarm,  had 
passed  over  to  the  side  of  Gonzales,  and  swelled  the  number 
of  its  defenders.  The  volunteers  from  the  Colorado  and  Bra- 
sos  did  not  wait  to  organize,  but  advanced  rapidly  to  the  point 
of  danger.  On  Wednesday,  the  30th,  the  Texan  force  num- 
bered about  a hundred  men.  The  enemy  made  one  or  two 
feints  at  the  ferry  and  at  the  ford,  about  half  a mile  below, 
but,  finding  the  Texans  vigilant,  they  retired  to  a mound  about 
three  hundred  yards  from  the  ford,  where  they  passed  Wednes- 
day night.  By  Thursday,  the  Texan  force  had  increased  to  a 
hundred  and  sixty-eight  men.  They  now  organized,  and  elect- 
ed John  H.  Moore  colonel,  and  J.  W.  E.  Wallace  lieutenant- 
colonel. 

Finding  themselves  strong  enough  to  make  an  attack,  on 
Thursday  evening,  at  seven  o’clock,  the  Texans  set  out  on 
their  march  across  the  Guadalupe  river.  Fifty  of  their  men 
were  mounted  ; and  they  likewise  carried,  with  them  the  brass 
six-pounder,  the  bone  of  contention.  The  Mexican  picket  hav- 
ing fired  on  the  advance  of  the  Texans,  aroused  the  main  body 
of  the  enemy,  and  both  parties  immediately  formed  in  order 
of  battle.  Here  they  rested  on  their  arms  ; but  at  four  o’clock, 
on  Friday  morning,  the  2d  of  October,  the  enemy,  taking  ad- 
vantage of  a thick  fog,  retired  to  a high  mound,  and  formed. 
The  Texans  did  not  discover  this  movement  till  daylight.  As 
soon  as  they  saw  it,  they  advanced  upon  the  Mexicans,  under 
cover  of  the  fog.  The  Texan' scouts  discovered  the  enemy, 
fired  their  pieces,  and  retired,  the  Mexicans  in  pursuit ; but  a 
discharge  from  the  six-pounder  caused  the  latter  to  retreat 
precipitately  to  their  former  position,  three  hundred  and  fifty 
yards  distant.  The  Texans  then  took  possession  of  a cornfield, 


364 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


and  levelled  the  fence,  so  as  to  make  room  for  the  fire  of  the 
six-pounder. 

At  this  moment,  the  enemy  sounded  a parley,  and  sent 

Smithers  (a  Texan,  who,  in  retiring  from  San  Antonio,  they 
had  made  a prisoner)  to  request  an  interview.  By  this  time 
the  fog  had  cleared  away,  and  the  opposing  forces  were  in  full 
view  of  each  other.  Colonels  Moore  and  Wallace  met  Captain 
Castonado  on  the  prairie,  when  the  latter  demanded  why  they 
were  fighting.  Moore  replied  that  the  cannon  which  the  Mexi- 
cans were  attempting  to  take  had  been  placed  at  Gonzales  for 
the  defence  of  the  constitution  and  the  constitutional  authori- 
ties, and  that  no  other  authority  would  be  obeyed.  Castonado 
stated  that  he  was  a republican,  and  did  not  wish  to  fight  the 
Texans ; that  his  orders  were  to  demand  the  cannon,  and,  if 
not  delivered  up,  to  take  a position  in  the  vicinity,  and  await 
further  order.  But  Colonel  Moore  was  not  to  be  evaded  in 
this  manner : he  accordingly  summoned  Captain  Castonado  to 
join  the  Texans,  or  to  surrender.  This  not  being  admissible, 
the  commanders  retired  to  their  respective  lines.  The  Texans 
now  opened  the  battle  with  their  artillery,  and  charged  upon 
the  enemy.  The  latter  soon  fled  in  the  direction  of  Bexar,* 
and  the  Texans  returned  to  Gonzales,  where  they  arrived  at 
two  o’clock  in  the  afternoon,  well  satisfied  with  this  first  ren- 
contre, and  without  the  loss  of  a man.  The  Mexicans  had  a 
few  killed. 

The  ball  of  revolution  was  now  fairly  put  in  motion.  The 
news  of  the  defeat  of  the  Mexicans  reached  San  Antonio  on 
the  4th  of  October,  when  Colonel  Ugartachea,  as  an  old  friend 

* Letter  of  David  B.  Macomb.  — Foote , vol.  ii.,  p.  99.  Kennedy  states  that 
when  Gonzales  applied  to  Bastrop  (Mina)  for  aid,  the  latter  referred  the  appli- 
cation to  San  Felipe.  Not  so  : the  volunteers  of  Bastrop  repaired  to  the  aid  of 
Gonzales  with  as  great  speed  as  ever  aid  was  furnished  a neighbor  in  distress. 
— Kennedy , vc  ii.,  p.  105 ; Journal  of  the  Committee  of  Mina. 


WARLIKE  ENTHUSIASM  THROUGHOUT  TEXAS. 


365 


of  Colonel  Austin,  addressed  him  a letter  referring  to  that  and 
previous  transactions.  After  stating  that  Captain  Castonado 
had  retired  from  Gonzales  by  his  order,  he  informed  him  that 
he  would  himself  set  out  the  next  day  (the  5th),  “with  the 
knowledge  of  Cos,  with  a force  composed  of  every  description 
of  arms,  sufficient  to  prove  that  the  Mexicans  would  never  suf- 
fer themselves  to  be  insulted.”  He  stated,  however,  in  con- 
clusion, that  if  Austin  “ would  use  his  influence  with  the  politi- 
cal chief  to  have  the  gun  delivered  up  to  the  writer,  wherever 
it  might  meet  him,  from  that  spot  he  would  immediately  re- 
turn ; if  not,  he  would  act  militarily,  and  the  consequence 
would  be,  a war  declared  by  the  colonists,  which  should  be 
maintained  by  the  nation  with  corresponding  dignity.”* 

The  news  of  the  affair  at  Gonzales  soon  spread  throughout 
Texas.  In  the  extreme  eastern  settlements  the  people' were 
aroused.  On  the  evening  of  the  5th  of  October,  they  held  a 
meeting  at  San  Augustine.  Great  enthusiasm  was  manifested, 
and  a company  was  raised  to  leave  for  the  seat  of  war  on  the 
10th.  Houston  and  Rusk  were  there.  They  set  out  for  the 
west  on  the  6th.  F.  W.  Johnson,  one  of  the  proscribed, 
started  on  the  5th. f Zavala  quitted  his  residence  on  the  San 
Jacinto,  and  repaired  to  San  Felipe.  Expresses  and  circulars 
were  sent  everywhere,  to  raise  volunteers.  The  object,  “ to 
take  Bexar,  and  drive  the  Mexican  soldiery  out  of  Texas,”  was 

* la  this  letter,  Ugartachea,  speaking  of  the  conduct  of  Captain  Thompson,  of 
the  Correo,  says:  “I  know  you  are  right  to  complain  of  Thompson’s  proceed- 
ings, which  I still  less  approve,  as  they  were  arbitrary  ; he  having  no  authority 
to  act  in  such  manner.”  In  the  note  of  Monasterio,  minister  of  foreign  relations, 
to  the  secretary  of  state  of  the  United  States,  dated  Mexico,  November  19,  1835, 
he  says:  “The  ship  Correo , commanded  by  Thompson,  was  a ship-of-war,  under 
the  full  authority  of  the  government;  Captain  Thompson,  as  well  as  the  whole 
of  his  crew,  belonged  to  the  national  marine  of  the  Mexican  republic,  and  were 
found  in  the  seas  of  Texas  in  the  execution  of  the  orders  received  from  the  com- 
petent authority.” 

f Houston  and  Rusk  to  the  committee  at  Nacogdoches,  October  5,  1835 : MS. 


366 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


boldly  announced  at  San  Felipe,  and  repeated  by  every  com- 
mittee of  safety  in  the  country.*  Then  came  a stirring  appeal 
from  Colonel  John  H.  Moore,  dated  at  Gonzales,  on  the  6th 
of  October,  at  eleven  o’clock  at  night.  Colonel  Ugartachea 
had  set  out  from  Bexar  on  the  5th,  with  five  hundred  troops 
and  three  pieces  of  artillery,  and  was  expected  at  Gonzales  on 
the  T tli.  “Hasten  your  march,”  says  Colonel  Moore,  “ and 
join  us  as  soon  as  you  possibly  can.”  Moore  then  had  three 
hundred  men  at  Gonzales ; bn  Captain  W.  D.  C.  Hall  and 
others  were  on  the  march. 

At  this  period,  Texas  had  no  head,  but  the  nearness  of  dan- 
ger enabled  the  people  to  act  energetically  without  one.  By 
common  consent,  however,  San  Felipe  was  adopted  as  a sort 
of  centre  of  action,  and  Stephen  F.  Austin  was  looked  to  for 
orders  and  advice. 

While  these  events  were  passing  in  Texas,  the  destruction 
of  the  federal  constitution  was  consummated  in  Mexico.  By  a 
decree  of  the  3d  of  October,  1835,  the  state  legislatures  were 
abolished,  and  their  places  supplied  by  a department  council. 
The  governors  of  the  several  states,  and,  in  fact,  all  officers, 
were  made  dependent  on  the  supreme  power.  This  was  the 
work  of  Santa  Anna,  yet  his  name  does  not  appear  in  the  de- 
cree.f It  was  the  finishing  blow  in  the  overthrow  of  civil 
liberty  in  Mexico.  The  people  of  Texas  saw  it,  and  foresaw 
it.  The  arrival  of  the  news  did  not  change  their  purpose  or 
their  action,  for  these  had  been  already  determined  on.  The 
affair  at  Gonzales  was  the  first  overt  act  on  the  part  of  their 
oppressors.  They  met  and  repelled  it,  as  did  the  people  at 
Lexington  and  Concord.  There  was  no  time  to  enroll,  organ- 


* Circular  from  the  committee  at  San  Felipe,  October  3,  1835. — Foote , voL 
il,  p.  84. 

f Kennedy,  vol.  ii.,  p.  111. 


COMMITTEE  OF  SAFETY  ORGANIZED. 


367 


izc,  or  to  provide  for  pay  and  rations.  The  instinct  of  patriot- 
ism was  sufficient  for  the  crisis,  and  the  Texans  met  it  like 
men  who  knew  the  worth  of  liberty. 

The  people  of  San  Augustine  nominated  General  Sam  Hous- 
ton to  take  the  command  of  the  troops  in  eastern  Texas ; and 
on  the  8th  of  October,  the  committee  at  Nacogdoches  concurred 
in  the  nomination,  requesting  him  to  take  measures  to  raise 
volunteers  in  Texas  and  the  United  States.  In  the  absence 
of  ready  means,  the  land  and  customhouse  dues,  in  the  hands 
of  government-officers  in  Texas,  were  appropriated.*  For  the 
rest,  and  for  horses  and  other  property  occasionally  pressed 
into  the  service,  promises  of  payment  were  made,  and  certifi- 
cates given. 

The  volunteers  continued  to  arrive  at  Gonzales,  and  in  a 
short  time  the  force  there  was  such,  that  Colonel  Ugartachea 
halted  in  his  purpose.  The  Texans  were  well  supplied  with 
provisions,  but  needed  arms  and  ammunition ; and,  to  obtain 
these,  extraordinary  exertions  were  used  by  the  committees. 
As  a temporary  head  was  requisite  to  give  direction  to  these 
hasty  and  energetic  movements,  the  committee  at  San  Felipe 
proposed  that  one  member  from  each  of  the  other  committees 
of  safety  should  be  appointed  to  repair  without  delay  to  San 
Felipe,  and  form  a permanent  council. f The  proposition  was 
immediately  accepted : a council  was  organized,  and  R.  R. 
Royall  chosen  president.  This  plan  of  organization  came  from 
Austin,  who  up  to  that  time  had  been  obliged  to  act  as  “ a kind 
of  natural  chief,”  which  was  a responsibility  he  did  not  wish 
to  assume.  The  appointment  of  this  council  enabled  them  to 
dispense  with  t^e  services  of  Austin  at  San  Felipe,  that  they 
might  be  employed  in  the  army.  He  arrived  at  Gonzales  on 

* Proceedings  of  the  committee  of  San  Augustine,  October  7,  1835:  MS. 

■f  Circular  of  the  committee  at  San  Felipe,  October  4,  1S35  : MS. 


368 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


the  evening  of  the  10th  of  October,  and  was  elected  commander- 
in-chief  of  the  forces. 

It  was  determined  to  set  out  on  the  march  for  Bexar  on  the 
12th  of  October,  with  a force  of  five  hundred  men,  together 
with  the  notable  six-pounder.*  On  that  day  they  crossed  the 
Guadalupe,  and  encamped  on  its  western  bank.  Previous  to 
Austin’s  arrival,  the  force  at  Gonzales  had  been  reduced  by 
sending  off  a detachment  of  one  hundred  and  ten  men,  under 
the  command  of  Captains  Benjamin  Fort  Smithf  and  Allen,  to 
the  protection  of  Victoria.  Before  the  departure  of  the  army 
from  Gonzales,  a popular  meeting  was  held  at  that  place,  re- 
questing a postponement  of  the  assembling  of  the  general  con- 
sultation until  the  first  of  November  following.  This  arrange- 
ment was  proposed  for  the  reason  that  many  of  the  members 
elect  were  in  the  army,  and  the  others  were  requested  to  join 
in  the  attack  upon  Bexar.  Austin  also  sent  an  express  to 
Houston,  to  summon  the  Rcdlandcrs  to  unite  with  him.  The 
latter  complied  with  this  request,  and  despatched  a messenger 
for  the  purpose  to  eastern  Texas. :f 

It  was  likewise  determined,  on  the  part  of  the  patriot  forces, 
to  capture  Goliad  as  well  as  Bexar,  and  drive  the  Mexicans 
out  of  Texas.  About  forty  of  the  planters  from  the  banks  of 
Caney  and  Matagorda,  under  the  command  of  Captain  George 
Collingsworth,  set  out  on  the  march  for  the  former  place.  His 

* M.  T.  Martin  to  Dr.  Clow  ; Gonzales,  October  11,  1835:  MS. 

f Benjamin  F.  Smith  was  a native  of  Kentucky.  He  removed  with  his  father 
to  Hinds  county,  Mississippi,  and  was  the  first  representative  from  that  county 
to  the  legislature.  He  was  for  a while  agent  among  the  Chickasaw  Indians.  At 
the  age  of  sixteen  he  volunteered  for  the  army,  was  with  General  Jackson  in 
every  engagement  with  the  Indians,  and  during  the  whole  of  the  campaign  of 
1814— ’15.  “He  always  sustained  the  character  of  a brave  and  valuable  officer.” 
— Letter  of  General  Jackson , July  18,  1827  ; Foote , vol.  ii.,  p.  109. 

% Sam  Houston  to  G.  M.  Bryan,  November  15,  1852:  MS.  Houston  says,  “I 
gave  to  the  express  the  only  and  last  five  dollars  I had,  to  bear  his  expenses 
east.” 


CAPTURE  OF  GOLIAD  BY  THE  TEXANS. 


369 


advance  reached  the  ford  of  the  San  Antonio,  below  the  town, 
just  before  midnight  on  the  9th  of  October.  Two  or  three 
men  were  sent  into  the  town  to  reconnoitre,  while  the  others 
waited  for  the  arrival  of  the  main  body  of  the  command.  The 
latter,  having  got  lost,  were  detained ; but  on  their  route  they 
fell  in  with  the  gallant  Milam,  who,  having  escaped  from  prison 
in  Monterey,  had  rode  night  and  day  to  reach  Texas.  He 
had  stopped  in  a musquit-thicket  to  rest,  when  the  Texans  dis- 
covered and  recognised  him.  A nobler  volunteer  could  not 
have  joined  their  ranks.  Their  number  now  being  forty-eight, 
they  advanced  upon  the  town,  guided  by  pioneers  acquainted 
with  the  localities.  They  first  attacked  the  quarters  of  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Sandoval,  the  commandant.  The  sentinel  hav- 
ing fired,  was  shot  down ; the  door  of  the  commandant  was 
then  broken  open  with  axes,  and  he  was  taken  prisoner.  The 
Mexicans  were  completely  surprised,  and  surrendered  uncon- 
ditionally. Of  the  enemy  there  was  one  killed  and  three 
wounded  ; the  Texans  had  one  slightly  wounded,  and  they  took 
about  twenty-five  prisoners — the  balance  escaped. 

The  most  important  results  of  this  capture  were  the  acquisi- 
tion of  military  stores  to  the  value  of  ten  thousand  dollars, 
some  pieces  of  artillery,  and  three  hundred  stand  of  arms,  all 
of  which  were  greatly  needed  ;*  also  the  interruption  of  the 
communication  between  the  Mexicans  at  Bexar  and  the  gulf, 
which  the  latter  were  never  afterward  able  to  restore.  Santa 
Anna,  in  subsequently  attempting  it  at  Anahuac,  lost  his  army 
and  his  liberty.  The  commands  of  Captains  Smith  and  Allen 
reached  Victoria  only  after  the  enemy  had  retreated.  They 
then  marched  to  join  the  force  under  Collingsworth,  hoping  to 
overtake  it  before  the  assault  upon  Goliad,  but  they  were  too 

* Foote,  vol.  ii.,  p.  115;  Kennedy,  vol.  ii.,  p.  117  ; Austin  to  the  committee  at 
San  Felipe,  October  13,  1835. 

Vol.  I.  — 24 


370 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


late ; the  place  had  been  taken  the  night  before,  as  previously- 
related. 

A portion  of  the  members  to  the  consultation  had  assembled 
at  Washington,  and  others  at  San  Felipe.  The  former,  after 
advising  together,  repaired  to  the  latter  place.  They  found 
everything  in  the  right  spirit,  and  the  people  all  united.  “ It 
required,”  said  the  committee  of  San  Felipe,  in  their  circular 
of  the  13th  of  October,  “ more  patriotism  to  keep  men  at  home 
than  to  get  them  into  the  service.”  The  consultation  met  on 
the  16th.  R.  R.  Royal  was  called  to  the  chair,  and  Samuel 
Whiting  chosen  secretary.  Thirty-two  members  were  present, 
which  not  being  a quorum,  they  adjourned  till  the  next  day. 
A communication  from  General  Austin,  inviting  the  members 
to  repair  to  the  army,  and  assist  in  taking  Bexar,  was  read. 
On  the  17th,  a quorum  not  being  present,  they  adjourned  until 
the  1st  of  November,  in  the  meantime  granting  leave  for  such 
as  desired  it  to  go  and  join  the  army,  and  others  to  remain 
and  assist  the  council  in  keeping  up  the  revolutionary  corre- 
spondence.* 

A large  number  of  the  members  accepted  the  invitation  of 
General  Austin,  and  repaired  to  the  army.  Austin  reached 
the  Cibolo  on  the  evening  of  the  16th,  when  he  halted  to  await 
reinforcements  from  eastern.  Texas.  At  San  Augustine,  Bev- 
ils,  and  Nacogdoches,  the  committees  were  active  in  sending 
forward  men,  arms,  and  provisions.  The  intelligence  of  the 
capture  of  Goliad  kindled  a flame  of  enthusiasm  throughout 
the  country.! 

The  jurisdiction  of  Liberty,  which  had  held  out  the  longest 
on  the  side  of  peace,  at  length  came  over  to  the  party  of  the 

* Journal  of  Consultation,  p.  5 ; Houston  to  Bryan,  November  15,  1852  : MS. 

Austin  to  Committee  at  San  Felipe,  October  16,  1835;  Committee  at  Nac- 
ogdoches to  Committee  at  San  Felipe,  October  20,  1835  : MSS. 


CALL  OP  THE  TEXANS  FOR  AID. 


371 


revolution.  They  announced  their  position  in  an  address 
(from  the  spirited  pen  of  David  G.  Burnet),  and  sent  forth 
their  assistance  to  the  army.  To  sustain  the  finances  of  the 
country,  a committee,  consisting  of  J.  L.  Hood,  Jacob  Garrett, 
and  Peter  J.  Menard,  was  appointed  by  the  council  to  receive 
and  receipt  for  public  moneys  at  Nacogdoches  and  San  Augus- 
tine ; and  R.  R.  Royal  and  J.  H.  G.  Borden  were  appointed  a 
like  committee  for  the  other  jurisdictions.  The  several  vigi- 
lance committees  collected  more  by  subscriptions  and  donations. 
All  who  could  contributed.  The  call  for  assistance  was  made, 
not  only  on  the  Texans,  but  on  the  friends  of  the  cause  in  the 
United  States,  to  aid  in  men,  provisions,  arms,  and  ammuni- 
tion. The  people  of  Natchitoches  responded  nobly  at  a public 
meeting  on  the  7th  of  October.  At  New  Orleans,  still  more 
energetic  measures  were  pursued.  The  Grays , two  fine  com- 
panies were  fitted  out  in  that  city : one  left  by  way  of  Natchi- 
toches on  the  17th,  and  the  other  by  the  gulf-route  on  the  19th 
of  October.  These  companies  will  be  noticed  hereafter. 

On  the  20th  of  October,  Austin  moved  forward  to  the  Sala- 
do,  a small  creek,  five  miles  east  of  San  Antonio,  where  he 
was  joined  by  the  members  of  the  consultation.  The  army 
remained  at  this  point  some  days,  having  an  occasional  skir- 
mish with  detachments  of  the  enemy,  in  which  the  latter  were 
invariably  worsted.  Houston,  though  he  had  been  selected  by 
some  of  the  eastern  committees  to  the  command  of  their  forces, 
did  not  assume  any  leadership  over  them.  In  a conversation 
between  him  and  Austin,  while  at  the  Salado,  the  latter  frankly 
stated  that  his  attention  had  not  been  directed  to  military  sub- 
jects, and  that  he  was  satisfied  he  could  render  more  service 
to  the  country  in  other  situations  than  at  the  head  of  the  army, 
and  urged  Houston  to  take  the  command.  The  latter  declined 
it,  and  for  the  reason  that  Austin  had  been  elected  by  the 


372 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


troops,  at  their  first  assembly  at  Gonzales,  and  those  who  had 
subsequently  joined  had  done  so  with  the  belief  that  he  was  to 
command  them ; and  if,  from  any  cause,  Austin  were  to  resign 
the  command,  it  would  furnish  a ground  for  discontent.  Aus- 
tin replied  that,  as  the  committees  of  Nacogdoches  and  San 
Augustine  had  nominated  Houston  to  the  command  of  the 
forces  east  of  the  Trinity,  there  could  be  no  reasonable  objec- 
tion to  his  assuming  the  supreme  charge  as  commander-in-chief. 
Houston  assured  him,  however,  that  he  could  not,  under  the 
circumstances,  in  any  way  interfere  with  the  command,  unless 
it  should  be  to  carry  out  the  orders  of  General  Austin.*  Here 
the  matter  dropped. 

Austin  had  been  waiting  for  reinforcements.  Impatient  of 
further  delay,  and  receiving  some  additional  forces,  he  pre- 
pared to  move.  Before  leaving  the  Salado,  however,  it  became 
necessary  that  the  members  of  the  consultation  should  decide 
as  to  their  return  to  San  Felipe.  The  force  under  Austin  did 
not  much  exceed  six  hundred  men.  General  Cos  had  been 
diligently  engaged  in  fortifying  San  Antonio,  and  in  providing 
munitions  for  a siege.  He  had  received  large  reinforcements ; 
and  it  was  concluded  by  the  Texans  that  the  place  could  not 
be  taken  in  a short  time,  without  a loss  which  they  were  not 
able  to  sustain.  In  the  meantime,  it  was  necessary  to  organ- 
ize a provisional  government,  and  provide  means  for  its  sup- 
port. The  matter  was  submitted  by  Austin  to  the  army,  and 
it  agreed  almost  unanimously  that  the  members  should  return. 
Nevertheless,  at  the  suggestion  of  Austin,  they  remained  with 
the  army  some  days  longer.  The  forces  then  marched  to  the 
mission  UEspada , on  the  San  Antonio  river,  about  nine  miles 
below  Bexar.  The  members  of  the  consultation  left  them  on 
the  night  of  their  arrival,  and  returned  to  San  Felipe. 

* Houston  to  Bryan,  November  15,  1862  : MS. 


PATRIOT  ENCAMPMENT  NEAR  BEXAR. 


373 


The  commander-in-chief,  wishing  to  obtain  a position  nearer 
to  the  enemy,  despatched  Captains  Fannin  and  Bowie,  with  a 
command  of  ninety  men,  to  examine  the  missions  above  that 
of  L’Espada,  and  select  the  most  eligible  situation  near  Bexar 
for  an  encampment.  They  set  out  on  the  27th  of  October,  and, 
after  visiting  San  Juan  and  San  Jose,  they  proceeded  to  the 
mission  of  Concepcion , about  one  and  a half  miles  from  Bexar, 
and  selected  a piece  of  ground  in  a bend  of  the  river,  about 
five  hundred  yards  from  the  mission.  The  river  was  skirted 
with  timber ; the  prairie,  which  was  a level  plain,  extended 
into  the  bend ; but  within  the  bend  there  was  a river-bottom, 
nearly  a hundred  yards  wide,  from  six  to  ten  feet  lower  than 
the  plain  in  front.  This  depression  of  the  surface  presents  a 
bluff  of  that  height,  except  in  two  places.  The  command  was 
divided  into  two  parties,  each  one  taking  a position  along  the 
skirt  of  timber  on  the  upper  and  lower  sides  of  the  bend,  hav- 
ing the  open  plain  in  front  of  them.  It  was  naturally  a strong 
position,  the  river  and  timber  being  in  the  rear  of  each  divis- 
ion, with  this  natural  parapet  to  fall  behind  in  case  of  an  at- 
tack. Having  placed  a strong  picket-guard,  they  encamped 
for  the  night.  Half  an  hour  after  sunrise  the  next  morning 
(Wednesday,  October  28),  the  advance  of  the  enemy  rode  upon 
the  Texan  line.  This  was,  no  doubt,  accidental,  for  a dense 
fog  obscured  every  object.  Henry  Karnes*  happened  to  be 

* Henry  Karnes- is  another  of  those  remarkable  characters  whose  true  history 
is  a romance.  He  was  raised  in  Tennessee.  At  an  early  age  he  joined  a com- 
pany of  Arkansas  trappers,  who  turned  their  attention  to  attacks  on  the  Pawnee 
villages  on  the  head-branches  of  Red  river ; but,  having  disagreed,  they  sepa- 
rated. Karnes,  with  three  or  four  others,  proceeded  across  to  the  head  of  the 
Trinity.  Here,  having  their  horses  stolen,  they  obtained  a canoe,  and  floated 
down  the  river  to  Robbins’s  ferry.  Karnes  procured  employment  at  Groce’s 
Retreat,  where  the  war  found  him.  He  entered  the  Texan  service,  and  fought 
with  a hearty  good  will.  One  who  was  often  with  him,  and  by  his  side  at  Con- 
cepcion, says  he  never  knew  him  to  swear  before  or  since  that  day.  But  when 
he  came  into  the  lines,  after  being  shot  at  so  often,  and  began  to  load  his  rifle,  he 


374 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


the  sentinel  at  the  point  of  contact.  The  Mexicans  fired  on 
him,  and  he  returned  the  fire.  Some  of  them  then  charged  on 
him,  and  he  fired  with  his  pistol,  which  caused  them  to  retire, 
when  he  retreated  within  the  Texan  lines. 

At  the  first  alarm,  the  Texans  flew  to  their  arms,  but  could 
not  see  the  enemy,  who  had  almost  surrounded  their  position, 
and  opened  a fire  on  them  — at  such  a distance,  however,  that 
it  produced  no  effect.  Shortly  after,  the  fog  cleared  away, 
when  the  Texans  discovered  that  they  were  nearly  hemmed  in 
by  their  foes.  The  right  flank  of  Fannin’s  division,  occupying 
the  lower  part  of  the  bend  of  the  river  before  described,  was 
extended  to  the  south,  and  Bowie’s  detachment  was  placed  on 
the  same  side,  on  the  left  of  Fannin ; so  that,  if  the  enemy 
should  attempt  to  charge  into  the  angle  formed  by  the  two 
skirts  of  timber,  they  could  rake  him  without  being  exposed  to 
the  fire  of  their  own  men.  This  disposition  brought  the  whole 
Texan  force  together,  so  that  the  two  detachments  could  aid 
each  other.  In  the  meantime,  the  men  cleared  away  the 
bushes  and  vines  under  the  hill  and  along  the  margin ; and,  at 
the  steep  places,  steps  were  cut  in  the  side  of  the  bluff,  so  that 
they  could  easily  ascend  to  fire,  and  descend  to  reload.  Be- 
fore this  work  was  fairly  completed,  however,  the  Mexican 
infantry  was  seen  to  advance  with  trailed  arms,  to  the  right 
of  Fannin’s  division,  and  form  a line  of  battle  about  two  hun- 
dred yards  from  the  Texan  right  flank.  It  was  supported  by 
five  companies  of  cavalry,  covering  the  front  and  flanks  of  the 
Texan  position. 

exclaimed,  with  some  wrath,  “ The  d d rascals  have  shot  out  the  bottom  of 

my  powder-horn  !w  Karnes  rose  to  the  rank  of  colonel  in  Texas.  He  was  of 
low  stature,  and  weighed  about  a hundred  and  sixty  pounds ; was  quite  sober 
and  temperate,  and  had  an  effeminate  voice.  He  was  wholly  illiterate,  yet  he 
had  remarkable  gentleness  and  delicacy  of  feeling,  and  was  otherwise  amiable 
in  private  life.  He  died  at  San  Antonio,  in  August,  1840,  surrounded  by  his 
numerous  frienda 


BATTLE  OF  CONCEPCION. 


375 


About  eight  o’clock  in  the  morning,  the  battle  was  opened 
by  the  crack  of  a rifle  from  the  Texan  right.  Immediately  the 
firing  became  general.  The  Mexican  line  presented  a contin- 
ual sheet  of  flame ; the  Texans  fired  more  slowly,  but  with 
deadly  aim,  each  one  falling  below  the  bank  to  reload,  while 
another  took  his  place  to  fire.  In  about  ten  minutes,  the  ene- 
my opened  a fire  of  grape  and  canister  from  a six-pounder 
stationed  about  eighty  yards  from  the  Texan  right  flank,  and 
at  the  same  time  a charge  of  cavalry  was  sounded.  “ But  the 
cannon,”  says  a narrator  of  the  engagement,  “ was  cleared,  as 
if  by  magic,  and  a check  put  to  the  charge.”  Three  times  did 
the  enemy  repeat  the  attempt  to  charge,  supplying  the  places 
of  those  who  fell  at  the  cannon,  but  without  success.  In  the 
meantime,  the  Texans  were  moving  by  the  right  flank  under 
the  hill  nearer  to  the  cannon.  So  instinctively  and  harmoni- 
ously was  this  movement  made,  that  “ The  cannon  and  victory” 
became  the  war-cry.  The  enemy  had  fired  it  but  five  times, 
and  the  Texans  had  cleared  it  three  times,  when  the  former 
made  a precipitate  retreat.  The  Texans  advanced  and  took 
the  cannon,  and  turned  it  upon  the  retreating  foe  ; but  it  was 
found  that  there  were  but  two  cartridges  remaining,  and  Bowie 
ordered  his  men  to  withhold  their  fire,  as  the  Mexicans  might 
rally.  But  the  latter  did  not  return.  The  enemy’s  loss  in  the 
engagement,  which  lasted*  only  thirty  minutes  after  it  fairly 
commenced-,  was  about  sixty  killed,  many  of  them  officers,  and 
perhaps  as  many  wounded.*  The  Texans  lost  but  one  killed 
(Richard  Andrews),  and  none  wounded.  The  Mexican  force 
engaged  was  about  four  hundred  men. 

Among  the  incidents  of  these  two  days,  it  may  be  mentioned 
that  the  Texans  had  reached  the  battle-ground  on  the  27th  by 
noon.  Their  presence  was  discovered  by  the  Mexicans,  whose 
* Report  of  Bowie  and  Fannin. — Foote , vol.  ii.,  p.  121. 


376 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


cavalry  appeared  on  the  prairie  that  evening.  There  was  an 
occasional  skirmish  between  detachments  the  entire  afternoon. 
Bowie,  seeing  the  danger  of  their  situation,  despatched  M‘Comb 
at  sunset  as  exp?'ess  to  Austin,  eight  and  a half  miles  below ; 
but  the  main  army  of  the  Texans  did  not  reach  the  battle- 
ground until  half  an  hour  after  the  affair  was  over.  At  the 
second  fire  of  the  enemy’s  artillery,  the  Texans  killed  the  mule- 
driver  in  charge  of  the  caisson  containing  the  ammunition. 
When  the  driver  fell,  the  team  ran  off  with  great  fury  through 
the  lines  of  the  Mexican  infantry,  throwing  them  into  confu- 
sion. There  were  sixteen  of  the  enemy  found  dead  around  the 
cannon  when  it  was  taken.  The  last  one  killed  was  attempt- 
ing to  spike  the  piece,  when  he  was  shot  by  Samuel  Whiting. 
The  enemy  pointed  their  artillery  to  the  north  skirt  of  the  bend, 
which  had  been  occupied  by  Bowie,  supposing  him  to  be  still 
there  ; hence  they  did  no  execution. 

At  noon,  on  the  28th,  a flag  came  out  from  the  Mexicans, 
in  charge  of  the  parish-priest,  for  leave  to  bury  the  dead,  which 
was  granted.* 

This  battle  was  a brilliant  affair,  and  well  deserved  the  com- 
mendation bestowed  by  the  consultation,  which,  on  the  3d  of 
November,  on  motion  of  Sam  Houston,  thanked  the  officers 
and  men  for  their  heroic  gallantry  and  valor,  f 

To  return  to  the  civil  government  of  Texas.  On  the  recom- 
mendation of  the  committee  of  San  Felipe,  that  one  from  each 
of  the  other  committees  should  attend  to  form  a central  coun- 
cil, a temporary  head  was  formed.  Those  of  the  consultation 
that  assembled  on  the  16th  of  October,  found  it  in  session ; 

* When  the  Texans  first  encamped  at  Concepcion,  the  enemy,  in  order  to  as- 
certain if  Austin  was  present,  sent  out  a Mexican  with  a bag  of  piloncillos  and 
a bottle  of  muscal,  as  a present  from  the  priest  to  General  Austin.  In  the  ab- 
sence of  the  latter  the  officers  in  command  received  and  used  the  gifts. 

f Journa.  of  the  Consultation,  p.  9. 


FIRST  GOVERNMENT  OF  REVOLUTIONARY  TEXAS.  377 

and  when,  on  the  17th,  they  adjourned  till  the  first  of  Novem- 
ber, they  recognised  it  by  declaring  that  those  members  “ who 
could  not  join  the  army,  might  remain,  with  the  permission  to 
unite  with  the  council  of  Texas,  and  have  access  to  all  the  in- 
telligence in  possession  of  the  council  relative  to  the  [then] 
present  crisis.”  This  body  was  thus  the  government  of  Texas, 
duly  acknowledged,  and  never  disputed.  It  proceeded  to  a 
further  organization  by  appointing  A.  Huston,  one  of  the 
members  from  San  Augustine,  as  secretary. 

To  prevent  further  depredations  upon  the  public  lands  in 
the  absence  of  the  volunteers,  the  council  declared  that  “ all 
land-offices  be  closed  until  the  present  difficulties  of  Texas  are 
removed,  or  until  the  consultation  meets  and  acts  on  the  mat- 
ter ; and  further  that  all  commissioners  cease  to  grant  orders 
of  surveys,  that  all  surveyors  cease  their  operations  in  survey- 
ing, and  that  all  transactions  in  regard  to  public  lands  whatso- 
ever shall  cease  until  the  consultation  meets  and  acts  on  the 
subject.”  The  council  directed  copies  of  this  order  to  be 
served  on  the  land-commissioners,  which  was  done.  The  com- 
mittees of  Nacogdoches  and  San  Augustine,  taking  up  this  sub- 
ject, fixed  upon  the  first  of  November  when  all  such  officers 
should  cease  their  functions.*  The  council  proceeded  further 
to  declare  and  recommend  that  the  four  hundred  league  trans- 
action be  declared  void. 

On  the  subject  of  the  Indians  there  was  much  difficulty  in 
the  council.  Their  position  was  threatening,  their  disposition 
wavering.  The  word  of  promise  had  for  thirteen  years  been 
given  them,  and  during  that  time  they  had  occupied  their  lands. 
They  had  also  made  improvements : those  of  the  Cherokees  a 
short  day’s  journey  northwest  of  Nacogdoches ; those  of  the 

* Order  of  the  General  Council.  Letter  of  Committee  at  San  Augustine  to 
Committee  at  Nacogdoches,  October  29,  1835:  MSS. 


378 


HISTORY  OF  .TEXAS. 


Shawnees  between  the  Cherokee  improvements  and  the  Neelies ; 
and  those  of  the  Cooshatties  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Trinity. 
A deputation  had  been  appointed,  as  has  been  already  stated, 
by  the  eastern  committees,  to  confer  with  them.  The  mouth- 
piece of  the  upper  Indians  was  a free  negro  by  the  name  of 
William  Goyens,  who  on  all  occasions  proved  himself  honest 
and  faithful  to  the  Texans.  Arrangements  had  been  made, 
through  Goyens,  that  the  Indians  should  have  a representative 
before  the  consultation.  On  the  14th  of  October,  Houston 
wrote  them  that  they  should  “have  their  land  above  the  road, 
and  between  the  Neelies  and  the  Angelina,  so  as  to  include 
their  villages.”  On  the  25th  of  the  same  month,  Austin  wrote 
that  he  was  “ decidedly  in  favor  of  securing  to  the  civilized 
Indians  who  had  emigrated  to  Texas  their  lands  and  rights ; 
and  would  agree  to  whatever  the  consultation  did  on  the  sub- 
ject, so  far  as  it  depended  on  him.”  On  the  26th  of  October, 
the  council  invited  them  to  come  to  San  Felipe,  where  “ their 
case  would  be  attended  to.”  These  promises  kept  the  civil- 
ized Indians  quiet.  To  overawe  the  wild  tribes,  rangers  were 
sent  out  on  the  frontier,  and,  upon  the  representation  of  the 
people  of  Bastrop,  the  ranging-service  was  extended  west  of 
the  Colorado. 

The  Texan  government — that  is,  the  council — had  much 
to  do.  The  correspondence  was  immense ; the  authority  of 
the  councillors  limited  by  the  precarious  tenure  of  their  offices. 
But  they  had  willing  co-operators.  The  union  was  complete. 
With  their  slender  resources  they  managed  to  send  a weekly 
mail  through  Texas  to  Fort  Jcsup,  thus  keeping  up  a regular 
communication  with  the  United  States.  Messrs.  Baker  and 
Borden  had  established  a printing-press  at  San  Felipe,  which 
sent  out  the  weekly  “ Telegraph,”  and  extras  without  number. 
The  people  of  eastern  Texas  were  also  about  establishing,  at 


PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE  CENTRAL  COUNCIL.  379 

Nacogdoches,  “ The  Emigrant’s  Guide.”  Thus  the  elements 
of  civilization  and  progress  were  mingling  with  the  ravages 
of  war. 

During  the  brief  existence  of  the  council,  that  body  appoint- 
ed Sims  Hall  army-contractor ; it  sent  an  able  address  to  the 
people  of  the  United  States ; it  appointed  T.  F.  McKinney  an 
agent  to  contract  a loan  at  New  Orleans  of  a hundred  thousand 
dollars ; it  granted  to  several  persons  letters  of  reprisal : these 
were  some  of  the  more  important  acts  of  this  first  government 
of  revolutionary  Texas.* 


* Journal  of  Consultation,  p.  11. 


APPENDIX  NO.  I. 


OLD  RECORD  IN  THE  ARCHIVES  OF  BEXAR. 

Suppoe  GovN0.  Ano-De  1744. 

Testimo  de  un  Parecer  dado  en  los  Autlos  fechos  en  Vxrtud  de 
Real  Cedula  en  qe  S.  M.  manda  se  le  imforme  sobre  surttos 
abusos  comettidos  en  la  Provincia  de  Texas  en  el  tiempo  que 
se  expressa ; y Tambien  de  un  Parrapho  de  ottro  Parecer 
dado  en  los  proprios  Auttos , uno  y ottro  del  S°r  Audittor 
Gral  de  la  Guerra. 

Swo.  Dn  Joh.  de  Gorraez. 

Hib 

Un  Quartillo. 

Sello  quarto,  un  quartillo,  ano  de  mil  setecientos  y quarenta. 
Con  ouio  motivo  podra  tambien  Y.  excelencia  repettir  a dicho 
governador  aplique  todo  su  mas  debido  punttual  zeloso  desvelo  aque 
los  Franceses  se  conttengan  denttro  de  sus  limittes,  sin  propassar  los 
en  manera  alguna,  proporsionando  aestte  fill  los  medios  mas  oporttu- 
nos,  y celando,  que  el  numero  deaquellos  religiosos  missioneros  y 
presidiales  estte  siempre  completto  por  las  pernisiosas  gravissimas 
consequencias  delo  conttrario,  y solicittando  con  la  mas  exactta  efi- 
cacia  diligentte  y acttivo  exmero  familias  Espanolas,  quese  avezin- 
den,  y pueblen  aquella  fronttera  para  su  mayor  resguardo,  y que 


382 


APPENDIX. 


asu  exemplo  aquellos  Yndios  se  docilitten,  y radiquen  en  nuestra 
Santta  Fee,  fidelidad,  Lealttad,  y aplicacion  al  travajo  procurando 
sean  bien  ttrattados,  agasajados,  y acariciados  delos  reverendos  pa- 
dres missioneros,  delos  soldados  precidiales  y demas  vezinos  Espa- 
noles  como  ttan  importtante  todo  al  servicio  de  ambas  magesttades 
en  que  Y.  excelencia  mandara  lo  que  mejor  estitimare  Mexico  marzo 
seis  de  mill  settesientos  quarentta  y quattro. 

El  Marques  de  Alttamira. 

Excelenttissimo  Senor : Ademas  del  serio  imforme  pedido  en  la 
precedentte  Real  Oedula  de  quinse  de  Julio  de  settesienttos  quar- 
entta, tiene  su  magesttad  ordenado  por  la  via  reserbada  en  cartta  de 
veintte  yttres  de  Marzo,  y por  el  Consejo  en  Real  Cedula  de  primero 
de  Diziembre  de  settesienttos  quarentta  y uno,  se  le  embie  testti- 
monio  deesttos  autos ; lo  que  muchas  vezes  se  ba  mandado  por  esa 
capittania-general,  y han  embarazado  los  recurzos.  delas  parttes,  y 
el  cumulo  del  processo,  compuestto  de  treentta  confusos  inttrincados 
quadernos.  Compendio  el  audittor  lo  principal  deellos  con  sus  foli- 
axes  en  dicttamen  de  dos  del  passado  al  final  del  quarderno  formado 
sobre  ocho  mill,  y mas  pesos  demandados  por  el  sittado  Don  Carlos 
Franquis  Benittes  de  Lugo  asu  anttescessor  el  Capittan  Don  Manuel 
de  Sandoval.  Ahora  summara  dicho  compendio,  y la  sittuassion  con 
finis  calidades  descubrimientto,  progressos,  y esttado  de  la  provincia 
de  Texas,  Nuevas  Philipinas  con  algun  razgo  deestta  septentrional 
America. 

Opuestto  el  ysthimo  de  Panama  a la  reunion  de  los  dos  mares  de 
nortte,  y Sur  quitta  el  ser  Ysla  a la  America  Austtral  trabandola  a 
la  septtentrional.  Corre  des  de  alii  estta,  enttre  ambos  mares  cotao 
mill  leguas  al  nortte  liastta  esta  capittal  de  Mexico,  quedando  en 
sus  disttancias  los  Obispados  de  Nicaragua,  Honduras,  Guattliemala, 
y Chiapa  en  disttintto  de  la  Real  Audiencia  de  Guattliemala,  y los 
de  Campeche,  Oaxaca  y Puebla  en  territtorio  de  estta  Real  Audi- 
encia Mexicana  Tiene  Mexico  al  orientte  el  puertto  de  Nueva  Vera 
Cruz  en  el  Ceno  Mexicano  mar  del  nortte ; y al  Ponientte  quazi  en 
igual  disttancia,  el  puertto  de  Acapulco  en  el  mar  del  Sur  o Pacifi- 
co ; disttanttes  enttre  si  ambos  puerttos  como  cientto,  y cinquentta 
leguas. 

Des  de  Mexico  para  el  nortte  sigue  estta  Nueva  Espana  hasta  el 
esttrecbo  de  Anian,  pero  solo  hay  des  cubierttas  pocomas  de  seis 
cienttas  leguas  enttre  ambos  referidos  mares.  La  costta  del  Sur, 


OLD  RECORD  IN  THE  ARCHIVES  OF  BEXAR. 


383 


aunque  no  bien  poblada  estta  entteramentte  pacificada  cuyas  ulti- 
mas conce  guttibas  provincias  del  Rosario  Culiacan,  Sinaloa,  Ostti- 
muri,  y Sonora  componen  la  capittania-general,  y governacion  de 
Sinaloa,  Sique  su  rumbo  (con  intterposission  del  Mar  Bermejo,  o 
caual  de  Oalifornias)  la  Ysla  de  estte  Nombre ; en  lague  ay  tam- 
bien  pacificadas  como  doscienttas  y cinquentta  leguas. 

En  la  costta  del  mar  del  nortte  o Oeno  Mexicano  solo  hay  pobla- 
das  como  settentta  leguas  des  de  dicho  puertto  de  Nueva  Vera  Cruz 
hastta  el  de  Tampico.  Aun  por  lo  mas  intternado  se  ofrece  anttes 
la  Sierra  Gorda,  Rio  Verde,  y ottros  desierttos  demas  de  ottras  se- 
ttentta leguas  en  que  liavittan  podavia  Yndios  barbaros  Chichimecos 
cuya  pacificacion  solicitta  hay  de  orden  de  V.  excelencia  sin  costto 
alguno  de  la  Real  Hacienda  el  Thenientte  de  Capittan-General  Don 
Joseph  de  Escandon.  Siguese  a esttos  des  poblados  la  capittania- 
general  y governacion  del  Nuevo  Reyno  de  Leon,  que  disttara  de 
Mexico  como  cientto  y cinquentta  leguas,  y ttendra  ottras  cientto 
de  Sur,  a nortte ; pero  pocomas  de  veintte  de  Ponientte  a orientte 
mediando  al  Ceno  Mexicano  ottras  sesentta  lequas  ocupadas  tam- 
bien  de  Yndios  no  reducidos. 

Eertilizado  de  muchos  Rios  el  Nuevo  Reyno  es  tan  pinque  que 
annualmentte  enttran  ainvernar  en  el  des  de  Noviembre  a Mayo 
como  veinte  y seis  haciendas  de  Obejas,  llevando  cada  una  quattro, 
seis,  o mas  sirvienttes  armados  quellaman  escoltteros  (con  salarios 
de  a cientto  y cinquentta  pesos)  para  resguardo  conttra  los  Yndios 
genttiles.  Al  mismo  fin  previenen  la  ordenanza  cientto  settentta  y 
seis  y siguiente  del  nuevo  reglamentto  de  precidios  que  el  capittan, 
y los  doce  soldados  del  de  San  Gregorio  de  Serralvo  se  manttengan 
todo  el  referido  tiempo  en  la  fronttera.  Traspassan  estta  algunas 
de  dichas  haciendas,  enttrandose  alas  no  menos  ferttiles  tierras  de 
los  Yndios  genttiles,  a quienes  tambien  suelen  prohocar  ottras  in- 
concideraciones  de  los  pasttores ; y como  los  Yndios  son  nattural- 
mentte  propenzos  a robos,  facilmentte  se  despechan,  a executtarlos 
con  muerttes,  y todo  genero  de  barbaras  attrocidades,  que  no  han 
remediado  en  ttanttos  anos,  ni  tlichos  precidiales  de  Serralvo  hi  el 
crecido  numero  de  escoltteros  dettanttas  haciendas  enttre  si  disper- 
sas.  Pudieran  acaso  remediarse,  si  con  lo  que  se  gastta  en  dichos 
precidiales,  y escolteros  se  formase  una  compania  volantte  de  cin- 
quentta o quarentta  hombres  escogidos,  que  al  cargo  de  un  capittan 
y thenientte  en  dos  ttrossos  recorriessen  aquilla  fronttera  orienttal 
y escolttasen  missioneros  celosos  que  reduxessen  los  genttiles  a los 


384 


APPENDIX. 


pueblos  que  se  les  formasen  en  sus  mismas  tierras  attrahiendolos 
aello  cod  los  agasajos,  y el  buen  ttrattamientto  prebenido  en  las 
Leyes. 

A1  Nuevo  Reyno  de  Leon  sigue  la  provincia  y goveraacion  de 
Coabuila  o Nueva  Estremadura,  larga  de  Sur  a nortte  mas  de  cientto 
veintte  leguas  hastta  el  Rio  de  Medina  en  que  comienza  la  siguientte 
ulttima  nuesttra  provincia,  y governacion  de  Texas  6 Nueva  Phi- 
lipinas.  Enttre  la  de  Coabuila,  y el  Seno  Mexicano  median  tambien 
Yndios  genttiles,  y lo  propio  sucede  en  la  de  Texas.  Yiben  esttos 
Yndios  en  rancherias  de  pocas  familias  quellaman  naciones,  sustten- 
ttandose  solo  de  fruttas  silbestres  sin  liavittacion  ni  cultto  de  religion 
alguna,  y regularmentte  esttan  opuesttas  enttre  si  dichas  naciones 
of  rancherias.  No  solo  no  estta  poblada  la  referida  costta  del  Ceno 
Mexicano  des  de  Tampico  a lo  ultimo  de  Texas  sino  que  quazi  ttoda 
ella  es  entteramentte  desconocida.  Lattierra  es  ttan'vaja  que  en 
ella  forma  el  mar  frequenttes  cienegas  entteros,  o lagunas  que  acasso 
haran  menos  apreciables  sus  immediaciones,  bien  que  hay  confussas 
verosimiles  notticias  dettener  esttimables  quanttiosas  salinas  como  se 
experimentta  en  la  descubiertta  costta  de  Tampico. 

Son  nottorias  las  provinciasr  cuidades,  villas,  y pueblos  intterna- 
dos  en  dichas  seis  cienttas  leguas  de  Mexico  para  el  nortte,  compre- 
hendidos  en  el  disttricto  deestta  Real  Audiencia,  Arzovispado  de 
Mexico,  y Obispado  de  Valladolid,  en  el -territorio  de  la  Real  Audi- 
encia de  Guadalaxara  o Nueva  Galicia  obispado  deestte  nombre,  y 
el  de  Durango  o Nueva  Viscaya,  queesttienden  sus  espirittuales  ju- 
risdicsiones  auna,  y ottra  costta  Toda  la  del  nortte  es  deestta  Real 
Audiencia  Mexicana,  y nada  de  la  de  Guadalaxara ; pero  sn  obis- 
pado  tiene  alii  las  provincias  del  Nuevo  Reyno  de  Leon,  Coahuila 
y Texas.  Enttre  la  governacion,  y capittania-general  de  Guada- 
laxara o Nueva  Galicia,  y la  de  la  Nueva  Viscaya  se  halla  la  es- 
tteril  provincia  del  Nayaritt  pacificada  de  pocos  anos  £ estta  partte. 

Sigue  despues  intternada  para  el*  nortte  dicha  capittania-general 
y governacion  de  la  Nueva  Viscaya  comprehensiva  de  varias  pro- 
vincias llamada  tambien  del  Parral  por  el  Real  de  Minas  de  este 
nombre,  que  distta  doscienttas  noventta  leguas  de  Mexico,  y tresci- 
enttas  sesentta  su  recomendable  villa  y Mineria  de  San  Phelipe  el 
Real  de  Chiguagua.  Como  cien  leguas  mas  adelante  deestta,  al  mis- 
ma  Rumbo  del  Nortte  sehalla  el  Real  Precidio  del  Passo,  quees  la  en- 
ttra  da  para  la  provincia  y goveraacion  del  Nuevo  Mexico  cuya  capi- 
ttal  es  la  villa  de  Santta  Fee,  que  distta  de  Mexico  seis  cienttas  leguas. 


OLD  RECORD  IN  THE  ARCHIVES  OF  BEXAR. 


385 


La  Nueva  Viscaya  tiene  al  ponientte  la  referida  governacion  y 
Capittania  General  de  Sinaloa,  y al  orientte  las  del  Nuevo  Reyno  y 
Coahuila.  Estta  como  superior  attodas  la  de  el  Nuevo  Mexico  co- 
municada  solo  por  el  Sur  con  la  de  la  Nueva  Viscaya,  y por  las 
demas  parttes  rodeada  de  Yndios  genttiles.  Deestta  provincial  del 
Nuevo  Mexico  vaja  el  Rio  nombrado  del  Nortte,  qui  viniendo  dere- 
cho  al  Sur  corre  immediatto  a dicha  capittal  de  Santta  fee,  y al 
expressado  Real  Precidio  del  Passo.  Despues  tuerse  al  orientte,  y 
cortta  alguna  partte  de  la  Nueva  Viscaya  de  donde  recive  el  Rio  de 
Conchos.  Attraviesa  luego  por  medio  de  la  Provincia  de  Coahuila 
pasando  tres  leguas  mas  adelantte  de  su  Precidio  de  San  Juan 
Baupttistta,  llamado  por  ello  del  Rio  Grande.  Tiene  alii  de  anclio 
dicbo  Rio  como  un  ttiro  de  vala  de  fucil,  y mas  do  una  vara  de  pro- 
fundidad,  la  que  en  tiempo  de  avenidas  suele  subir  aesttado  y me- 
dio. Conttinua  siempre  a orientte,  y cruzando  veintte  leguas  mas 
alia  de  la  fronttera  de  dicho  Nuevo  Reyno,  y de  su  Precidio  de  Ser- 
ralvo,  desaliua  con  nombre  de  Rio  Bravo,  par  tierras  de  Yndios  gen- 
ttiles desconocidas  de  los  nuestros. 

A la  provincia  de  Texas  siguen  como  cientta  quarentta  leguas 
partte  de  la  luciana  en  que  habra  veintte  y ocbo  anos  se  nos  mettie- 
ron  los  Franceses  vanda  de  Aca  del  famoso  Rio  Misisipi  corre  estte 
de  nortte  a Sur  ocbo  sienttas  leguas,  y con  dos  de  anclio  desemboca 
donde  comienza  a cerrar  el  Ceno  Mexicano  franqueando  asu  vueltta 
tanttas  o mas  ttierras,  que  ttodas  las  ya  indicadas.  Coil  dichas  ocho 
sienttas  leguas  de  nortte  a Sur  divi  de  el  Misisipi  toda  estta  Septten- 
trional  America  en  dos  mittades.  La  de  aca  se  forma  de  ttodas 
nuesttras  provincias  des  de  el  sittado  Ysthimo  de  Panama  hastta  los 
ulttimos  des  cubrinicenttos  de  Sonora,  Nuevo  Mexico  y Texas,  y 
aun  hastta  el  no  descubiertto  esttreclio  de  Anian ; vajo  ttodo  del 
nombre  de  Nueva  Espana.  La  de  alia  incluye  la  ottra  partte  de 
la  Luciana,  y su  capittal  la  Nueva  Orleans  sobre  el  Missisipi,  que 
anttes  era  la  ciudad  de  la  Mobila  quarentta  leguas  mas  adelantte. 

Doce  leguas  de  la  Mobila  al  Ceno  Mexicano  esta  nuesttra  Bahia 
y plaza  de  Santta  Maria  de  Galbe  o Pansacola  de  donde  corre  nues- 
ttra costta  de  la  Florida  hastta  la  plaza  y ciudad  de  San  Augusttin 
siguen  dominios  Ynglezes  y Suecos,  y passada  Terranova  se  ofrece 
al  oiientte  de  aquellas  disttancias  el  Mar  que  rebuelbe  por  ttodo  lo 
descubiertto  del  nortte  donde  tienen  sus  colon ias  los  Dinamarqueses. 

No  solo  se  nos  mettieron  los  Franceses  con  su  Luciana  de  la  partte 
de  aca  del  Misisipi  cinendo  nuesttra  provincia  de  Texas  sino  que 
Vol.  I.  — 25 


386 


APPENDIX. 


entire  estta,  y el  Nuevo  Mexico  intternaron  sesentte  leguas  mas  aca 
su  Precidio  y colonia  de  Candadachos  sobre  el  Rio  de  estte  nombre. 
Por  el  vajan  en  canoas  bastta  su  ottro  Precidio  de  San  Juan  Baup- 
ttistta  de  Nocliittoos  donde  se  junta  dicho  Rio  de  Candadachos 
con  el  que  norabran  Colorado  o Rojo,  yamas  navegable  hastta  el 
Misisipi.  Desde  estte  conttinuan  su  navegacion  por  el  de  Ylinois  a 
los  cinco  Ynsignes  Lagos  tambien  navegables  y comunicados  enttre 
si  por  canalis. 

Prosiguen  despues  dicha  su  navegacion  por  el  Candaloso  Rio  de 
San  Lorenzo  que  naciendo  de  dichos  Lagos  desemboca  al  orientte 
en  el  Mar  con  quarentta  leguas  de  ancbo,  baciendo  Ysla  a Terrano- 
ba.  Sobre  este  Rio  tienen  los  Franceses  a Quebec,  cappital  y me- 
ttropoli  de  sus  grandes  colonias  de  Nueva  Francia,  y Canada.  Po- 
seben  en  ttodas  mucbos  precidios,  crecidos  pueblos,  numerosas  na- 
ciones  de  Yndios  con  quienes  facilmentte  congenian  rayandosse  y 
pinttandose  como  illos  los  rosttros  hablando  sus  Idiomas,  asisttiendo 
a sus  bayles  casandose  con  las  Yndias,  y rescattando  pieles  por  Bu- 
jerias  cuchillos  y armas  de  fuego  aque  son  mui  propensas  los  Yndios. 
En  estte  conttinuado  trafico  navegan  los  Franceses  mas  de  mil  y 
ocbo  sienttas  leguas  desde  donde  deshagua  dicho  Rio  de  San  Lo- 
renzo bastta  el  sitado  Precidio  de  Candadachos  que  dandoles  por  el 
Ceno  Mexicano  ottro  mas  vrebe  viaje. 

Don  Gabrill  de  Cardenas  en  el  ensayo  para  la  Histtoria  de  la 
Florida  (anos  de  mil  sette  sienttos  quattro  y signientes)  dice,  que 
por  attencion  a nuesttro  cattholico  monarca  repelio  el  Christtianissi- 
mo  Luis  Decimo  quartto  las  repettidas  insttancias  del  Mercader  Fran- 
ces Crozat,  que  queria  enttonces  poblar  de  Franceses  loque  oy  essu 
Lnciana,  y que  muertto  el  Christtianissimo  en  Scptiembre  del  ano 
de  settesienttos  y quince  logro  Crozat  sus  ideas  se  formo  una  com- 
pania  de  comersianttes  obligada  a conducir  cada  ano  ciertto  numero 
de  familias  y gentte  de  guerra  con  que  esttendieron  sus  poblaciones 
por  las  riveras  del  Rio  Misisipi  o de  la  palizada  corttando  una  provincia 
de  mas  de  mil  leguas.  Enttonces  no  se  havian  aun  propasado  de  la 
vanda  de  aca  del  Misisipi  pues  sus  Precidios  de  Nacliittos,  y de  Can- 
dadachos comenzaron  el  ano  de  settesienttos  dus  y seis  como  ya  se 
dira.  Lo  siertto  es,  que  quantto  poseen  los  Franceses  de  la  partte 
de  aca  del  Misisipi  lo  cercenan  y absttrahen  de  nuesttra  Nueva  Es- 
pana,  abreendo  puertta  franca  para  exttender  se  cada  dia  mas,  Su 
vecindad  hace  mas  belicosos,  y osados  los  Yndios  genttiles  que  fre- 
quentte  mentte  nos  bosttilizan  pues  los  Franceses  les  dan  armas  de 


OLD  RECORD  IN  THE  ARCHIVES  OF  BEXAR. 


387 


fuego,  y cavallos  en  cuyo  manejo  se  adiesttran  summamentte  los 
Yndios  por  su  nattural  inclinacion,  y agilidad,  y por  exercittarde 
communmentte  en  la  caza  de  Cibolos,  vena  dos,  Osos  y ottros  ani- 
males  de  que  abundan  sus  ttierras. 

Reduciendo  asu  debocion  los  Franceses  poblados  en  Candadacbos 
los  Yndios  Apaches,  y de  ottras  Barbaras  Naciones  (que  median  en- 
ttre  nuesttras  Provincias  de  Texas,  y Coaliuila,  y la  del  Nuevo 
Mexico)  pudieran  inttroducirse  siu  ser  senttidos  liasta  la  de  la 
Nueva  Yiscaya,  y si  hoy  no  es  reselable  estto,  por  la  union  y enlace 
delas  dos  Coronas,  puede  serlo,  siempre  que  ayga  algun  rompimi- 
entto.  Tienin  los  Franceses  mas  facil  disposission  en  sus  empressas 
por  el  mayor  numero  de  Gentte  y de  Yndios  aliados  concurriendo  el 
commodo  transportte  desus  apressos  por  los  Rios  Navegables,  y el 
eettar  conttinuadas  sus  Poblasones  para  sosttenerse  y auxiliarse. 

Hisose  ya  presentte  asu  Magesttad  en  consulttas  de  quince  de 
Septtiembre  de  settesientos  y quince,  y veintte  y ocho  de  Julio  de 
settesienttos  dies  y siette,  quan  importtantte  era  a la  seguridad  de 
esttos  dominios  que  se  esttablisiese  por  limitte  enttre  las  dos  Coronas 
dicho  famoso  Rio  Misisipi,  y que  se  poblasen  por  nuesttra  partte  sus 
marjenes  de  la  Vanda  de  aca  cerrando  con  su  Candalosa  corrientte 
toda  ocasion  de  diferiencias  y distturbios.  El  asumptto  parece  re- 
comendable  y que  noharia  molesttos  los  recuerdos. 

Para  el  esttado  acttual  de  la  Provincia  y Governacion  de  Texas 
se  insinuara  algo  de  la  antterior  contigua  de  Coaliuila.  La  capittal 
deestta  es  la  villa  de  Santtiago  de  la  Monclova  en  que  recide  el  gov- 
ernador,  quees  ttambien  capittan  de  su  Precidio  de  San  Francisco 
con  treintta  y cinco  plazas  disttantte  de  Mexico  doscienttas  cin- 
quentta  leguas,  veintte  y cinco  mas  adelantte  para  el  nortte  attravi- 
essa  el  Rio  de  Savinas  que  desciende  de  azia  el  Ponientte  donde  se 
halla  en  dicha  Provincia  el  Precidio  del  Sacramentto  can  un  Capi- 
ttan y cinquentta  Soldados. 

Aottras  veintte  y cinco  leguas  del  mismo  R o de  Sabinas  para  el 
Nortte  estta  el  Precidio  de  San  Juan  Baupttistta  del  Rio  grande  con 
un  capitan,  y treintta  y dos  Plazas : y tres  leguas  mas  adelantte 
cruza  el  ya  mencionado  Rio  grande  del  Norte  en  cuyas  marjenes  ay 
diferenttes  parajes  reconocidos  por  buenos  para  poblaciones  y Haci- 
endas. Desde  dicho  Precidio  de  San  Juan  Baupttistta  de  Rio 
grande  hasta  el  de  San  Anttonio  de  Vejar  o Valero  (que  estta  estte 
seis  leguas  intternado  en  la  Provincia  de  Texas)  median  ottras  se- 
ttentta  leguas  sui  poblacion  alguna  el  ttoda  su  sircumferencia.  Tiene 


388 


APPENDIX. 


dicho  Precidio  de  San  Anttonio  nn  Capittan  y quarentta  y ttres 
plazas,  y en  sus  immediaciones  se  halla  la  villa  de  San  Fernando 
con  pocos  vezinos  Yslenos  de  Canarias,  y algnnas  ottras  familias  de 
aca  del  Reyno  fundada  en  el  ano  de  settesienttos  treintta  y uno. 
Esttan  alii  ttambien  conttiguas  cinco  Missiones  de  Yndios  adminis- 
ttradas  por  los  Reverendos  Padres  Apostolicos  de  la  observancia  de 
San  Francisco  de  los  Collegios  de  Querettaro  y Zacattecas. 

Annque  es  ferttil  aquella  Tierra  abeneficio  de  los  Rios  de  San 
Pedro,  y San  Anttonio  que  la  banan  no  es  suficientte  para  los  Pre- 
cidiales,  Pobladores,  y Misiones  que  repettidas  veces  se  han  quejado 
de  hallarse  estre  cbados,  y sin  poder  esttenderse  por  las  frequienttes 
hosttilidades  que  experimenttan  de  los  Yndios  Apacbes.  La  lomi- 
ria  grande  que  sttos  ocupan  comiensa  a veintte  leguas  de  dicho  Pre- 
cidio  mas  intternada  al  Nortte  de  donde  salen  a insulttar,  no  solo  por 
ttodos  los  quattro  vienttos  de  dicho  Precidio  de  San  Anttonio  de 
Vejar ; sino  que  se  intteman  hasta  la  Provincia  de  Coaliuila ; ussan 
de  cavallos,  Armas  de  fuego  y flechas  con  mucha  desttreza  y agili- 
dad  sin  haverseles  escarmenttado  con  las  companias  conttra  ellos 
executtadas  los  anos  de  settesienttos  treintta  y dos,  y settesienttos 
y quarentta.  Piden  la  paz  quando  se  concideran  amenzados ; pero 
luego  la  quebranttan  traidora  y alebosamentte  con  muerttes,  y todo 
Genero  de  barbaras  attrocidades,  teniendo  en  menos  sus  hijos  y mu- 
geres  que  el  logro  de  algunos  Cavallos. 

Sesentta  leguas  al  orientte  de  dicho  Precidio  de  Yejar  sobre  el 
Ceno  Mexicano  estta  la  Bahia  de  San  Bernardo  (llamada  mas  co- 
munmentte  del  Espirittu  Santto)  en  que  desaquan  dos  Rios  y ttres 
Arroyos,  y sondeada  en  Octubre  del  ano  de  seiscientos  y nobentta 
tema  la  enttrada  dies  y ochopalmos  en  vaja  Mar,  y en  plena  veintte 
y quattro,  y dentro  dela  barra  tres,  quattro,  y siette  brazas  enparttes. 
En  sus  immediaciones  sepuso  ottro  Precidio  que  hoy  se  halla  treintta 
leguas  mas  intternado  azia  el  de  San  Anttonio  de  Bejar  sobre  las 
marjenes  del  Rio  de  Guadalupe  donde  estta  ottra  Mission  adminis- 
ttrada  tambien  por  dichos  Reverendos  Padres  Aposttolicos. 

Cientto  settentta  y dos  leguas  de  dicho  Precidio  de  San  Anttonio 
estta  el  paraje  nombrado  propriamentte  Texas,  Asinays,  o Nechas, 
y sesentta  leguas  mas  adelantte  se  hallan  ottras  tres  Missiones,  y el 
Precidio  de  Nuesttra  Senora  del  Pilar  de  los  Adays  con  sesentta 
plazas  dequees  Capittan  el  Govemador.  Es  el  Precidio  de  loi 
Adays  capittal  dettoda  aquella  Provincia ; distta  de  Mexico  seisci- 
enttas  leguas,  y siette  del  ya  referido  Precidio  Frances  de  San  Juan 


OLD  RECORD  IN  THE  ARCHIVES  OF  BEXAR. 


389 


Baupttistta  de  Nocliitos.  Desde  diclio  Rio  de  Medina  en  que  comi- 
enza  dicha  Provincia  de  Texas  liastta  el  Precidio  delos  Adays  en 
que  termina ; es  su  longittud  de  Sur  a Norte  como  de  doscienttas 
quarenta  leguas,  y su  lattittud  de  Ponientte  al  Seno  Mexicano  como 
de  ochentta  La  tierra  es  ttoda  liana,  y attravessada  de  veintte  y 
siete  Rios  y Arroyos ; pero  tan  profundos,  que  son  innutiles  sus 
aguas  para  el  regadio.  Con  sus  cresienttes  y avenidas  forman  mu- 
chos  estteros  Cienegas  y Lagunas,  que  hacen  panttanoso  y poco 
trancittable  el  Terreno.  Abundan  los  Rios  de  Pezca,  y los  mon- 
ttes  de  Cibolos,  venados,  Osos,  Conejos,  Liebres,  Perdices,  Codor- 
nises,  y Pabos  como  ttambien  de  Silbesttres  Casttanas,  Nuezes, 
Parraz,  Nisperos,  Enzinos,  Moreras,  Pinos  y ottros  Arboles  que  pa- 
recio  de  gran  commodidad  para  Poblaciones  a los  primeros  descu- 
bridores. 

El  primero  deesttos  fue  Robertto  Cavalier  de  la  Sala  nattural  de 
Roan  en  Francia  que  vibiendo  en  la  Canada  emprehendio  por  di- 
cbos  Lagos  el  descubrimuntto  del  Rio  Misisipi  por  donde  desemboca 
en  el  Ceno  Mexicano ; y conducido  a Francia  volbio  conquattro  Na- 
vios  encargado  de  poblar  las  Riveras  del  Misisipi  pensanda  pene- 
ttrar  despues  basta  nuesttros  Minerales  de  la  Nueva  Yiscaya.  Erro 
la  enttrada  del  Rio  Misisipi,  y dio  con  nuesttra  Bahia  del  Espirittu 
Santto  que  llamo  de  San  Luiz  y del  mismo  nombre  erigio  alii  un 
Precidio  en  principios  del  ano  de  seiscienttos  ochentta  y cinco.  Dex- 
ada  Guarnicion  busco  por  ttierra  el  Misisipi,  attravesando  el  reforido 
paraje  nombrado  de  Texas  le  mattaron  el  ano  de  seiscienttos  oclien- 
ta  y siette  sus  mismos  companeros,  que  luego  se  vestittuyeron  a la 
Nueva  Francia.  Frusttadas  varias  diligencias  deestte  Govierno  so- 
bre  los  designios  de  Robertto  los  descubrio  en  el  ano  de  seiscienttos 
ochentta  y ocho  un  Frances  nombrado  Jean  Enrrique,  apreliendido 
en  las  immediaciones  de  la  Provincia  de  Coahuila  enttre  los  Yndios 
Barbaros  que  yattenia  asu  debocion. 

Sabida  assi  la  enttrada  delos  Franceses  a dicha  Bahia  passo  aella 
de  orden  deestte  Govierno  con  cien  hombres  el  Governador  de  Coa- 
huila Alonzo  de  Leon,  que  hablo  arruinado  diclio  Precidio,  muerttos 
los  Franceses  de  su  guarnicion,  y arrojados  los  pelttreclios  poraque- 
llos  Yndios  Barbaros,  Buscaronle  dos  de  cinco  Franceses  quese  man- 
ttenian  entre  los  Yndios  Texas,  y vueltto  a Coahuila  los  embio  a 
Mexico  imformando  bien  de  aquellas  tierras  y de  los  Yndios  Gen- 
ttiles  para  su  reducion. 

Fue  embiado  segunda  vez,  ano  de  seiscienttos  y noventa,  el  mis- 


390 


APPENDIX. 


mo  Governador  Alonzo  de  Leon  con  ciento  y dies  soldados,  y algu- 
nos  Religiosos  que  esttablosieron  en  Texas  la  Mission  de  Francisco 
donde  se  quedaron  los  Missioneros  con  pocos  soldados  para  que  las 
liberttades  deesttos  no  indispusiesion  a los  Indios.  Notticiado  su 
Magesttad  de  la  empressa  mando  en  Reales  Cedulas  de  veintte  y 
siete  de  Mayo,  y veintte  de  Septtiembre  de  seiscienttos  y noventta 
a fomenttase  la  pacificacion  y reducion  de  aquella  Provincia  como 
ttan  importtantte  al  resguardo  delas  demas  deesttos  Dominios.  Passo 
a este  fin  el  ano  de  seiscienttos  noventta  y uno  Don  Domingo  The- 
ran  de  los  Rios  nombrado  para  ello  Governador  de  Coaliuila  y texas, 
con  dos  mill  y quinienttos  pesos  de  sueldo.  Llebo  en  su  compania 
cinquentta  soldados  a quattrosienttos  pesos  cada  uno,  cattorce  Reli- 
giosos Franciscanos  saccrdottes,  y siette  Legos  para  poner  tres  Mis- 
siones  en  Texas,  quattro  en  los  Candadachos  y una  en  el  Rio  de 
Guadalupe  loquese  aprobo  despues  en  Real  Cedula  de  treinta  de 
Diziembre  de  seiscienttos  noventta  y dos,  mandando  se  conttinuasen 
diclias  converciones  con  ttoda  Eficacia. 

Reconocio  Theran  los  Candadachos,  y ser  navegable  su  Rio,  fun- 
daronse  las  Missiones ; pero  duraron  poco,  por  haver  sobrevenido 
faltta  de  Coseechas,  liaverse  muertto  los  Ganados,  y exasperadose  los 
Yndios  vexados  de  los  soldados ; y assi  el  ano  de  seiscienttos  no- 
ventta y ttres  se  salieron  ttodos  los  Religiosos  desamparandolo  ttodo. 
Dada  quentta  deello  aestte  Superior  Govierno  se  resolbio  en  junta 
de  Once  de  Marzo  de  seiscienttos  noventta  y quatro,  se  sobre  seyese 
en  las  Providencias  de  aquella  pacificacion  hastta  que  el  tiempo  ofre- 
siese  mejor  oporttunidad  y se  dio  quentta  asu  Magesttad  en  dicho 
mes  de  Marzo  quedando  assi  frustradas  ttodas  las  enttradas  referidas 
y sus  crecidos  gasttos. 

Por  Agosto  de  settesienttos  cattorce  llego  al  enunciado  Precidio 
del  Rio  grande  en  Coahuila  Don  Luis  de  San  Denis  y don  Medar 
Jalet  con  ottros  dos  Franceses  ; y trahidos  a Mexico  de  Orden  del 
Excelentissimo  Senior  Virrey  Duque  de  Linares  exivio  aqui  San 
Denis  Pattentte  del  Governador  de  la  Mobila  con  fecha  de  Septtiem- 
bre del  ano  de  trece,  para  que  viniese  cen  veintte  y quattro  hombres 
a Texas,  y comprase  alii  Bueyes,  Cavallos  y ottros  Ganadas  para 
la  Colonia  de  la  Luciana  suponiendo  se  manttenian  en  Texas  nues- 
ttras  Missiones.  Declaro  Sn  Denis,  que  liavian  venido  en  una  Pira- 
gua desde  la  Mobila  hastta  Nachittos,  donde  liavian  desembarcado, 
y quellegados  a Texas,  y no  en  conttrado  alii  alos  Espanoles,  se 
havian  vueltto  los  soldados  Franceses,  que  dandose  solo  quattro  en 


OLD  RECORD  IN  THE  ARCHIVES  OF  BEXAR. 


891 


los  Texas,  y que  con  los  ottros  tres  havia  pasado  liastta  dicho  Pre- 
cidio  del  Rio  Grande.  Expresso  tambien  que  los  Yndios  Texas  de- 
ceaban,  volbiesen  los  Missioneros  Espanoles. 

Yistto  todo  por  su  excelencia  en  Juntta  de  veintte  y dos  de  Agos- 
tto  del  ano  de  setlosienttos  y quince  se  despacho  a Don  Domingo 
Ramon  con  veintte  y cinco  soldados  algunos  Missioneros,  y demas 
apresttos  para  que  resttablesiese  en  Texas  las  Missiones ; y fue  de 
conducttor  el  mismo  Frances  San  Denis.  Restablesieronse  con  efectto 
las  Misiones  en  Texas  y se  fundaron  ottras  de  nuevo  en  los  Adays. 
siete  leguas  mas  aca  de  Nachitoos  adonde  passo  Ramon  y vio  el 
Fuertte  que  en  una  Ysletta  de  aquel  Rio  Colorado  o Roxo  tenian  los 
Franceses  con  treinta  liombres,  esperando  ottros  cinquentta  para  alii, 
y para  los  Candadachos.  En  conttrose  en  Texas  Pano  azul,  Esco- 
pettas,  Avalorios,  y ottros  Generos,  que  los  Yndios  liavian  liavido 
de  los  Franceses;  y se  supo  que  desde  el  ano  de  dies  y seis  estta- 
van  ya  estos  poblados  en  los  Candadachos,  y Nochittoos. 

Haviase  casado  el  Frances  San  Denis  con  una  sobrina  de  dicho 
commandantte  Ramon  ; y ofreciendo  volbeerse  a vibir  con  los  Espa- 
noles  passa  attralieer  de  la  Mobila  los  bienes  que  alii  tenia.  Traxo- 
los  con  efectto  en  cattorce  fardillos ; pero  fue  denunciado  que  havia 
trahido  crecida  por  cion  de  comercio  ilicitto  en  quattro  Fragattas 
por  el  Rio  Nacliitoos.  Denunciosele  tambien  queera  mui  familiar  de 
los  Yndios  Texas,  entre  quienes  havia  esttado  por  temporadas,  y 
algunas  de  quattro  meses  ; que  savia  su  lengua,  y les  era  mui  gratto. 
Aumentto  conttra  el  los  sospechas  el  aviso  que  por  enttonces  dio  el 
Governador  de  Panzacola  de  que  los  Franceses  que  el  ano  detrece 
liavian  salido  de  la  Mobila  volbieron  aella  con  mucho  ganado,  pub- 
licando  liavian  penetrado  liastta  Coahuila.  En  fuerza  de  esttas  sos- 
pechas el  Excel enttissim’o  Serior  Virrey  Marques  de  Valero  (que  se 
hallava  recien  enttrado  en  el  Govierno)  hiso  trailer  preso  a Sn  Denis 
encargando  esttrecliamente  la  averiquacion  desu  ilicitto  comercio ; 
pero  solo  se  en  conttraron  los  cattorse  fardillos.  Malogro  se  assi  la 
quedada  de  un  ttan  gran  practtico  de  ttodos  aquellos  Payzes,  y sus 
natturales,  qual  era  dicho  Frances  San  Denis,  querido  y estti- 
mado  de  los  Yndios  que  facilittaria  mucho  su  reduccion  y con- 
ver  sion  como  lo  representtaban  los  Missioneros,  pidiendo  se  les  re- 
mittiesse. 

Clamaban  el  comandantte  Ramon  y los  Missioneros  por  socorros 
de  gentte  y apresttos  para  su  subsisttencia  en  aquellas  disttancias 
por  lo  que  el  Excelenttisimo  Senor  Marques  de  Valero  nombro  Go- 


392 


APPENDIX. 


vemador  de  Coalmila  y Texas  al  Sargentto  mayor  Don  Marttin  de 
Alarcon  Cavallero  del  Orden  de  Santtiago  para  que  pasase  con  sin- 
quentta  soldados  maesttros  de  Carpintteria,  Albanileria  y Herreria 
Ganados,  y demas  Apresttos  a poblar  en  diclia  Provincia  de  Texas. 
Enttro  a principios  del  aiio  de  settesienttos  dies  y oclio ; pero  luego 
se  quexaron  los  Missioneros  de  que  no  liavia  llevado  completto  el 
numero  de  soldados  que  la  Gentte  era  innuttil,  y las  Providencias 
poco  arregladas.  Al  mismo  tiempo  pidio  Alarcon  dinero  apresttos 
y ottros  cientto  settentta  y cinco  soldados,  y liaviendo  sele  negado 
hizo  renuncia  del  Govierno  la  que  le  fue  admittida. 

Rotta  la  Guerra  enttre  Espaiia  *y  Francia  invadieron  los  France- 
ses a Pansacola  en  dies  inueve  de  Mayo  de  settesientos  y dies  inu- 
eve  y aottro  tal  dia  del  siguientte  (dia  digo)  Junio  por  invacion,  o 
amenaza  del  expresado  Don  Luis  de  San  denis  commandantte  que- 
era,  (yes  oy)  del  dicho  Precidio  Frances  de  San  Juan  Baupttistta 
de  Nacbittoos  se  rettiraron  nuesttras  Miciones  de  Adays,  y Texas 
al  Precidio  de  San  Anttonio  de  Bejar.  Para  resttableserlas,  paso  de 
Orden  de  dicbo  Excelenttissimo  Senor  Virrey  Marques  de  Valero 
el  Marques  de  San  Miguel  de  Aguayo  con  nombramientto  de  Gover- 
nador  de  aquella  Provincia,  y dela  de  Coahuila.  Llevo  los  Mission- 
eros que  se  liavian  rettirado  a San  Anttonio,  y quinienttos  montta- 
dos  divididos  en  ocho  companias.  Camino  hastta  los  Adayz  sin 
opcion  alguna  de  Franceses  mantteniendose  esttos  en  dichos  sus  Pre- 
cidios  de  Candadaclios  y Nacbittoos. 

Notticiado  su  Magesttad  de  la  preparada  expedicion  mando  en 
Real  Cedula  de  seis  de  Mayo  de  settesienttos  veintte  y uno  no  se 
bisiese  Guerra  a los  Franceses  recobrada  que  fuese  diclia  Provincia 
de  Texas,  la  que  se  forttificase,  y especialmentte  la  Baliia  del  Espi- 
rittu  Santto  con  los  Precidios  combenienttes.  Resttablicio  el  Mar- 
ques las  ttres  Missiones  de  los  Adays,  y erigio  alii  el  ya  nombrado 
Precidio  de  nuesttra  Senora  del  Pilar  siette  leguas  mas  aca  del  de 
Nacbittoos,  eu  el  mismo  camino.  Puso  ottro  Precidio,  y restti- 
ttuyo  ottras  tres  Missiones  en  el  paraje  llamado  propriamentte  Texas, 
queda  el  nombre  attoda  la  Provincia,  y estta  como  on  su  medio 
cientto  settentta  y dos  leguas  adelantte  del  de  San  Anttonio  sesentta 
leguas  anttes  tambien  del  Frances  de  Nacbittoos  y treintta  del  de 
Candadaclios,  quees  assi  mismo  de  Franceses. 

Esttablecio  ottro  Precidio  con  nombre  de  Nuesttra  Senora  de  Lo 
retto  en  diclia  Baliia  del  Espirittu  Santto,  o San  Bernardo,  y en  el 
sittio  mismo  que  bavian  tenido  el  suyo  de  San  Luiz  los  Franceses 


OLD  RECORD  IN  THE  ARCHIVES  OF  BEXAR. 


393 


inttroducidos  por  diclio  Robertto  Cavalier  de  la  Sala.  Congrego  el 
Marques  ottra  Mision  de  Yndios  al  abrigo  de  diclio  Precidio ; quees 
el  que  va  referido  se  intterno  despues  attreiutta  leguas  del  de  San 
Anttonio  de  Vejar;  y oy  por  miedo  de  los  Apaches  se  vaja  a el 
para  yr  a los  Adays.  Mejoro  el  Precidio  de  San  Anttonio  de  Sittio 
colocandolo  enttre  los  Rios  de  San  Anttonio  y San  Pedro  con  sus 
dos  Misiones  a quese  agregaron  despues  ottras  ttres  venidas  de  dicbo 
paraje  de  Texas.  Dejo  en  diclios  quattro  Precidios  Doscienttos  se* 
sentta  y ocho  soldados  los  cientto  en  los  Adays ; veintte  y cinco  en 
Texas ; noventta  en  la  Bahia ; y cinquentta  y ttres  en  San  Anttonio 
de  Bejar.  Ocupo  en  ttodo  lo  referido  (siu  los  preparattivos)  desde 
Noviembre  de  settesienttos  veintte  liastta  Mayo  de  settesienttos 
veintte  y dos. 

Por  Reales  Cedulas  de  dies  de  Mayo  de  settesienttos  veintte  y 
nueve  mando  su  Magesttad  viniessen  quattro  sienttas  familias  de 
Canarias  (de  Dies  en  dies,  o de  doce  en  Doce)  en  Rexistros  a la 
Havana,  de  donde  por  Veracruz  se  transporttasen  a Tejas  y alii  se 
les  manttubiese  un  ano  de  Real  Hacienda.  Noban  venido  liastta 
abora  sino  Diez  de  a cinco  Personas,  quese  condujeron  a Texas  en 
Junio  de  Settesienttos  y treintta  con  no  pocos  costtos  y molesttias ; 
y agregadas  ottras  familias  depor  aca  sefundola  referida  Villa  de 
San  Fernando,  quees  la  unica  Poblacion  de  Espanoles  entan  dila- 
ttada  Provincia,  y recomendable  Fronttera.  Menos  costtoso,  y mo- 
lesttamentte  se  transporttarian  dicbas  familias  Viniendo  de  la  Havana 
a dicba  Bahia  del  Espirittu  Santto  pero  como  se  lialla  despoblada, 
seria  presiso  adelanttar  alii  apresttos  para  la  conducion  a los  Pue- 
blos destinados,  y que  en  esttos  los  liubiese  para  las  vibiendas  La- 
bores  Ganados  y demas  conducentte. 

Las  Poblaciones  convendrian  fuesen  consecuttivas,  y poco  dis- 
tanttes  unas  de  ottras  para  poder  socorrerse  en  las  invaciones  de 
Yndios  enemigos,  y ttraficar  sus  fructos  arttefacttos,  y demas  neces- 
sario,  vendiendo  las  sembras,  y comprando  sus  menestteres.  Q.ueda 
ya  dicha  la  abundancia  de  Pesca,  Casa,  Arboles  y Frutas  de  aquel 
terreno,  naturalmentte  ferttil  aun  sui  el  rriego,  que  facilitaria  la  in- 
dusttria,  como  ttambien  el  usso  de  aquellos  Rios  y Bahia  del  Espiri- 
tu  Santto,  para  el  transportte  de  fnicttos  ala  Havana,  Vera  cruz,  y 
ottros  Puerttos  deestte  Reyno.  Hallanse  alii  inculttas  tan  pingues 
tierras  viendose  en  lo  intternado  sobre  un  cortto  pedazo  frequentes 
lasttimosos  pleyttos ; y muchas  familias  pobres  por  no  ttener  aque 
dedicarse,  ni  lo  presiso  para  conducirse  a aquellas  disttancias,  quesi- 


394 


APPENDIX. 


endo  Barrera  de  Franceses  y resguardo  delas  demas  provincias  es 
mui  imperttantte  su  Pueble. 

Tres  Milliones  de  pesos  llevara  gasttados  la  Real  Hacienda  en 
las  referidas  enttradas,  Precidios,  y Missiones  de  dicha  Provincia  de 
Texas,  y mas  de  ottros  sesentta  y tres  mill  pesos  es  el  gravamen  & 
annual  de  su  manuttencion  teniendo  hoy  menos  pueble,  que  el  re- 
ferido  ano  de  settesienttos  veintte  y dos ; pues  para  los  pocos  vezi- 
nos  augmenttados  de  la  Villa  de  San  Fernando  se  reformaron  de 
aquellos  Precidios  (por  su  nuevo  reglamentto  de  Abril  de  settesien- 
ttos veintte  y nueve)  el  capitan  y los  veintte  y cinco  soldados  del  de 
dicho  parage  del  nombrado  Texas ; quarentta  plazas  del  delos 
Adayz ; cinquentta  del  de  la  Bahia  y dies  del  de  San  Anttonio  de 
Bejar  que  son  por  ttodos  cientto  y ttreintta  y seis  hombres,  Jamas 
se  exonerara  la  Real  Hazienda  de  dicho  corrientte  annual  gravamen 
y mucho  menos  podra  esperar  algun  frutto  de  dicha  Provincia  por 
medio  de  los  ttres  Precidios,  que  hoy  mantiene ; como  en  los  mas 
antiquos  de  ottras  lo  ensina  assi  la  experiencia.  Quasi  todos  se  sittu- 
aron  en  sus  principios  con  poca  o ninguna  attencion  a Poblaciones 
en  parajes  poco  commodos  para  ellas,  debiendo  ser  estte  su  princi- 
pal fin. 

Una  legua  adelantte  del  Precidio  de  los  Adayz  por  la  partte  su- 
perior hay  una  laguna  del  mismo  nombro  que  boguea  dies  leguas 
destta  quattro  del  Precidio  Frances  de  Nachittoos,  y la  attraviesa 
el  Rio  Candadachos,  yendo  ajunttarsse  con  el  referido  Colorado  o 
Rojo.  Nottiene  dicho  Precidio  de  los  Adays  (siendo  Capittal  de 
aquella  Provincia)  mas  que  un  cortto  ojo  de  Agua,  escaso  aun  para 
los  Ganados,  y Cavallada  de  la  Guarnicion,  y sintterreno  a propo- 
sitto  para  Semillas,  las  que  compran  aquellos  Precidiales  a los  Fran- 
ceses de  Nachittoos.  De  orden  de  estta  Capitania  General,  se 
busco  paraje  en  que  mejorar  dicho  Precidio,  y no  se  hallo  enttoda 
aquella  circumferencia  vexisttrada  por  quince  dias  ; pero  en  menos 
tiempo  lo  hallatian  a casso  ottros  mas  intteresanttes  Pobladores. 

Apenas  gozan  aquellos  y demas  Precidiales  cien  pesos  de  los 
quattro  cientos  asignados  regularmentte  acada  uno  de  sueldo,  pues 
aun  que  por  dicho  Nuevo  reglam ento  estan  Arancelados  los  precios 
de  los  generos  en  que  les  pagan  los  Governadores  y Capittanes  sa- 
can  esttos,  y sus  corresponsales  (que  les  remiten  las  factturas  de 
Mexico)  crecidas  ganancias  que  reporttan  los  soldados,  y jugando  lo 
poco  que  les  queda  viben  siempre  adendados,  y muchas  veces  sui 
armas  Cavallos,  y demas  apresttos  para  las  funciones  y heclios  pur.os 


OLD  RECORD  IN  THE  ARCHIVES  OP  BEXAR.  395 

oriados  de  los  commandanttes.  Trescienttos  sesentta  y ocho  mill 
quinienttos  noventta  pesos  annuales  paga  su  Magesttad  por  esttos 
veintte  y tres  Precidios  intternos ; de  que  liay  dos  en  la  Ysla  de 
California  quattro  en  Sonora  uno  en  el  Nayarit,  seis  en.  la  Nueva 
Yiscaya  dos  en  el  Nuevo  Mexico,  dos  en  el  Nuevo  Reyno  de  Leon 
tres  en  Coahuila,  y los  ottros  tres  en  la  Provincia  de  Texas,  impor- 
ttan  ottra  gran  summa  los  exttipendios  de  los  Religiosos  Missioneros 
assi  de  diclias  Provincias  como  ttambien  delas  de  Tampico  Sierra 
gorda  y Rio  Verde. 

Son  mui  anttiquos  los  mas  de  dichos  Precidios,  y Missiones  sin 
apariencia  alguna  de  que  pueda  liberttarse  desu  gravamen  en  mu- 
chos  anos  la  Real  Hacienda  lo  grarsase  acassa  si  en  lugar  de  Pre- 
cidiales  se  reclutasen  por  algun  detterminado  ttiempo  (de  ocho  o 
dies  anos)  y con  los  mismos  sueldos  suficienttes  Pobladores  casados 
y del  mayor  numero  de  liijos  adelantta  doseles  lo  correspondientte 
de  dichos  sueldos  para  su  reducion,  Aperos  y Armas  que  hubiesen 
de  manttener  siempre  y concediendose  les  lo  prevenido  en  las  Leyes 
del  Tittulo  cinco  libro  quartto  de  Yndias.  Passados  assi  los  ocho  o 
dies  anos  de  la  combencion  quedavan  ya  esttablecidas  aquellas  Pob- 
laciones  y cesava  el  gravamen  de  la  Real  Hacienda  para  poder  com- 
berttirlo  en  ottras  con  que  ordenada  y successivamentte  se  poblasen 
las  frontteras  y biniese  a discargarse  entteramentte  con  el  tiempo  la 
Real  Hacienda  resguardandose  y haciendose  uttiles  las  Provincias 
cessarian  tambien  las  Missiones  pasando  a Docttrinas  y Curattos 
pues  ala  vistta  y con  el  exemplo  de  los  Espanoles  (y  sin  las  veja- 
ciones  liberttades  y excesses  de  los  soldados)  se  docilittarian  y apli- 
carian  mas  prestto  aquellos  Yndios. 

Muchos  de  los  Precidiales  no  son  Espanoles  sino  de  ottras  imferi- 
ores  calidades  y regularmentte  viciosos  y mal  enttrettenidos  por  lo 
que  pudieran  danar  mas  que  aprovechar,  Poblaciones  suyas  en 
aquellas  distancias.  Por  el  medio  propuestto  se  recluttarian  solo 
pobladores  Espanoles  que  no  falttarian  en  esttas  Provincias,  y por 
el  conocimientto  que  tienen  de  los  Yndios,  y del  Regional  usso,  y 
culttivo  de  las  Tierras  serian  mas  apropositto,  que  los  Yslenos  de  Ca- 
narias,  y menos  costtoso,  y molestto  su  transportte.  Tampoco  fal- 
ttarian sugettos  de  comfianza  que  tomasen  por  assientto  esttas  pob- 
laciones, y el  solicittar  los  vezinos  sacando  de  las  cuidades  y espe- 
cialmentte  deestta  cortte  algunas  dettanttas  familias  pobres  y mal 
aplicadas  que  solo  sirven  de  gravamen  en  la  Republica. 

Aunque  la  Ley  dies  y sietto  tittulo  uno  libro  quattro  de  Yndias 


396 


APPENDIX. 


manda  que  ningun  descubrimientto,  nueva  navegacion  ni  poblacion 
sehaga  a costta  de  la  Real  Hacienda  ni  gastten  de  ella  cosa  alguna 
en  estto  los  que  governaren  aunque  tingan  Poderes  e insttrucciones 
para  bacer  descubrimienttos  y Navegaciones  sino  lo  tuvieren  espe- 
cial para  que  sea  a costta  de  la  Real  Hacienda ; pero  ya  se  vee  que 
en  la  forma  predicba  no  resulttarian  gravamenes  sino  aborros,  y 
sobre  ttodo  la  recomendable  publica  importtaircia  de  las  Poblacion es. 
Si  el  assumptto  mereciere  el  superior  agrado  de  V.  excelencia  podra 
tambien  trattarlo  con  audiencia  de  los  dos  Senores  Fistales  en  juntta 
General  de  Senores  Ministtros,  y Personas  practticas  que  puedan  fa- 
cilittar  ottros  medios  mas  congruentes  y eficaceS  para  la  Poblacion 
y resguardo  de  diclias  Provincias  y Frontteras,  y en  especial  la  de 
Texas  mucho  mas  attendible  por  serlo  de  una  Nacion  tan  numerosa, 
Polittica  dominantte  y acttiba  qual  es  la  Francesa. 

Recojiendo  ya  el  bilo  delas  expediciones  de  Tejas  para  los  pun- 
ttos  del  Ymforme  pedido  por  la  Real  Cedula  de  Quinse  de  Julio  de 
settesienttos  quarentta,  queestta  por  caveza  de  estte  expedientte  se 
halla  que  al  Marques  de  San  Miguel  de  Aguayo  succedio  en  el  Go- 
vierno  de  aquella  Provincia  su  Thenientte  General  Don  Fernando 
Perez  de  Almazan.  Siguiosele  Don  Melclior  de  Mediavilla,  y aestte 
Don  Juan  Anttonio  Busttillos  y Cevallos.  Por  su  renuncia  enttro 
en  dicho  Govierno  el  Capittan  Don  Manuel  de  Sandoval,  que  aca- 
vaba  de  servir  el  de  Coahuila  con  que  liavia  pasado  a estte  Reyno 
el  ano  de  Settesienttos  veintte  o ocho  despues  de  haver  servido  en 
los  Reales  exercittos  veinte  anos  y siete  meses  de  cadette,  oficial  y 
Thenientte  de  Capittan  de  Granaderos.  Apocesionose  a principios 
del  ano  de  settesienttos  treinta  y quattro,  y recidio  el  mayor  tiempo 
en  dicho  Precidio  de  San  Anttonio  de  Bejar  para  reparar  mejor 
aquellas  frequences  hosttilidades  de  los  inttrepidos  Barbaros  Apa- 
ches, prevenido  assi  por  el  excelenttissimo  Senor  Virrey  Marques  de 
Cassafuertte. 

Desde  el  sittado  ano  de  settesienttos  dies,  y seis  sittuaron  los 
Franceses  dicho  su  precidio  de  Nachittoos  de  la  partte  de  aca  de 
dicho  Rio  Colorado  en  una  Ysletta  formada  solo  en  tiempo  de  abeni- 
das  de  un  brazo  del  mismo  Rio.  Ala  partte  de  aca  de  estte  Braso, 
tenian  los  Franceses  tambien  desde  el  prinoipio,  algunas  cassas, 
Ranchos,  Huerttas  y sembrados,  y un  corral  para  la  cavallada  de 
su  comandantte  Don  Luis  de  Sandenis  esttendiendo  su  goce  hastta 
el  Arroyo  hondo  y paraje  llamado  la  gran  monttana  que  media  las 
siette  leguas  de  enttre  los  dos  Precidios.de  Adays  y de  Nachittoos 


OLD  RECORD  IN  THE  ARCHIVES  OF  BEXAR. 


397 


Por  esttar  bajar  inundable  y bumeda  diclia  Ysleta  a por  ottros  des- 
ttinos,  6 mottibos  comensaron  a mudar  los  Franceses  en  fines  de 
setesienttos  treintta  y cinco  dicho  su  Precidio  a lo  que  anttes  era  la 
cassa  de  uno  de  dicbos  Franceses  disttantte  de  la  Ysletta  un  ttiro  de 
fucil  segun  los  testtigos,  o un  ttercio  de  Legua  segun  el  mismo  com- 
mandantte  Frances  en  sus  carttas  Respuesttas  constanttes  de  auttos. 

Prosiguieron  los  Franceses  con  eficacia  dicba  Translacion  di  cien- 
do  era  de  orden  de  la  cortte  de  Pans  dada  el  Govemador  de  la  Lu- 
ciana  Don  Juan  Baupttistta  Biembille.  Hallavase  Sandoval  en 
diclio  Precidio  de  San  Anttonio  de  Vejar  docienttas  y quarentta 
leguas  mas  aca  de  diclia  Fronttera  de  los  Adays.  Tenia  de  su  The- 
nientte  General  en  ella  al  Alferez  Don  Joseph  Gonzales,  quien  en 
cartta  de  doce  de  Noviembre  de  dicho  ano  de  treintta  y cinco  le 
aviso  ttodo  lo  expressado.  Respondiole  Sandoval  en  veintte  *y 
nueve  del  mismo  que  resisttiese  diclia  translacion  requiriendo  por 
ttres  veces  al  expressado  commandante  Frances  Sandenis  para  quien 
le  embio  carta  sobrelo  mismo,  y duraron  los  requerimienttos  y re- 
combenciones  hastta  fines  de  Agostto  de  settecienttos  treintta  y seis. 

Nottenia  Sandoval  documentto  alguno  de  aquellos  Limittes  y re- 
feridas  anttescedenttes  expediciones,  y assi  solo  por  verbales  notti- 
cias  arquia : que  dichos  Alonzo  de  Leon,  Don  Domingo  Theran,  y 
Domingo  Ramon  precedieron  a los  Franceses  en  la  Ocupacion  de 
aguel  terreno  : que  desde  enttonces  y siempre  despues  se  havia  teni- 
do  el  Rio  Colorado  por  linde  enttrelas  dos  Coronas  poseyendo  la  de 
Espana  todo  lo  de  la  partte  de  aca  como  se  havia  berificado  en  al- 
gunos  expressos  acaesimienttos  : que  en  caso  de  alguna  duda  devia 
darse  quentta  a los  Soberanos  y esperar  su  resolucion  suspendien- 
dose  en  intterin  los  Franceses  pues  delo  eonttrario  se  necessitaria  a 
resisttir  los  con  las  Armas. 

El  commandantte  Frances  Don  Luis  de  Sandenis  Cavallero  del 
orden  de  San  Luis  Oponia : que  los  Franceses  fueron  los  primeros 
descubridores  en  el  referido  ano  de  seiscienttos  ochentta  y cinco : 
que  en  el  de  settesienttos  veintte  y uno  erigio  dicho  Marques  de  San 
Miguel  de  Aguayo  nuesttro  Precidio  de  los  Adays,  teniendo  mucho 
anttes  el  suyo  los  Franceses  en  dicha  Ysletta  y de  la  parte  de  aca 
cassas  Corrales,  y ottras  Poscesiones,  que  no  resisttio  el  Marques,  ni 
sus  successores : que  en  el  ano  de  settesienttos  dies  y ocho  esttubo, 
y se  socarrio  dicho  Ramon  del  Precidio  de  Nachittoos : que  al  mis- 
mo Sandenis  debieron  los  Espanoles  la  postterior  ocupacion  de  los 
Adays,  y fundacion  de  sus  Missiones  : que  los  Franceses  represen- 


398 


APPENDIX. 


ttavan  en  aquel  Dominio  a los  Yndios  Nachittoos  quienes  no  solo 
poseyan  tierras  de  la  partte  de  alia  del  Rio  Colorado  sino  tambien 
de  la  partte  de  aca  sin  conttradicsion  de  los  Yndios  Adays  aquienes 
succedieron  los  Espanoles  : que  no  esttavan  dibididas  las  siette  leguas 
de  enttre  ambos  Precidios  ni  havia  razon  para  que  los  Espanoles  se 
las  apropiasen  todas  : que  el  obrava  en  virttud  de  ordenes  desus  su- 
periores,  y nopodia  suspenderse,  y que  si  fuese  invadido  con  Armas 
se  defenderia  con  ellas,  y serian  las  consequencias  de  quentta  del 
culpado. 

Hallavase  Sandoval  prevenido  de  estte  Superior  Govierno  para 
que  celase,  y embarasase  a los  Franceses  por  ttodos  los  medios  posi- 
bles  el  quese  exediessen  de  sus  limittes  pero  que  no  rompiesse  con 
ellos  sin  dar  pumero  quentta  lo  que  executto  con  copia  de  las  respu- 
esttas  del  commandantte  Frances  Sandenis.  Prohibiose  tambien 
por  vando  en  los  Adays  toda  comunicacion,  y ttrato  con  franceses 
paraque  ni  aun  se  les  comprasen  las  semillas  y basttimenttos  acos- 
ttumbrados.  Sin  embargo  conttinuaron  los  Franceses  la  Transla- 
cion  de  dicho  su  Precidio ; que  es  fabricado  de  esttacas  haciendo 
alii  su  Yglesia,  y como  catorce  cassas  para  el  Ministtro  Eclesiastico, 
y de  algunos  Precidiales  y vezinos. 

Havia  por  enttonces  venido  de  Espana  Don  Carlos  de  Franquis 
conttittulo  de  Coronel,  y futtura  del  Govierno  de  Tlaxcala,  que  hallo 
preocupado.  Confiriole  en  Intterin  el  Excelenttissimo  Senor  Arzo- 
vispo  Virrey  el  de  texas  de  quese  aposcessiono  en  Septtiembre  de 
setesienttos  treintta  y seis.  Manifestto  luego  su  Genio  borrascoso, 
pettulantte,  y precipittado  a quese  siguieron  quejas  de  Escandalosos 
temerarias  injurias  con  que  tratta  va  a aquellos  Religiosos  Missione- 
ros,  de  que  quittava  y abria  los  pliegos  y carttas  que  salian  de 
aquella  Provincia  de  que  sin  faculttad  alguna  havia  puestto  en  el 
Cepo  con  dos  pares  de  grillos  en  la  capittal  de  los  Adays  asu  anttes- 
cesor  Sandoval,  quittadole  sus  papeles,  y processadole  despues  cri- 
minalmentte  sobre  aparattadas  demandas  de  aquellos  Precidiales  y 
sobre  dicha  translacion  del  Precidio  Frances  que  abulttava  sin  lim- 
itte.  Passo  a Texas  el  Governador  del  Nuevo  Reyno  de  Leon  con 
Despacho  deestta  Capittania  General  de  nueve  de  Julio  de  settesi- 
enttos  treintta  y siette  y pesquiso  a Franquis  rettirandole  antes  al 
Precidio  de  San  Juan  Baupttistta  del  Rio  grande  en  Coahuila  que 
descertto  viniendose  aestta  Cortte.  Remitio  dicho  Governador  a 
estta  Capittania  General  la  pezquisa  en  summaria  y por  nottener 
Franquis  bienes  de  que  pagar  los  tres  mill  qaattrosienttos  y mas 


OLD  RECORD  IN  THE  ARCHIVES  OF  BEXAR. 


399 


pesos  de  los  Salarios  y Costtos,  sele  sacaron  a Sandoval  y despues 
se  dettermino  dicha  pezquisa. 

El  ano  de  settesienttos  treintta  y oclia  dio  Sandoval  su  Residen- 
cia  convistta  delo  conttra  el  processado  por  Franquis  la  que  remittio 
el  Juez  sin  detterminar  a estta  Capittania  General,  y con  previa  re- 
spuestta  del  Senor  Fiscal  Yedoya  se  senttenciaron  en  veintte  y oclio 
de  Marzo  de  settesienttos  quarentta  sus  siette  cargos.  Absolviosele 
del  ttercero,  y quartto  quintto  y septtimo  y se  le  multto  en  quinien- 
ttos  pesos  por  el  primero  y segundo  de  no  haver  recidido  en  los 
Adays  ni  senttado  en  el  Libro  Real  de  filiaciones  las  Alttas  y Yajas 
de  aquellos  Precidiales  sin  embargo  de  que  alegava  Sandoval  que 
havia  recidido  en  Bejar  por  diclias  frequenttes  hosttilidades  de  los 
Yndios  Apaches,  que  desde  alii  no  pudo  senttar  diclias  Alttas,  y 
Yajas  en  el  libro  de  los  Adays  disttantte  doscienttas  quarentta 
leguas  y las  havia  senttado  en  apunttes  que  demonstro  por  los  que 
alcanzav  a la  Real  Hacienda  en  un  mill  trescienttos  quarentta  y 
nueve  pesos  que  no  se  le  pagaron. 

Por  el  sextto  cargo  de  la  translacion  del  Precidio  Frances  de 
Nachittoos  previno  la  senttencia,  que  se  recibiesen  imformaciones 
en  estta  Corte,  y en  los  Adays  sobre  siera  o no  de  Franceses  el 
sittio  aque  esttos  havian  mudado  diclio  su  Precidio,  no  reservando 
para  en  vistta  de  las  resulttas  la  detterminacion  del  Cargo  exivio 
Sandoval  en  Reales  Caxas  los  quinienttos  pesos  de  dicha  multa,  y 
a los  dies  y oclio  de  Julio  del  mismo  ano  de  settesienttos  quarentta 
se  libro  el  Despacho  para  que  el  Governador  de  Texas  reciviese  en 
los  Adays  dicha  imformasion. 

Nose  hiso  Cargo  a Sandoval  de  que  en  tiempo  de  su  Govierno  de 
Tejas  estubiese  incompletto  el  numero  de  los  Religiosos  Missioneros 
que  paga  su  Magestad  para  la  administration  E spiritual  de  aquellos 
Yndios.  Ymproperabalo  assi  Franquis  en  sus  carttas  y papeles; 
pero  sin  consttancia  alguna  formal  de  los  Religiosos  que  havia,  y 
devia  haver  por  lo  que  se  desesttimarian  sus  exprecsiones  como  apa- 
cionadas  conttra  los  Religiosos. 

Examinaronse  aque  en  virttud  de  dicha  senttencia  seis  ttesttigos 
de  los  que  se  hallaron  con  empleos  en  dicha  expedission  del  Mar- 
ques de  San  Miguel  de  Aguayo  o esttubieron  despues  en  los  Adays, 
y de  ttodos  resultto,  que  diclio  Paraje  nombrado  la  gran  Monttana 
(medio  enttre  los  dos  Precidios  de  Adays  y Nachittoos)  se  havia 
tenido  siempre  por  termino  dibisorio  enttre  las  dos  Coronas,  y no 
dicho  Rio  Colorado  de  cuya  vanda  de  aca  tenian  los  Franceses 


400 


APPENDIX. 


cassas,  y ottras  poscessiones  exttendiendose  hastta  la  gran  Mon- 
tana. 

Aposessionado  despues  de  estte  Virreynatto  en  dies  y siette  de 
Agosto  de  settesienttos  quarentta  el  excelenttissimo  Senor  Duque 
de  la  Conquestta  presentto  Franquis  un  difuso  escritto  con  cino  mo- 
ttibo  se  volbio  a acriminar  dicho  sextto  Cargo  de  la  Translacion  del 
Precidio  se  prendio  a Sandoval  embargandole  todos  sus  papeles  en 
dies  y siete  del  mes  de  Septtiembre  mantteniendole  en  la  Carcel 
con  Guardia  y Centtinela  de  vistta  liastta  dies  y nueve  de  Henero 
de  settesienttos  quarentta  yuno,  que  se  le  saltto  vajo  de  Jura  mentto 
digo  fianza  de  Juzgado,  y senttenciado  por  hallarse  gravementte 
emferino  sin  que  constte  se  hubiesse  hecbo  conttra  el  ottra  diligencia 
judicial  alguna  de  Oficio  ni  de  partte  en  todo  el  tiempo  de  dicha 
prission  ni  despues  de  ella. 

Enttregados  a Sandoval  de  su  pedimentto  ttodos  los  Auttos  re- 
pitio  sus  defenzas  en  un  largo  escritto  de  veinte  y seis  de  Octtubre 
de  settesienttos  quarentta  y uno,  y dada  vistta  al  Senor  Fiscal  ac- 
ttual  Don  Pedro  de  Vedoya,  y Ossorio  respondio  en  veintte  y oclio 
de  Noviembre  del  mismo  ano,  que  se  devia  declarar  a Sandoval  ex- 
emptto  y libre  del  Cargo  reservado  sobre  la  muttacion  de  dicho  Pre- 
cidio Frances,  pues  ademas  de  que  havia  resulttado  suficienttementte 
debilittado  por  diferentes  testtigos  de  la  Residencia  sobre  la  prega- 
resta  un  decima  del  interrogattorio  de  la  secretta,  estava  ya  entter- 
amente  desttruido  por  la  sittada  imformacion  recivida  en  estta  Cortte, 
y pidio  se  declarase  no  deverse  proceder  a otra  diligencia  absolvien- 
dole  a mayor  abundamientto,  declarandole  havel,  y Capaz  para  los 
Empleos  militares  y Politticos. 

No  liallandose  aqui  la  imformacion  recivida  en  los  Adays,  que  se 
savia  havia  remitido  aquel  Governador  se  le  libro  Despacho  para 
que  remittiesse  Testtimonio  de  ella,  que  vino  en  veintte  y nueve  de 
Mayo  de  settesienttos  quarentta  y dos.  En  el  constta  que  no  se 
recivio  dicha  imformacion  en  virtud  del  Despacho  librado  por  la 
sittada  senttencia  sino  en  comformidad  de  cartta  orden  reservada  de 
Excelenttissimo  Senor  Yirrey  Duque  de  la  Conquestta  su  f'echa  dos 
de  Septtiembre  de  settesienttos  quarentta  en  que  mando  al  G ovema- 
dor  de  Tejas  averiguase  segura  y juridicamentte,  que  disttancia  ha- 
via del  Precidio  de  los  Adays  a los  Franceses  nuevamentte  inttro- 
ducidos  y passados  de  la  vanda  de  aca  del  Rio,  que  cassas  o fuertte 
tenian  en  que  tiempo  lo  executtaron  quien  era  Governador  de  Texas 
que  diligencias  hizo  para  iinpcdir  estte  excesso  o tolerancia  en  dimi- 


OLD  RECORD  IN  THE  ARCHIVES  OF  BEXAR. 


401 


nucion  de  los  Dominios  de  su  Magesttad  si  omittio  las  que  devio 
hacer  por  que  mottibos,  y si  desde  entonces  hubo  passo  libre  a los 
Franceses  6 deesttos  a nos  ottros  por  que  razon  y si  hubo  alguna 
negociasion  de  comercio  ilicitto,  y que  concluyenttementte  diesse 
todas  las  notticias,  y lucis  mas  fundamenttadas  que  desentranasen  lo 
referido  despachandolo  con  Correo  y con  la  posible  brevedad. 

Recivio  dicha  Cartta  el  Governador  en  los  Adays,  a ocho  de  No- 
viembre  del  referido  ano  de  settesienttos  quarentta  examino  luego  a 
Don  Juan  Anttonio  Amorin  Thenientte  reformado  : Manuel  Antto- 
nio  de  Losoya  Sargentto  Don  Phelipe  Munos  de  Mora  Alferez  Re* 
formado  : Matbeo  Anttonio  de  Ybarbu  Cavo  de  Esquadra ; Phelipe 
de  Sierra  soldado  y Don  Joseph  Gonzales  acttual  Alferez  todos 
Precidiales  anttiguos  de  los  Adays.  Contexttaron  en  que  la  Tlans- 
lacion  del  Precidio  de  Nachitoos  fue  en  paraje  reputtado  por  de  los 
Franceses,  y un  ttiro  de  vala  de  dicha  Yysletta  en  que  antes  estta* 
va ; que  desde  los  principios  tubieron  casas  los  Franceses  de  la  Yanda 
de  aca  desu  Rio  Colorado,  esttimandose  por  linde  de  las  dos  Coronas 
el  Paraje  nombrado  la  gran  Monttaiia  o el  de  Arroyo  Hondo,  que  me- 
dian la  disttancia  de  entre  los  Precidios  de  Adays  y Nachittoos  que 
resisttio  dicha  translacion  en  la  forma  ya  expressada,  y que  no  hubo 
algun  ilicitto  Comercio. 

Ocupado  Sandoval  en  las  Campanas  de  Yera  cruz  come  Capittan 
de  nma  de  aquellas  companias  a donde  vajo  tambien  Franquis  pausso 
entire  tantto  la  expedicion  de  unos  y ottros  autos  solicitto  la  Fran- 
quis por  algunos  punttos  reservados  en  la  detterminacion  de  su  pes- 
quisa,  y V excelencia  por  Decretto  de  nueve  de  Diziembre  de  sette- 
sienttos  quarenta  y tres,  comforme  a dicttamen  del  Senor  Oydor  Don 
Domingo  Trespalacios  de  cinco  del  mismo  le  absolvio  en  dichos  pun- 
ttos, y a Sandoval  en  el  reservado  de  la  Translacion  del  Precidio 
Frances  comforme  tambien  a la  cittada  respuestta  Fiscal  de  veintte 
y ocho  de  Noviembre  de  settesienttos  quarentta  y uno.  Resisttio 
todavia  Franquis  por  escrito  de  dies  y seis  de  dicho  Diziembre  la 
absolucion  de  Sandoval,  y V excelencia  en  Decretto  de  veintte  y 
tres  del  mismo,  con  previo  parecer  del  Senor  Trespalacios  impuso 
perpettuo  silenci©  a Franquis.  Pidio  estte  en  ocho  y trece  do  hene- 
ro  de  estte  ano  se  le  diese  ttestimonio  de  ttodo  el  processo,  y se  le 
mando  dar  por  Decretto  de  veintte  y nueve  del  mismo  despues  de 
sacado  el  que  se  havia  de  remittir  a su  Magesttad  lo  que  se  hiciese 
vrebem  entte  como  esttava  prevenido  repettidas  veces.  Quedan 
expendidos  no  solo  los  treintta  quadernos  del  assumpto  sino  mas  de 

Vol.  I.— 26 


402 


APPENDIX. 


ottros  quarentta  de  las  antteriores  expediciones  de  Texas  para  mayor 
claridad  del  imforme  pedido  por  su  Magestad  en  sus  Reales  Ordenes 
sittadas.  Todo  se  halla  ya  repettidamentte  examinado,  y Juzgado, 
por  lo  que  parace  excusada  y no  necessaria  la  averiquacion  del  act- 
tual  Governador  de  Texas  Thenientte  Coronel  Don  Justto  Boneo, 
lo  que  siendo  asi  del  superior  agrado  de  V excelencia  mandara  se  le 
partticipe  con  copia  de  estte  Dicttamen  y del  ulttimo  Parrapho  del 
de  seis  de  Marzo  de  estte  ano,  y que  se  le  vaelba  original  el  Dupli- 
cado  de  la  Real  Cedula  que  remittio  que  dando  testtimonio  en  estte 
expediente  sobre  que,  y demas  encidenttementte  expuestto  providen- 
ciara  V excelencia  lo  que  mejor  esttimare.  Mexico  Junio  veintte 
de  mil  setesientos  quarentta  y quatro. 

Otro  si,  respectto  a estta  quazi  inteligibles  los  auttos  del  assump- 
to,  que  lo  seran  mas  en  Testimonio  sino  esttubiere  ya  sacado  este 
para  la  remission  mandada  a su  Magesttad,  podra  V.  excelencia  si- 
endo de  su  Superior  agrado,  mandar  se  le  remitta  en  intterin  Testti- 
monio deestte  quaderno,  y del  dicttamen  del  Audittor  de  dos  del 
proximo  pasado  Mayo  con  los  que  se  pue  de  venir  en  basttante 
conocimientto  de  ttodo  el  negocio  fecho  ut  supra. 

El  Marques  de  Altamira. 

Mexico  y Julio  quattro  de  mill  settesienttos  quarenta  y quattro. 
Como  pareco  al  Senor  Audittor  y saquen  se  luego  los  testtimonios. 
Senalado  con  la  Rubrica  de  su  Excelencia.  Concerda  con  sus  origi- 
nales  que  quedan  en  los  Auttos  de  la  Mattheria  y Oficio  de  Govor  y 
Guerra  de  estte  Reyno  del  Cargo  de  Don  J’ph  de  Gorraez,  que  de- 
spacbo  con  faculttad  y permisso  del  Exmo  Senor  Virrey  Govor  y 
Cappn  GiAl  de  estta  Nueva  Spana ; y paraque  constte  al  The  de 
Coronel,  y acttual  Govor  de  la  Prova  de  Texas  D»  Justto  Boneo, 
en  virttud  de  lo  mandado  doy  el  presentte.  Mexico  Veintte  y quat- 
tro de  Julio  mill  settos  quarentta  y quattro. 


Felix  de  Sandoval. 


APPENDIX  NO.  II. 


MEMOIR  OF  COLONEL  ELLIS  P.  BEAN. 

(WRITTEN  BY  HIMSELF,  ABOUT  THE  YEAR  1816.) 

Note.  — In  publishing  this  memoir,  it  is  proper  to  state  that  Colonel  Bean 
was  but  poorly  educated,  and  his  long  residence  in  Mexico  had  caused  him  al- 
most to  forget  his  own  language.  Hence  it  has  become  necessary  to  correct  his 
manuscript,  and  to  rewrite  it.  In  doing  this,  great  care  has  been  taken  to  pre- 
serve, as  far  as  possible,  his  style  and  language. — Editob. 

As  fortune  has  now  favored  me,  insomuch  that  I have  returned 
to  my  native  country,  where  all  men  rejoice  in  freedom  and  union, 
protected  by  the  just  laws  of  liberty,  I shall  let  my  countrymen 
know  what  has  been  my  life  since  the  year  1800. 

I was  bom  in  the  state  of  Tennessee,  in  the  year  1783.  I had  a 
common  education  given  me,  and  such  as  a frontier  country  could 
afford.  At  the  age  of  seventeen  years,  I had  a great  desire  to 
travel,  and  see  other  parts  of  the  world.  To  see  some  foreign  coun- 
try was  all  my  desire.  My  father  said  I was  too  young,  and  would 
not  consent.  But  as  the  town  of  Natchez  had  fallen  to  the  United 
States,  and  was  a good  market  for  the  produce  of  Tennessee,  he 
consented  that  I might  bring  to  that  country  a boat-load  of  whiskey 
and  flour ; all  of  which  being  made  ready  in  a few  days,  I started 
in  company  with  a young  man  from  the  same  place,  by  the  name 
of  John  Word,  who  had  some  lading  with  me.  About  three  hun- 
dred miles  below  Knoxville,  in  a place  called  the  Muscle-shoals,  I 
broke  my  boat  in  pieces  on  a rock,  and  lost  all  my  cargo.  I only 
saved  a small  trunk  of  clothes.  My  companion  concluded  then  that 
he  would  return ; but  I would  not,  for  I wished  to  see  that  country. 


404 


APPENDIX. 


I knew  that  I Had  some  relations  in  Natchez,  and,  although  I had 
lost  my  cargo,  I could  get  some  money  from  them  to  return  to  my 
country  again.  So  I resolved  to  continue  my  journey.  Having  at 
that  time  but  five  dollars  in  my  pocket,  I bid  adieu  to  my  compan- 
ion, and  got  into  a family  boat  that  was  coming  to  Natchez.  After 
some  days’  travel,  I landed  at  N.atchez,  where  I at  first  saw  no  per- 
son that  I knew.  I was  walking  on  the  sand-beach,  when  a small 
boy  came  and  asked  me  if  that  boat  was  from  Tennessee.  I told 
him  it  was.  He  then  asked  me  if  there  was  any  man  on  board  by 
the  name  of  Bean.  I told  him  that  was  my  name.  He  said  his 
mistress  had  told  him  that  if  there  was  any  one  on  the  boat  of  that 
name,  he  must  come  to  the  house  with  him.  But  I did  not  go  with 
him ; so  in  about  half  an  hour  came  down  an  old  lady,  with  her 
daughter.  When  I began  to  converse  with  her,  I found  her  to  be 
my  aunt.  She  then  told  me  she  was  very  happy  in  seeing  me,  and 
that  I must  go  and  live  with  her.  I went  that  night  to  her  house. 
The  next  morning  I wrote  to  an  uncle  of  mine,  that  lived  within 
twelve  miles,  to  send  for  me.  He  sent  me  a horse  and  saddle,  and 
I went  to  see  him.  I liked  much  better  this  place ; but  in  about 
fifteen  days  I fell  sick;  and,  after  suffering  very  severely  for  a 
month,  I began  to  get  better-. 

In  this  time  I got  acquainted  with  a man  by  the  name  of  Nolan, 
that  had  been  for  some  years  before  trading  with  the  Spaniards  in 
San  Antonio.  He  told  me  that  he  was  going  to  make  another 
voyage  to  that  country  in  October,  and  entreated  me  to  go  along 
with  him.  I readily  agreed  to  go,  and  stated  it  to  my  uncle.  But 
he  would  not  hear,  to  it,  and  said  that  I should  not  go.  A few  days 
afterward  my  uncle  and  aunt  were  absent  from  home,  and  Nolan 
came  by,  with  some  young  men,  then  on  his  voyage.  I immediately 
saddled  my  horse  and  started,  to  make  a voyage  for  three  months ; 
and  when  my  relation  came  home  in  the  evening,  I was  gone.  We 
crossed  the  Mississippi  at  a place  called  the  Walnut  Hills,  taking  a 
west  course  for  the  Washita* 

Steering  a west  course,  through  the  Mississippi  swamp,  for  the 

* Before  we  left  Natchez,  Governor  Sargent  and  Judge  Bruin  had  called  a 
court  on  the  complaint  of  the  Spanish  consul  Vidal ; but,  finding  our  passport, 
that  we  had  from  the  commandant-general,  Don  Pedro  de  Nava,  to  be  good,  it 
was  agreed  by  the  court  that  Nolan  should  go.  This  Vidal  wrote  to  the  Span- 
iards at  Washita  to  stop  usj  but  it  seems  that  cowardice  prevented  them  from 
fighting. 


Redfitld  Fablishci 
New  York 


MEMOIR  OF  ELLIS  P.  BEAN. 


405 


Wasliita,  we  were  about  forty  miles  from  the  river,  when  we  met 
about  fifty  Spaniards,  mounted  on  horseback,  and  well  armed. 
They  had  been  sent  by  the  commandant  at  Washita  to  stop  us; 
but,  though  our  number  was  only  twenty-one,  they  were  afraid  to 
attack  us.  We  asked  them  their  business.  They  told  us  they 
were  in  pursuit  of  some  Choctaw  Indians,  that  had  stolen  some 
horses.  This  was  false,  for  they  were  hunting  for  our  party,  though 
they  were  afraid  to  own  it.  They  then  passed  us,  and  in  a short 
time  returned  and  passed  us  again,  and  went  back  to  Washita, 
where  they  put  themselves  on  guard  that  night,  thinking  we  would 
go  by  that  place.  They  had  tlieir  cannons  mounted  to  receive  us ; 
but  we  left  the  town  to  the  south  of  us,  and  continued  our  journey 
still  westwardly  for  the  Red  river,  through  a fine  country.  But 
there  were  no  roads  or  inhabitants.  Crossing  the  Washita  river  the 
next  morning,  and  finding  a large  piece  of  rising  ground,  we  en- 
camped to  kill  some  provisions,  as  deer  were  very  plenty. 

We  then  set  out  on  our  voyage,  and  prosecuted  the  same  for  Bed 
river,  but,  before  reaching  it,  Mordecai  Richards,  John  Adams,  and 
Johh  King,  got  lost  from  our  party  while  out  hunting.  We  stopped 
and  hunted  for  them  several  days,  but  could  not  find  them.  We 
supposed  they  would  return  to  Natchez,  which  was  a fact.  There 
being  now  but  eighteen  of  us,  seven  of  whom  were  Spaniards,  we 
continued  our  journey,  and,  after  five  days,  came  to  Red  river  at  the 
old  Caddo  town,  where  we  built  a raft  and  crossed,  swimming  our 
horses.  In  about  four  miles  we  came  to  some  large  prairies,  where 
we  found  a large  quantity  of  buffalo-meat  and  some  Indians.  These 
were  called  Twowokanaes.  They  were  very  friendly  to  us,  and 
sold  us  some  fresh  horses,  of  which  they  had  very  fine  ones. 

In  about  six  days’  journey  we  came  to  Trinity  river,  and,  cros- 
sing it,  we  found  the  big,  open  prairies  of  that  country.  W e passed 
through  the  plains  till  we  reached  a spring,  which  we  called  the 
Painted  spring,  because  a rock  at  the  head  of  it  was  painted  by  the 
Camanche  and  Pawnee  nations  in  a peace  that  was  made  there  by 
these  two  nations.  In  the  vast  prairie  there  was  no  wood,  or  any 
other  fuel  than  buffalo-dung,  which  lay  dry  in  great  quantities.  But 
we  found  that  the  buffalo  had  removed,  and  were  getting  so  scarce, 
that,  in  three  days  after  passing  the  spring,  we  were  forced,  in  order 
to  sustain  life,  to  eat  the  flesh  of  wild  horses,  which  we  found  in 
great  quantities.  For  about  nine  days- we  were  compelled  to  eat 
horseflesh,  when  we  arrived  at  a river  called  the  Brasos.  Here 


406 


APPENDIX. 


we  found  elk  and  deer  plenty,  some  buffalo,  and  wild  horses  by 
thousands. 

We  built  a pen,  and  caught  about  three  hundred  of  those  wild 
horses.  After  some  days,  the  Camanche  nation  came  to  see  us. 
They  were  a party  of  about  two  hundred  men,  women,  and  chil- 
dren. We  went  with  them  to  the  south  fork  of  Red  river,  to  see 
their  chief,  by  the  name  of  Nicoroco,  where  we  stayed  with  them  a 
month.  A number  of  them  had  arrows  pointed,  some  with  stone, 
and  others  with  copper.  This  last  they  procure  in  its  virgin  state 
in  some  mountains  that  run  from  the  river  Missouri  across  the  con- 
tinent to  the  gulf  of  Mexico. 

During  our  stay  with  this  chief,  four  or  five  nations  that  were  at 
peace  with  him  came  to  see  us,  and  we  were  great  friends.  We 
then  thought  of  returning  to  our  old  camp,  where  we  had  caught 
our  horses,  and  taking  some  more ; for  a great  many  of  those  we 
had  taken  had  died,  for  want  of  being  well  taken  care  of.*  ....  In 
about  five  days  we  arrived  at  our  old  camp.  Those  Indians  stayed 
with  us  but  a few  days,  and  then  went  on  in  search  of  buffalo. 

These  red  men  have  no  towns,  but  roam  over  these  immense 
plains,  carrying  with  them  their  tents  and  clothing  made  of  buffalo- 
skins.  They  raise  no  corn,  but  depend  alone  on  the  chase.  Once 
a year  they  meet  with  their  head  chief  on  the  Salt  fork  of  the  Colo- 
rado river,  where  he  causes  all  the  fire  to  be  extinguished,  and  then 
makes  new  fire  for  the  new  year ; and  the  bands  also  severally 
change  their  hunting-grounds.  This  meeting  takes  place  in  the 
new  moon  in  June.  At  the  place  where  they  meet  are  lakes  of 
salt  water,  so  covered  with  salt,  that  they  can  break  up  any  quan- 
tity they  want. 

When  they  left,  a party  of  them  stole  from  us  eleven  head  of 
horses.  They  were  our  gentle  horses,  and  all  we  had  for  running 
wild  horses ; so  that  we  were  left  unable  to  do  anything.  We  con- 
cluded to  pursue  the  robbers;  but  this  was  to  be  done  on  foot. 
Philip  Nolan,  Robert  Ashley,  Joseph  Reed,  David  Fero,  a negro 
man  called  Cmsar,  and  myself,  were  the  volunteers  of  our  small 
party.  We  pursued  them  nine  days,  and  came  upon  them,  en- 
camped on. a small  creek.  They  did  not  sde  us  till  we  were  in  fifty 
yards  of  them,  when  we  went  up  in  a friendly  manner.  There  were 
but  four  men,  and  some  women  and  children  : the  rest  had  gone  out 
to  kill  buffal).  They  were  twelve  men  in  number.  I saw  four  of 

* A few  words  of  the  old  manuscript  eaten  off. 


MEMOIR  OF  ELLIS  P.  BEAN. 


407 


our  horses  close  by,  feeding.  J pointed  to  them,  and  told  them  we 
had  come  for  them,  and  that  they  must  bring  the  others  they  had 
stolen,  to  us.  An  old  man  said  the  one  who  had  stolen  them  had 
taken  the  others  out  hunting ; that  he  would  be  in  that  evening ; 
and  that  the  rogue  who  stole  them  had  but  one  eye,  by  which  we 
could  know  him  when  he  came.  They  gave  us  meat,  of  which  they 
had  a large  quantity  drying ; and  then  we  were  glad  to  lie  down 
and  rest. 

In  the  evening,  as  the  old  man  said,  One-Eye  came  up  with  our 
horses.  We  took  him  and  tied  him,  the  others  saying  nothing,  and 
kept  him  tied  till  morning.  His  wife  then  gave  us  all  our  horses ; 
and  we  took  from  the  thief  all  the  meat  we  could  conveniently 
carry.  We  then  told  them  all  that  there  were  but  few  of  us,  but 
we  could  whip  twice  their  number,  and  they  were  of  the  same  opin- 
ion. We  then  returned  safely  to  our  camp,  and  found  all  in  readi- 
ness to  run  horses,  and  the  pen  in  good  repair.  But  we  concluded 
to  let  our  horses  rest  a few  days  before  we  began  to  run  them,  as 
we  had  travelled  to  our  camp  in  four  days. 

In  four  days  more  it  was  our  misfortune  to  be  attached  by  a hun- 
dred and  fifty  Spaniards  sent  by  the  commandant  at  Chihuahua. 
He  was  general-commandant  of  the  five  northeastern  internal  prov- 
inces, and  called  Don  Nimesio  de  Salcedo.  The  troops  that  came 
were  piloted  by  Indians  from  Nacogdoches  that  came  with  them. 
They  surrounded  our  camp  about  one  o’clock  in  the  morning,  on  the 
22d  of  March,  1801.  They  took  the  five  Spaniards  and  one  Ameri- 
ca^ that  were  guarding  our  horses,  leaving  but  twelve  of  us,  inclu- 
ding Caesar.  We  were  all  alarmed  by  the  tramping  of  their  horses ; 
and,  as  day  broke,  without  speaking  a word,  they  commenced  their 
fire.  After  about  ten  minutes,  our  gallant  leader  Nolan  was  slain 
by  a musket-ball  which  hit  him  in  the  head.  In  a few  minutes 
after  they  began  to  fire  grape-shot  at  us  : they  had  brought  a small 
swivel  on  a mule.  We  had  a pen  that  we  had  built  of  logs,  to  pre- 
vent the  Indians  from  stealing  from  us.  From  this  pen  we  returned 
their  fire  until  about  nine  o’clock.  We  then  had  two  men  wounded 
and  one  killed.  I told  my  companions  we  ought  to  charge  on  the 
cannon  and  take  it.  Two  or  three  of  them  agreed  to  it,  but  the 
rest  appeared  unwilling.  I told  them  it  was  at  most  but  death ; 
and  if  we  stood  still,  all  would  doubtless  be  killed ; that  we  must 
take  the  cannon,  or  retreat.  It  was  agreed  that  we  should  retreat. 
Our  number  was  eleven,  of  which  two  were  wounded.  The  powder 


408 


APPENDIX. 


that  we  could  not  put  in  our  horns  was  given  to  Caesar  to  carry, 
while  the  rest  were  to  make  use  of  their  arms.  So  we  set  out 
through  a prairie,  and  shortly  crossed  a small  creek.  While  we 
were  defending  ourselves,  Caesar  stopped  at  the  creek  and  surren- 
dered himself  with  the  ammunition  to  the  enemy.  Of  the  two 
wounded  men,  one  stopped  and  gave  himself  up,  the  other  came  on 
with  us.  There  were  then  nine  of  us  that  stood  the  fire  of  the  ene- 
my, on  both  sides  of  us,  for  a march  of  half  a mile.  We  were  so 
fortunate,  that  not  a man  of  us  got  hurt,  though  the  balls  played 
around  us  like  hail. 

In  our  march  we  came  to  a deep  ravine.  Here  we  took  refuge, 
and  stopped  some  time.  They  then  began  to  come  too  close  to  us, 
when  we  commenced  firing  afresh.  They  then  retreated  ; and  about 
three  o’clock  in  the  afternoon  they  hoisted  a white  flag,  and  (through 
an  American  that  was  with  them)  told  us  that  the  commander 
wanted  us  to  return  to  our  own  country,  and  not  remain  there  with 
the  Indians.  We  quickly  agreed  to  go  as  companions  with  them, 
but  not  to  give  up  our  guns.  It  was  granted,  and  we  went  back 
and  buried  our  gallant  leader  Nolan. 

The  next  day  we  started  in  company  with  the  Spanish  soldiers 
for  Nacogdoches.  In  our  journey  we  had  to  cross  the  Trinity 
which  we  found  running  over  its  banks.  My  companions  and  I,  in 
a short  time,  made  a small  canoe  out  of  a dry  cottonwood,  which 
answered  very  well  to  carry  the  soldiers  all  over.  Their  arms  and 
their  commander  were  still  on  the  west  side.  I told  my  companions 
that  we  had  it  in  our  power  to  throw  all  their  guns  in  the  river,  take 
what  ammunition  we  wanted,  and  return.  Some  of  them  were  wil- 
ling ; others  said  it  would  be  very  wrong  now  we  were  to  be  sent 
home.  These  last  were  unfortunate  men  who  put  confidence  in 
Spanish  promises.  These  are  a people  in  whom  you  should  put  no 
trust  or  confidence  whatever. 

In  some  days  after  we  arrived  at  Nacogdoches,  the  commandant 
told  us  he  was  waiting  for  orders  from  Ghihuahua  to  set  us  at  liberty 
and  send  us  home.  We  waited  in  this  hope  for  about  a month, 
when,  instead  of  our  liberty,  we  were  seized  and  put  in  irons,  and 
sent  off  under  a strong  guard  to  San  Antonio.  Here  we  lay  in 
prison  three  months.  Then  we  were  started  to  Mexico,  but  were 
stopped  at  San  Luis  Potosi,  where  we  were  confined  in  prison  one 
year  and  four  months.  By  this  time  we  were  getting  bare  of  clothes. 
I told  them  I was  a shoemaker,  and  would  be  very  thankful  if  they 


MEMOIR  OF  ELLIS  P.  BEAN. 


409 


would  permit  me,  in  the  daytime,  to  sit  at  the  door  of  my  prison, 
and  work  at  my  trade.  This  was  granted  to  me,  and  also  to  young 
Charles  King.  We  made  some  money;  but,  in  a short  time  after- 
ward, orders  came  that  we  should  be  sent  to  Chihuahua.  This 
order  was  quickly  obeyed  ; and  we  started  on  horseback,  with  heavy 
irons.  Yet  it  was  cheering  to  think  that  we  were  going  to  change 
our  prisons,  hoping  that  in  some  change  we  might  be  able,  some  day 
or  other,  to  escape. 

We  came  to  a town  called  Saltillo,  where  we  were  delivered  over 
to  another  officer,  whose  duty  it  was  to  conduct  us  to  Chihuahua. 
This  man  treated  us  with  more  humanity  than  had  been  shown  us 
before.  He  took  off  our  irons,  and  let  us  ride  all  the  way  foot-loose, 
a distance  of  four  hundred  miles.  And  along  the  road,  and  at  all 
the  towns,  we  could  look  at  places,  and  walk  about  and  see  the  in- 
habitants. And  we  noticed  that  everywhere  they  were  mixed  with 
Indian,  but  of  a land  and  friendly  disposition.  They  were  all  ex- 
ceedingly kind  to  us,  presenting  us  with  fruits,  clothes,  and  money ; 
so  that,  by  the  time  we  reached  Chihuahua,  we  began  to  think  we 
would  soon  regain  our  liberty. 

On  our  arrival  in  town  we  were  put  in  prison,  and,  in  five  or  six 
days,  were  tried.  Then  our  irons  were  taken  off,  and  we  had  the 
limits  of  the  town  to  walk  in  during  the  day,  and  at  night  we  had 
to  come  and  sleep  in  the  soldiers’  barracks.  During  this  time  we 
received  a quarter  of  a dollar  a day  for  our  provisions ; but,  as  for 
clothing,  there  was  no  way  provided  to  get  any.  Some  of  my  com- 
panions got  leave  of  the  general  to  go  to  other  towns  to  live,  but  I 
thought  I would  find  out  some  way  of  making  something.  I gave 
myself  out  as  a hatter.  There  was  a gentleman  who  trusted  me  for 
whatever  was  necessary  to  carry  on  that  business.  I employed  two 
Spanish  hatters  to  work  with  me,  for,  in  fact,  I was  no  hatter  at  all. 
In  about  six  months  I had  so  raised  my  name,  that  no  one  would 
purchase  hats  except  of  the  American.  By  this  means  I got  a 
number  of  journeymen  to  work  with  me.  I was  clear  of  debt,  and 
making  from  fifty  to  sixty  dollars  per  week.  I began  to  lay  up 
money,  with  which  to  try  to  make  my  escape  at  a future  day.  I 
had  gained  the  good  will  of  all  the  principal  men  in  that  town,  as 
well  as  the  surrounding  villages.  I continued  in  this  situation  about 
four  years,  when  I thought  it  was  time  to  try  to  reach  my  native 
country. 

I left  my  shop  in  the  hands  of  a foreman,  and  obtained  leave  to 


410 


APPENDIX. 


visit  another  town  forty  miles  distant,  that  I might  better  make  my 
arrangements.  When  I arrived  there,  I purchased,  through  others, 
four  horses,  three  guns,  and  as  many  braces  of  pistols.  Here  I was 
advised  by  my  friends  to  join  the  catholic-  church,  and  to  marry  in 
the  country  — as  they  did  not  expect  the  general  would  ever  agree 
to  send  us  home,  as  we  had  come  so  far  into  the  country.  I put 
them  off  by  promises,  but  was  still  making  my  arrangements  to 
start  for  the  United  States : for  it  was  not  possible  that  I should 
forget  my  country,  or  resign  myself  to  live  under  a tyranny  after 
having  enjoyed  the  liberty  of  my  native  land.  My  companions  ap- 
peared to  me  to  be  reconciled  and  happy ; excepting,  however,  one 
of  them,  by  the  name  of  Thomas  House.  He,  like  myself,  was  de- 
termined to  see  his  native  country,  if  possible.  As  I thought  he 
was  the  Only  one  I could  get  to  go  with  me,  I wrote  to  him.  He 
answered  me,  saying  he  would  meet  me  when  called  on,  at  any 
place  appointed.  A week  after,  having  all  things  ready,  and  two 
Spanish  soldiers,  who  agreed  to  desert  and  go  with  me,  I wrote  to 
ray  friend  a second  letter,  to  meet  me  on  a certain  day  at  an  old 
church,  from  which  we  would  set  out  on  our  journey  for  the  United 
States.  But,  to  my  misfortune,  my  letter  fell  into  the  hands  of 
another  companion  of  mine,  named  Tony  Waters,  who  was  from 
Winchester,  Virginia. 

As  soon  as  he  got  it,  he  broke  it  open  and  read  it,  and  immedi- 
ately reported  it  to  the  commanding  officer  of  Chihuahua ; thinking 
thus  to  ingratiate  himself  by  selling  his  countrymen  and  compan- 
ions. This  was  no  sooner  known,  than  orders  came  to  the  town 
where  I was  tc  put  me  in  close  confinement,  which  was  done  with- 
out any  delay.  After  I was  in  the  dungeon,  I was  put  in  the  stocks 
for  that  day.  The  next  day  I was  ironed  with  two  pairs  of  strong 
irons.  The  third  day  I was  taken  out  of  my  prison,  and  led  to  the 
governor,  who  asked  me  if  I knew  why  I was  imprisoned.  I told 
him  I did  not.  He  then  showed  me  my  letter,  and  asked  me  if  I 
had  written  it.  I told  him  I had.  He  asked  me  if  any  of  my  com- 
panions were  gping.  I said,  no.  He  asked  if  the  one  to  whom  I 
had  wrote  had  agreed  to  go.  I said,  no  ; but  I wrote  to  invite  him, 
and  had  received  no  answer,  nor  did  I expect  any,  as  the  letter  did 
not  reach  him.  He  asked  me  if  I had  arms.  I told  him  that  I had 
none — for  my  horses,  arms,  and  other  things,  were  kept  at  a differ- 
ent place  from  where  I lived,  and  search  had  been  made,  and  noth- 
ing found,  as  I had  previously  been  informed. 


MEMOIR  OF  ELLIS  P.  BEAN. 


411 


I was  returned  to  prison,  and  next  morning  orders  came  that  I 
should  not  talk  with  any  one.  I then  thought  that  my  undertaking 
was  at  an  end,  inasmuch  as  I was  forbidden  to  see  or  talk  to  any 
one.  But,  about  twelve  o’clock  the  next  day,  they  brought  into 
my  prison  one  of  my  companions,  who  was  at  the  point  of  death. 
As  I before  remarked,  my  companions  had  gone  to  different  towns. 
He  was  taken  sick  at  a place  some  distance  off,  and  requested  that 
he  might  see  me  before  he  died.  As  the  catholic  religion  obliges 
them  to  comply  in  such  cases,  he  was  brought  to  me.  But  my  poor, 
unfortunate  countryman  did  not  expect  to  find  me  ironed  and  in 
close  confinement.  When  the  prison-door  was  opened,  he  saw  me, 
came  in  and  sat  down,  and  said  to  me : “ I never  thought  to  see 
you  in  this  place  ; but,  though  it  is  a prison,  I shall  not  leave  you 
until  I die,  which  I expect  will  be  in  a few  days.  Yet  I shall  die 
in  the  company  of  a countryman.”  He  then  laid  himself  down. 
The  distress  of  my  friend  afflicted  me  more  than  ever,  hut  I could 
not  help  either  him  or  myself.  I had  yet  a little  money ; with  it  I 
sent  and  got  some  wine ; and,  after  a little  while,  a lady  sent,  me 
some  dinner,  and  I got  him  up,  and  he  ate  some. 

This  young  man  was  .named  Joel  Pearce,  from  North  Carolina. 
Some  time  after,  I asked  him  if  he  had  not  been  told,  before  he 
came,  that  I was  in  prison.  He  said  he  knew  nothing  about  it  until 
he  came  to  the  town ; and  that  the  commandant  told  him  I was  a 
bad  man,  and  was  going  to  run  away,  for  which  reason  I was  put 
in  prison.  He  said  also  that  it  was  better  for  my  companion  to  go 
to  some  house  in  the  town,  and  not  come  to  stay  with  me ; for,  as 
he  had  done  nothing,  he  could  stay  where  he  pleased.  My  com- 
panion said,  “ No,  I will  go  and  stay  with  him.”  I told  him  also  it 
would  he  better  to  go  to  a house  of  some  of  my  friends,  where  he 
would  be  well  treated,  and,  I hoped,  recover.  He  said,  no,  he 
would  die  there,  for  he  had  no  hope  of  recovering.  He  continued 
with  me  for  five  or  six  days  in  this  situation,  and,  I perceived,  was 
daily  growing  weaker.  During  this  time,  I forgot  my  prison,  and 
thought  only  of  my  sick  friend.  By  this  time  he  was  able  to  con- 
verse with  me  but  little.  In  the  height  of  our  affliction,  the  justice 
of  the  town  sent  into  our  jail  a big  Indian,  charged  with  murder. 
He  brought  with  him  a jew’s-harp,  and  played  on  it  all  the  time. 
This  so  distracted  the  head  of  my  poor  countryman,  that  I requested 
him,  in  a friendly  manner,  not  to  make  that  noise.  He  answered 
me  that  the  harp  was  his  own,  and  he  would  play  when  he  pleased. 


412 


APPENDIX. 


There  was  no  great  difference  between  us,  for  be  had  on  one  pail 
of  irons,  and  I had  two.  I went  up  to  him  and  snatched  the  jew’s 
harp  from  him,  and  broke  the  tongue  out.  He  rose  immediately, 
and  we  engaged  ; but  in  a few  blows  I was  conqueror,  and  he  fell 
down  very  quiet.  My  sick  companion,  when  we  began,  tried  to 
rise,  but  was  so  weak,  that  he  fell  back  on  his  mat.  He  was  full 
of  joy,  however,  when  he  saw  I had  gained  the  victory.  In  three 
days  after,  he  died,  and  was  carried  away  to  be  buried.  Then  I 
was  more  distressed  in  mind  than  ever,  thinking  it  would  soon  be 
my  time  to  suffer  the  same  fate. 

In  this  situation  I continued  for  three  months,  without  any  com- 
munication with  the  world.  At  the  end  of  this  time  I was  surprised 
to  see  my  prison-door  thrown  open,  my  irons  taken  off,  and  myself 
turned  loose  to  walk  about  the  town  as  I before  had  done.  I heard 
that  my  friend  Thomas  House,  to  whom  I wrote  the  letter,  was  very 
ill.  So  I requested  of  the  commandant  permission  to  go  to  Chihua- 
hua, where  he  was,  to  see  him,  which  was  granted.  I saw  that  he 
was  not  in  a situation  to  travel ; and  he  told  me  to  make  my  escape, 
as  it  was  impossible  that  he  should  ever  go. 

In  this  town  was  my  good  friend  Waters,  who  had  broken  open 
my  letter.  I had  it  in  my  power  to  have  taken  his  life,  and  in  a 
manner  that  would  not  be  discovered ; but,  though  he  was  a man 
of  such  meanness,  I thought  it  not  right  to  take  his  life  without  giv- 
ing him  a chance.  I challenged  him  to  fight  me  with  equal  arms, 
but  he  refused,  and  would  not  see  me.  I knew  of  a house  to 
which  he  frequently  resorted.  I went  there  one  day,  having  pro- 
vided myself  with  a good  stick.  I met  him  there,  and  told  him  I 
must  have  some  satisfaction.  He  began  to  beg  off,  but  I gave  him 
no  time  to  excuse  himself.  I fell  on  him  with  my  stick,  and  beat 
him  severely,  and  left  him  with  two  women  of  the  same  liouse.# 
The  next  day  he  was  able  to  crawl  to  the  authorities  and  lodge  his 
complaint ; but  the  justice  was  my  friend,  and  he  did  not  succeed 
so  well  as  he  expected.  The  justice  told  him  he  might  return 
thanks  to  God  that  I had  left  life  in  him,  and  to  go  from  his  pres- 
ence. He  insisted  that  he  was  not  doing  him  justice,  as  I would, 
perhaps,  at  some  other  time,  take  his  life.  The  justice  sent  him  to 
jail  for  a month,  because  he  said  he  did  not  treat  him  with  justice. 

There  was  nothing  said  to  me  about  it.  I passed  away  my  time 
for  about  a week,  and  then  asked  leave  of  the  general  to  let  me  go 

* The  women  of  Mexico  are  augela  of  mercy  to  those  in  distress.  — Ed. 


MEMOIR  OF  ELLIS  P.  BEAN. 


413 


to  New  Mexico.  I thought  if  I could  get  there,  1 could  make  my 
escape  with  the  Camanche  Indians  by  way  of  the  Illinois.  My 
request  was  granted,  and  I started. 

I must  inform  my  reader  that  we  had  passed  five  years,  in  all,  in 
Mexico ; that  our  cases  in  this  time  had  gone  to  Spain ; and  had 
also  been  sent  to  the  United  States,  and  laid  before  Mr.  Jefferson, 
at  that  time  president — who  said  he  knew  nothing  of  us,  and  that 
we  should  be  tried  according  to  the  Spanish  laws.*  This  showed 
little  humanity  or  feeling,  thus  to  give  us  up  to  a nation  more  bar- 
barous to  her  prisoners  than  the  Algerines.  But  what  can  a poor 
prisoner  expect,  when  the  leading  men  of  his  country  fail  to  see 
justice  done  him  ? If  I had  been  brought  to  my  country,  I could 
have  been  happy  under  the  severest  punishment  my  crimes  de- 
served. But  I suppose  that  Mr.  Jefferson  was  a great  friend  to  the 
prince  of  Peace,  who  at  that  time  commanded  all  Spain  through  the 
favor  of  his  beloved  queen.  She  first  raised  him  from  a soldier  to 
a prince.  But  where  there  is  love,  favor  may  be  expected  by 
queens  and  commanders.  As  Mr.  Jefferson  did  not  know  us,  and 
had  no  expectation  of  being  benefited  by  us,  it  was  less  trouble  to 
say,  “ Hang  them  !”  But  as  the  Spaniards  have  no  feeling  for  our 
distress,  it  would  be  better  to  hang  us — which  is  a momentary  pain 
— than  to  keep  us  in  prison  during  our  lives. 

But  I will  return  to  my  journey.  I left  my  companion,  and  de- 
parted. Pour  days  after  I had  set  out,  an  express  was  sent  after 
me,  and  I was  again  brought  back  and  put  in  irons.  The  day  after 
I arrived  in  Chihuahua,  my  companions  began  to  come  in,  and  were 
put  in  the  same  room  with  me,  and  ironed.  They  said  this  had  all 
probably  happened  on  account  of  my  journey  to  New  Mexico.  I 
told  them  that  all  would  be  known  in  a few  days ; and,  if  it  was  on 
my  account,  I wanted  to  suffer,  and  not  them. 

In  seven  or  eight  days,  while  we  were  thinking  what  could  be 
the  cause  of  our  being  brought  together,  our  door  began  to  rattle, 
and  two  priests  came  in  and  asked  us,  in  a friendly  manner,  how  we 
all  were.  My  companions  answered  very  quickly,  and  asked  them 
what  was  going  to  be  done  with  us.  During  this  time  I pretended 
to  be  asleep.  The  parsons  made  answer  that  they  did  not  know, 
but  they  had  come  for  us  to  confess,  if  we  wished  our  sins  to  be 
forgiven.  Some  of  my  companions  were  frightened,  and  said  we 
would  all  be  put  to  death.  I then  pretended  to  wake  up,  and  asked 

* Bean  was  doubtless  told  this  by  the  Spaniards.  — Ed. 


414 


APPENDIX. 


them  what  was  the  news.  They  said  that,  from  what  those  men 
had  told  them,  we  would  all  he  put  to  death,  and  they  thought  the 
priests  were  sent  to  prepare  us  for  it.  I said  they  might  prepare  if 
they  wished ; but,  as  for  myself,  I wanted  no  priest  to  show  me  how 
to  die,  as  I would  do  that  without  them : and  perhaps  it  would  he 
best  for  us,  as  we  would  then  be  at  the  end  of  our  suffering.  Some 
of  them  replied  that  I spoke  at  random  ; I said  I only  spoke  for  my- 
self. So  I lay  down  again : and  some  of  them  told  the  priests  to 
come  the  next  day.  All  our  conversation  that  night  was  in  view  of 
our  being  put  to  death.  I told  them  that  we  should  trust  to  fate, 
and  not  fret  ourselves  about  what  we  could  not  remedy.  One  of 
them  said  the  bravest  would  be  cast  down  to  see  his  open  grave  be- 
fore him.  “ But,”  said  I,  “ if  you  find  no  way  to  escape  that  grave, 
is  it  not  better  to  march  up  to  it  like  a man,  than  to  be  dragged  to 
it  like  one  dead  ? It  is  enough  for  them  to  drag  me  to  it  when  life 
is  gone.  The  most  cowardly,  when  under  sentence  of  death,  have 
marched  up  with  great  bravery.  And,  as  for  myself,  if  I must  die, 
I mean  not  to  disgrace  my  country.”  The  reason  I talked  so  was, 
that  I did  not  believe  they  would  put  us  to  death. 

Soon  the  next  morning  the  priests  returned,  and  David  Fero 
asked  them  if  we  were  to  be  put  to  death.  They  said  they  did  not 
know — perhaps  some  might  be.  I then  began  to  conclude  it  would 
be  me,  and  all  my  companions  thought  the  same  thing.  I,  however, 
said  nothing ; for,  as  I had  before  talked  of  valor  in  such  cases,  it 
became  necessary  for  me  to  support  that  character.  The  priests 
said  we  must  confess  all  our  sins  to  them,  and  we  should  be  forgiven. 

As  for  myself,  I had  been  taught  that  God  knew  all  my  crimes, 
and  it  was  not  worth  while  to  relate  them  to  the  parsons.  But  some 
of  my  companions  began  to  confess,  and  had  their  sins  forgiven. 
When  they  asked  me,  I told  them  I must  have  four  or  five  days  to 
recollect  all  my  sins — that  they  were  so  many,  it  was  doubtful 
whether  I could  ever  remember  them  all.  The  parsons  advised  me 
to  begin,  and  God  would  enlighten  me,  and  help  me  to  remember 
them.  I told  them  I could  not  that  day,  but  perhaps  by  the  next 
day  I could  remember  some  things.  They  then  left  us. 

All  that  day  the  talk  among  us  was  as  to  who  it  would  be.  I 
told  them  I supposed,  as  I was  the  worst,  it  would  be  me ; and,  as 
my  friend  Tony  Waters  had  been  put  in  with  us  to  share  our  fate, 
I thought,  as  he  had  broken  open  my  letter,  that  if  the  thing  went 
according  to  justice,  and  they  hung  the  worst  man,  it  must  be  him, 


MEMOIR  OF  ELLIS  P.  BEAN. 


415 


for  he  was,  without  doubt,  the  greatest  villain,  and  ought  to  have 
been  dead  some  years  ago.  Waters  sighed,  but  said  nothing.  The 
next  day  the  parsons  came  again,  and  brought  with  them  a colonel, 
who  read  to  us  the  king’s  order — which  was,  that  every  fifth  man 
was  to  be  hung,  for  firing  on  the  king’s  troops.  But,  as  some  were 
dead,  there  were  but  nine  of  us,  and,  out  of  the  nine,  but  one  had 
to  die.  This  was  to  be  decided  by  throwing  dice  on  the  head  of  a 
drum.  Whoever  threw  lowest,  was  to  be  executed. 

It  was  then  agreed  that  the  oldest  must  throw  first.  I was  the 
youngest,  and  had  to  throw  last.  The  first  was  blindfolded,  and 
two  dice  put  in  a glass  tumbler.  He  was  led  to  the  drum  which 
was  put  in  the  room,  and  there  cast  the  dice  on  the  head  of  the 
drum.  And  so  we  went  up,  one  by  one,  to  cast  the  awful  throw  of 
life  or  death.  All  of  my  companions,  except  one,  threw  high  : he 
threw  four.  As  I was  the  last,  all  his  hopes  were  that  I should 
throw  lower  than  he.  As  for  my  part,  I was  indifferent  about  it, 
for  I had  resigned  myself  to  fortune.  I took  the  glass  in  my  hand, 
and  gained  the  prize  of  life,  for  I threw  five.  My  poor  companion, 
who  threw  four,  was  led  away  from  us,  surrounded  by  the  clergy, 
to  be  executed  the  next  day.  This  was  done  in  the  presence  of 
many  sorrowful  hearts  that  beheld  it.* 

The  rest  of  us  were  returned  back  to  prison,  without  any  other 
notice ; and  we  so  remained  three  or  four  days,  when  orders  came 
that  some  of  us  were  to  be  sent  away,  and  I was  one  of  them.  The 
next  day  the  governor  came  and  told  us  that  I and  four  of  my  com- 
panions were  to  be  sent  to  the  South  sea,  to  a place  called  Acapulco, 
and  that  we  had  first  to  go  to  Mexico. 

The  next  morning  horses  were  brought,  and  we  started  with  a 
guard  of  twenty -five  men,  to  guard  five  poor  Americans,  with  two 
pairs  of  irons  on  each.  The  rest  of  our  companions  were  set  at  lib- 
erty. Our  journey  to  Mexico  was  nine  hundred  miles  from  Chi- 
huahua. The  officer  commanding  our  guard  favored  us  in  giving 
us  easy-going  horses.  The  people,  at  every  town  through  which 
we  passed,  would  flock  to  see  us,  for  they  had  never  before  seen  an 
American  so  far  in  the  interior.  Of  those  that  came  to  see  us,  some 
gave  us  money,  and  others  sent  us  provisions.  They  were  all  mixed 

* Colouel  Bean  does  not  inform  us  who  was  executed  — perhaps  for  a good 
reason.  The  nine  that  cast  lots  were — E.  P.  Bean,  David  Fero,  Tony  Waters, 
Thomas  House,  Charles  King,  Robert  Ashley,  Joseph  Reed,  Cffisar,  and  one 
whose  name  is  not  given.  — Ed. 


416 


APPENDIX. 


with  Indian,  and  showed  us  real  friendship,  and  seemed  to  have  hu- 
manity in  their  hearts.  The  Spaniards  were  hard-hearted  and.  bar- 
barous, and  seemed  to  have  no  other  feeling  than  to  make  us  as 
miserable  as  possible. 

About  two  hundred  miles  from  Mexico  we  came  to  a small  town 
called  Salamanca,  where  a number  of  people  came  flocking  to  see 
us.  The  place  in  which  we  stopped  was  a large  square  enclosed 
by  houses  and  walls,  so  that  we  could  either  stay  in  our  rooms,  or 
walk  about  as  we  pleased.  The  stone-walls  were  so  high,  that  we 
were  considered  safe. 

Among  those  who  came  to  see  us  was  a lady,  who  directed  her 
conversation  to  me.  She  asked  me  slyly  if  I wished  to  make  my 
escape.  I answered  her  that  it  was  a thing  impossible,  and  I had 
resigned  myself  to  my  fate.  She  said  she  would  free  me  from  those 
irons  I wore,  and  immediately  left  me.  By  this  time  night  had 
come  on  us.  I asked  a man,  who  did  not  sit  far  from  me,  the  name 
of  that  young  lady.  He  told  me  her  name  was  Maria  Baldonada ; 
that  she  was  the  wife  of  a very  rich  man  ; that  he  was  very  old,  and 
had  not  long  been  married  to  her.  This  brought  me  to  study  what 
she  meant  by  telling  me  that  she  would  free  me.  But  this  soon  left 
my  mind,  and  I moved  to  my  mat  and  blanket,  and  lay  down  to 
rest  myself.  But  crowds  of  people  kept  coming  and  going.  In  a 
short  time  after  I had  laid  down,  I saw  this  woman*  returning,  in 
company  with  a man  who  had  on  a cloak.  She  went  to  where  I 
had  sat  down,  and  asked  another  lady  where  the  American  was 
who  had  sat  there.  Hearing  her  make  these  inquiries,  I raised  up 
and  spoke  to  her.  She  came  and  sat  by  me  on  my  mat,  and  told 
me  the  man  with  the  cloak  on  had  brought  files  for  cutting  off  my 
irons ; that  I must  walk  out  in  the  square  to  a horse-stable,  and  he 
would  cut  them  off : and  then  there  was  a man  on  the  wall  who 
would  drop  me  a rope  and  pull  me  up  to  the  top  of  the  wall ; that 
the  same  man  would  conduct  me  to  where  I should  see  her,  and 
then  I would  be  safe. 

I could  speak  the  Spanish  language  very  well.  I answered  her 
that  if  I made  my  escape,  my  poor  companions  would  perhaps  suffer 
worse  on  my  account,  and  it  would  be  ungenerous  in  me  to  leave 
them.  She  said  it  would  not  be  possible  to  get  all  out,  but  one  she 
could ; that  she  had  a regard  for  me  as  soon  as  she  saw  me.  “ And,” 
said  she,  “ if  I can  be  the  cause  of  liberating  you  from  your  chains 
and  confinement,  I hope  it  will  be  the  means  of  making  you  happy ; 


MEMOIR  OP  ELLIS  P.  BEAN. 


417 


for  I am  snre  it  will  make  me  happy  to  think  that  I have  been  the 
means  of  setting  you  free.”  — “Madam,”  I answered,  “it  is  very 
true  T should  be  happy  in  being  thus  freed,  but  unhappy  in  think- 
ing that  my  companions  would  still  suffer.”  She  said,  “ You  must 
take  care  of  yourself,  and  let  God  take  care  of  all.” — “But,  mad- 
am,” said  I,  “ I reckon  when  I reach  Mexico,  I shall  get  ray  liberty, 
and  be  sent  home  by  way  of  Vera  Cruz.”  — “You  may  think  so,” 
was  her  answer,  “ and  not  find  it  so ; and  when  you  think  of  this 
chance,  you  will,  perhaps,  remember  me.” 

“ But,  madam,”  said  I,  “ if  I were  to  be  turned  loose  here  in  the 
centre  of  your  country,  I could  not  escape  without  being  taken 
again,  and  then  my  sufferings  would  be  increased.”  She  said,  “ I 
have  horses  and  money,  and  you  can  have  anything  without  expo- 
sing yourself  to  be  retaken.  I have  several  haciendas,  in  any  of 
which  you  can  stay  without  its  being  known.” 

By  this  time  supper  was  ready,  and  I was  called  to  eat.  She 
said  to  me,  “ Now  it  is  too  late  to  do  anything ; but  in  the  morning 
you  can  get  your  horse  saddled,  and  come  with  a soldier  to  my 
house,  which  is  three  doors  from  this  place.” 

Then  I parted  with  the  lady  ; but  during  all  that  night  my  mind 
was  so  much  occupied  with  what  I would  have  done  had  I been  by 
myself,  that  I could  not  sleep.  I thought  of  all  that  my  compan- 
ions might  suffer  if  I were  to  take  such  a step.  I also  reflected  that 
the  lady  was  married ; and  if  her  husband  should  find  out  that  she 
was  the  means  of  getting  me  away,  it  might  make  them  unhappy, 
and  be  the  cause  of  my  being  retaken. 

In  thoughts  of  this  description  I passed  the  night ; and,  as  soon 
as  day  broke,  I went  and  asked  the  officer  to  let  a soldier  saddle  my 
horse,  and  go  with  me  to  a store,  that  I might  buy  a handkerchief. 
He  ordered  it  to  be  done.  Instead  of  going  to  the  store,  I went 
where  the  lady  had  directed  me  the  night  before.  I fonnd  her  sit- 
ting by  an  open  window.  I alighted  from  my  horse  by  placing  my 
foot  on  the  window-sill ; and  gave  the  soldier  a dollar,  and  told  him 
to  go  and  buy  some  bitters — that  I would  wait  for  him. 

So  soon  as  the  soldier  left  me,  she  said : “ Now  is  the  time  for 
your  freedom.  I will  send  my  servant  to  the  end  of  the  town  with 
your  horse  ; and  when  the  soldier  comes,  I will  tell  him  yt>il  mounted 
your  horse,  and  took  such  a street.  So,  if  he  follows,  he  will  find 
your  horse,  and  not  you,  and  be  afraid  to  show  himself  again  to  his 
officer,  but  will  desert.  And  I have  a safe  place  to  hide  you,  and 
VOL.  I.  — 27 


418 


APPENDIX. 


will  give  the  soldier  money  to  make  him  desert,  and  you  must  know 
that  I can  do  it,  for  they  all  love  money,  and  have  none.” 

I answered  her,  and  said  : “ Madam,  you  are  a married  lady,  and 
I should  be  a most  unhappy  man  to  receive  such  favors  from  one 
of  your  rank,  and  then  be  compelled  to  leave  you  without  any  hope 
of  seeing  you  again.  But  if,  by  the  king’s  order,  I should  get  free, 
I could  then  come  and  spend  my  days  in  this  town,  where  I should 
have  the  happiness  of  seeing  you,  and  perhaps  be  sometimes  in  your 
eompany,  if  admissible.” 

“ Sir,”  said  she,  “ you  need  not  think,  because  I am  married,  I 
am  bound.  I do  not  so  consider  it.  About  a year  since,  I was  mar- 
ried to  a man  fifty-five  years  old,  in  order  not  to  displease  my  father 
and  mother.  He  is  a man  of  great  property ; but  I can  venture  to 
tell  you  I do  not  love  him.  He  is  not  now  in  town,  but  is  at  some 
silver-mines  he  is  working,  and  will  be  absent  two  weeks.  Before 
he  comes,  I promise  you  to  go  with  you  to  your  country,  and  spend 
my  days  with  you.  Although  you  are  a stranger,  I have  formed 
too  good  an  opinion  of  you  to  suppose  that,  after  leaving  all  to  go 
with  you  to  your  country,  you  would  then  abandon  me  for  any 
other  lady,  however  fair.  Though  I am  mixed  with  Indian  blood, 
I would  trust  to  your  honor  not  to  cast  me  off.” 

These  words  made  a deep  impression  on  my  mind.  Yet  I was 
uneasy,  as  I expected  every  moment  to  see  the  soldier  return.  I 
told  her  I was  sure  of  my  freedom  when  I reached  Mexico ; that 
my  friends  had  informed  me  they  would  write  in  my  behalf,  which 
raised  my  hopes ; and  that  I could  not  leave  my  companions.  For 
the  next  three  years  I repented  that  I did  not  take  this  lady’s  ad- 
vice, as  the  reader  will  see  further  on  in  this  book. 

I waited  some  time  for  the  soldier  to  come ; and  would  not  agree- 
that  my  horse  should  be  taken  away,  as  she  had  desired.  When 
she  saw  that  I would  not  agree  to  it,  she  brought  me  a heavy  pack- 
age and  a letter,  and  directed  me  to  put  them  in  my  pocket,  and 
not  look  at  them  till  the  end  of  that  day’s  journey.  While  she  was 
saying  this,  the  soldier  came  up,  and  asked  if  it  were  not  time  for 
us  to  go.  I told  her  if  1 was  set  at  liberty,  as  I expected,  in  Mex- 
ico, I would  return  to  that  town  without  delay.  The  soldier  then 
helped  me  on  my  horse,  and  I bid  adieu  to  the  lovely  Maria  Bal- 
donada. 

When  I reached  my  company,  all  things  were  m readiness  for 
our  march,  and  we  set  out  on  our  journey.  We  stopped  that  night 


MEMOIR  OF  ELLIS  P.  BEAN. 


419 


at  a place  called  Arcos ; and  as  soon  as  we  halted,  being  impatient 
to  look  into  my  package  and  letter,  I sat  down  to  examine  them 
before  the  people  of  the  village  should  crowd  on  us.  In  the  pack- 
age I found  three  Joes,  in  small  gold  pieces.  The  letter  was  as 
follows : — 

“About  three  days  since,  the  news  reached  this  town  that  some 
Americans  were  coming  on  as  prisoners.  I was  very  desirous  to 
see  them  ; but  it  has  been  an  unhappy  time  for  me  since  I first  saw 
you.  I hope  you  will  obtain  your  freedom  in  a short  time,  and  not 
forget  one  who  is  not  ashamed  to  own  that  the  love  she  has  for  you 
is  more  than  she  can  bear.  Sir,  perhaps  you  may  ask  how  this  can 
be,  when  you  are  bound  in  irons : you  may  think  a woman  crazy 
who  could  love  one  in  that  situation.  Perhaps  so ; but  when  I first 
saw  you,  I was  touched  with  compassion ; then  I found  my  heart 
distressed ; and,  when  I came  to  examine  myself,  I found  it  to  be 
in  love. 

“ I can  write  no  more.  If  you  leave  Mexico,  you  will  let  me 
know  where  you  go,  as  it  will  give  me  some  satisfaction. 

“ In  this  letter  is  a ring  from  my  finger.  I hope  you  will  keep 
it  in  remembrance  of  your  love.  “ Maria  Baldonada.” 

After  reading  the  letter,  I went  into  the  room  where  my  compan- 
ions were ; but  I was  unhappy,  and  could  not  pass  off  the  time  as 
usual.  The  next  morning  we  set  out,  and  in  a few  days  arrived  in 
Mexico.  Here  I was  cast  into  a prison-yard,  in  which  there  were 
about  three  hundred  others,  some  of  whom  were  negroes  and  In- 
dians. 

I remained  here  but  a week,  when  I was  taken  to  Acapulco. 
This  is  a seaport  town,  where  vessels  come  once  a year  from  the 
East  Indies.  It  has  a strong  fortification.  The  castle  is  built  of 
stone,  and  has  about  a hundred  guns  of  the  largest  calibre.  The 
walls  of  the  fort  are  twelve  feet  thick. 

When  I arrived  at  this  place,  they  called  over  our  names ; and, 
when  I answered  to  mine,  they  told  me  to  step  to  the  front.  I did 
so.  They  then  directed  me  to  follow  an  officer,  which  I also  did, 
but  slowly,  as  I had  on  two  pairs  of  irons.  The  officer  took  me  to 
the  side  of  the  castle,  and,  opening  a small  door,  told  me  to  go  in. 
I did  so  ; and,  when  the  door  was  shut,  I found  myself  between  two 
stone  walls,  about  three  feet  apart,  and  in  a room  seven  feet  long. 


420 


APPENDIX. 


At  the  far  end  of  the  room  I could  just  discern  light  through  a small 
opening  in  the  twelve-feet  wall,  which  was  grated  with  iron  bars. 
In  the  door  was  another  opening  of  three  inches  square,  also  grated. 
Looking  through  this  last  opening,  I saw  that  there  was  a soldier  at 
the  door.  I asked  him  what  he  had  done  with  my  companions.  He 
said  they  were  all  put  together  in  a large  room.  In  the  evening 
the  officer  came  and  opened  the  door,  and  brought  me  some  old 
clothes  I had  left  with  my  companions ; also  a mat  for  my  bed,  and 
some  beef  and  bread,  and  a pot  of  water.  I asked  him  why  I was 
separated  from  my  companions.  He  said  it  was  because  something 
was  written  from  Chihuahua,  to  the  effect  that  great  care  should  be 
taken  of  me  ; but  he  could  not  tell  why. 

The  next  day,  about  nine  o’clock,  when  the  relief-guard  came 
round,  my  prison-door  was  opened,  and  my  irons  searched.  I then 
asked  the  officer  if  it  was  possible  that  I could  be  put  with  my  com- 
panions. He  said  I could  not,  as  the  governor  of  that  place  had 
ordered  that  I should  be  kept  by  myself.  I tried  to  content  my- 
self as  well  as  I could,  though  there  was  but  little  happiness  to  be 
found  here. 

I remembered  that  Baron  Trenck,  when  he  was  moved  from  his 
first  prison  to  the  second,  thought  how  he  should  escape.  So  I be- 
gan to  think  I should  get  free  ; but  seeing  the  strength  of  the  walls, 
and  having  nothing  to  work  with,  I concluded  it  was  impossible  for 
me  ever  to  escape : and,  should  I succeed,  I would  have  to  travel 
three  thousand  miles  through  their  country  to  get  to  the  nearest 
part  of  the  United  States.  As  for  the  distance,  I cared  nothing 
about  it,  if  I could  only  break  through  those  walls. 

In  about  ten  days  after  I was  put  in  there,  a soldier  on  guard 
spoke  very  friendly  to  me.  I asked  him  if  he  would  sell  me  a 
small  knife.  He  said  he  would  give  me  one  that  night.  Accord- 
ingly, at  night,  he  slipped  through  the  hole  in  the  door  the  blade 
of  a knife,  for  which  I paid  him  a dollar.  I began  to  work  on  the 
wall,  but  found  it  of  stones  of  such  large  size,  that  I could  do  noth- 
ing. Still  my  spirits  did  not  fail  me,  and  I had  a hope  that  I would 
make  my  escape  in  some  way  or  other,  though  I could  form  no  idea 
in  what  way  it  was  to  be  done. 

For  about  three  months  I was  in  this  situation.  Every  day  they 
gave  me  a pot  of  water,  and  some  beef  and  bread.  But  I was  not 
allowed  to  have  any  conversation  with  others. 

This  place  lies  in  sixteen  degrees  of  north  latitude,  and  is  very 


MEMOIR  OP  ELLIS  P.  BEAN. 


421 


warm.  There  is  here  a lizard  — which  the  Spaniards  call  quija — 
which  is  about  nine  or  ten  inches  long  and  about  three  inches  thick. 
It  is  as  white  as  snow,  and,  if  you  hold  it  between  you  and  the  light, 
you  may  see  the  bones  in  its  limbs  and  body.  One  day,  as  I was 
lying  on  my  mat,  I saw  one  of  them,  for  the  first  time,  on  the  wall. 
Watching  him,  I saw  that  he  was  trying  to  catch  the  flies  that  had 
come  into  the  prison  when  the  door  was  opened,  to  get  out  of  the 
sun.  I did  not  know  whether  he  was  poisonous  or  not,  but  I deter- 
mined to  feed  him.  So  I caught  some  flies,  hnd  put  them  on  the 
end  of  a straw  I had  pulled  out  of  my  mat ; these  I slipped  up  the 
wall  to  him,  and  found  he  would  take  them  off  the  straw.  This 
was  my  amusement  for  some  days,  when  he  became  so  gentle,  that 
he  would  take  the  flies  off  my  hand.  Every  morning,  as  he  came 
down  the  wall,  he  would  sing  like  a frog,  by  which  means  I had 
notice  that  he  was  coming.  In  about  a week  he  was  so  gentle,  that 
he  did  not  leave  me  at  night,  but  stayed  with  me  all  the  time.  Ev- 
ery day,  when  they  would  open  the  door  to  come  and  examine  my 
irons,  he  would  get  frightened,  and  hide  himself  under  my  blanket. 
When  the  door  was  again  shut,  he  would  come  out  and  stay  with 
me.  I found  that  he  was  sincerely  my  friend : in  fact,  he  was  my 
only  companion  and  amusement. 

In  about  eleven  months  after  I had  been  put  in  this  place,  I 
found  that  some  of  my  companions  had  been  sick,  and,  as  the  sol- 
dier informed  me,  had  been  sent  to  the  hospital.  I asked  him  where 
the  hospital  was.  He  told  me  it  was  in  the  town,  nearly  a half- 
mile  from  the  castle.  I thought  I would  pretend  to  be  sick  too,  and 
see  if  they  would  send  me  to  the  hospital  — hoping  I might  thus 
find  means  to  escape . I told  the  officer  of  the  guard  I was  sick ; 
and  the  doctor  was  sent  for.  As  I heard  the  door  opening,  I struck 
my  elbows  against  the  bricks,  which  raised  my  pulse  so  high,  the 
doctor  thought  I had  a fever,  and  directed  that  I should  be  sent  to 
the  hospital.  They  sent  an  Indian,  who  carried  me  there  on  his 
back.  When  I got  there,  although  I had  two  pairs  of  irons  on  me, 
they  put  my  legs  in  the  stocks.  They  consisted  of  two  large,  hard 
logs,  having  each  two  half-circular  holes  in  it,  so  that  the  top  one 
shut  down  on  the  other.  I found  that,  with  the  irons  and  stocks, 
there  was  no  chance  of  extricating  myself.  In  addition  to  this, 
there  were  ten  thousand  chinces  biting  me  day  and  night.  So  I re- 
solved the  next  day  to  say  that  I was  well,  and  return  to  my  castle. 
But,  in  the  evening,  I was  taken  with  a violent  fever.  I suppose 


422 


APPENDIX. 


it  was  caused  by  my  removal  from  a place  where  there  was  no  air, 
to  one  where  there  was  too  much. 

It  was  about  twenty  days  before  I began  to  recover.  In  this 
time  it  had  become  very  sickly  in  the  town ; and  the  hospital  was 
so  crowded,,  that  my  room  was  filled.  There  was  a man  laid  on 
each  side  of  me.  One  of  them  died  in  about  three  hours  after  he 
came,  aud  the  other  that  night.  The  next  morning  two  more  died 
close  by  me.  I began  to  think  that,  in  a few  more  days,  it  would 
be  my  time ; but  I still  improved. 

In  all  the  time  I had  been  in  the  hospital,  my  allowance  was  two 
ounces  of  bread  in  the  morning,  with  some  gruel ; and  the  head  of 
a fowl  and  some  soup  for  dinner.  As  I began  to  recover,  I had  a 
great  appetite,  but  my  allowance  was  not  increased.  I had  money, 
but  was  not  allowed  to  purchase.  One  day  a parson  brought  me  a 
hen’s  head,  as  usual.  As  I was  almost  starved,  I was  in  a very  ill 
humor,  and  would  have  destroyed  myself,  but  for  the  reflection  that 
I should  let  Him  take  my  life  who  gave  it  to  me.  I took  the  plate 
as  he  gave  it  to  me,  and  asked  him  why  it  was  that  my  share  of 
meat  every  day  was  the  head  and  neck.  He  answered  me,  in  a 
very  short  manner,  that  I must  eat  that,  or  go  to  hell  for  more  ! I 
flew  into  such  a passion,  that  I rose  and  threw  my  plate  at  him,  and 
hit  him  on  the  head,  and,  as  the  priests  in  that  country  have  their 
heads  shaven,  hurt  him  very  much ; and  as  I happened  to  be  out  of 
my  stocks  at  that  time,  I sprang  to  my  water-pot  and  threw  that  at 
him  also,  but  unfortunately  missed  him.  Being  very  weak,  the 
effort  to  throw  the  pot  with  violence  caused  me  to  fall  on  my  back ; 
but  I got  up  again  as  well  as  I could,  and  got  back  to  the  plank 
where  I lay.  In  the  spring  I made,  I had  skinned  my  ankles  with 
my  irons.  I had  scarcely  sat  down,  when  the  sergeant  of  the  guard 
came  in,  and  put  my  head  in  the  stocks,  for  throwing  at  the  friar, 
where  I was  kept  for  fifteen  days.  My  only  regret  was,  that  I did 
not  kill  him ; as  they  would  then  have  taken  my  life,  and  put  an 
end  to  my  sufferings. 

While  my  head  was  in  the  stocks,  the  chinces  ate  all  the  skin  off 
my  neck,  for  I could  not  help  myself.  When  my  head  was  taken 
out  of  the  stocks,  I told  them  I was  well,  and  they  might  send  me 
to  the  castle.  The  doctor  had  my  irons  taken  off  my  legs,  and  in 
their  place  a chain  of  about  fifteen  pounds’  weight  was  fastened  to 
each  leg.  By  wrapping  them  around  my  waist,  I could  walk  very 
well,  though  I was  weak. 


MEMOIR  OF  ELLIS  P.  BEAN. 


423 


I thonght  I would  try  to  escape  on  the  road  to  the  castle,  for 
there  were  but  two  soldiers  guarding  me,  and  they  were  armed  only 
with  sabres.  I started  off  with  them,  and  had  got  about  three  hun- 
dred yards  from  the  hospital,  when  we  came  by  a house  on  the 
outside  of  the  town,  having  a large  garden.  In  this  house  the  wo- 
man sold  a kind  of  small-beer.  As  I had  money  with  me,  I asked 
the  soldiers  if  they  would  drink  some.  They  quickly  agreed  to  it. 
We  went  in  the  house,  and  called  for  some.  She  brought  it  out, 
and  we  drank  it,  and  called  for  some  more.  I asked  one  of  them 
to  go  with  me  into  the  garden,  which  he  did.  I walked  with  him 
to  the  back  of  the  garden,  and  found  a large  bunch  of  pinks,  which 
grow  in  that  country  as  large  as  roses.  I asked  him  to  come*and 
see  those  fine  pinks.  He  came,  and,  in  handing  him  one,  with  the 
same  hand  I caught  him  by  the  neck,  presenting  my  knife-blade, 
which  I had  held  ready  in  my  other  hand,  and  told  him  if  he  did 
not  give  up  his  sword,  I would  kill  him.  He  quickly  obeyed,  and 
asked  me  what  I meant.  I told  him  I was  going  off,  and,  if  he 
would  go  with  me,  there  would  be  no  danger  of  being  retaken.  He 
said  he  must  do  so,  or  he  would  be  put  in  prison  in  my  place.  I 
saw,  however,  that  he  was  unwilling.  I then  gave  him  a dollar, 
and  started,  telling  him  to  go  and  buy  the  worth  of  it  in  bread  for 
the  journey,  as  we  had  no  provisions ; and  that  I would  wait  for 
him  at  the  burying-ground  outside  of  the  town.  So  I left  him,  and 
went  out  at  the  back  of  the  garden,  and,  before  he  could  let  the 
officer  of  the  fort  know  it,  I was  safe  in  the  woods. 

By  means  of  a steel  I had  to  strike  fire,  I cut  off  my  irons,  and 
ascended  the  side  of  a mountain,  so  that  I could  see  all  the  town 
and  castle.  I sat  down  in  a shady  grove,  where  the  singing  of 
birds  and  the  thought  of  being  at  liberty  so  charmed  me,  that  I was 
as  happy  as  any  monarch.  The  sweet-smelling  blossoms,  interwo- 
ven with  the  shade,  formed  for  me  a palace ; and,  though  I had 
been  starved  in  the  hospital,  I did  not  feel  hungry,  nor  was  I weak. 
I felt  strong  and  happy,  and  sat  in  that  pleasant  shade  till  night. 

I then  made  my  way  into  the  town,  and  went  to  a shop,  where  I 
supplied  myself  with  bread,  bacon,  cheese,  and  a large  gourd  of 
brandy.  As  I was  passing  near  the  door  of  another  shop,  I heard 
two  men  speaking  English  in  the  house.  As  they  came  out,  I spoke 
to  them,  and  found  that  they  were  Irishmen,  who  belonged  to  a 
privateer,  which  had  that  day  come  into  port  from  the  city  of  Lima. 
I asked  them  what  sort  of  a man  their  captain  was,  and  if  they 


424 


APrENDIX. 


thought  I coulcl  talk  to  him.  They  said  they  would  conduct  me  to 
the  house,  and  ask  him  if  he  would  he  kind  enough  to  have  some 
conversation  with  me.  They  did  so.  He  sent  me  word  to  come  to 
his  room  ; and  when  I went  in,  he  asked  me  of  what  country  I was. 
I told  him  I was  an  American.  He  could  hardly  believe  me,  as  I 
spoke  Spanish  as  well  as  he  could.  I told  him  I wanted  to  go  in 
the  brig  with  him,  and  that  I had  been  a prisoner  such  a time.  He 
said  he  would  clear  me  from  that  place,  but  then  we  had  no  time  to 
talk  about  it ; that  I must  go  away  and  take  care  of  myself  till  the 
next  night,  and  then  go  on  board  the  brig  and  hide  myself  well : he 
would  then  sail,  and  I would  be  safe. 

I went  to  the  woods  that  night,  and  spent  all  the  next  day  in 
listening  to  the  songsters  of  the  forest,  being  greatly  pleased.  When 
night  came,  I went  where  the  sailors  were  to  meet  me,  and  found 
them  waiting  for  me.  They  gave  me  sailors’  clothes,  and  I went 
on  board  like  a jolly  tar,  thinking  I was  safe.  That  night  we  broke 
the  head  out  of  a water-pipe,  and  at  daybreak  I took  up  my  abode 
in  it.  There  were  about  three  hundred  such  pipes  on  board. 

About  ten  o’clock  next  day  a guard  came  and  searched  the  ves- 
sel, and,  as  I was  not  to  be  found  on  board,  they  returned  to  the 
shore.  The  vessel  was  to  sail  in  about  two  hours.  There  was  on 
board  an  old  Portuguese  cook,  who  knew  I was  concealed,  though 
he  did  not  know  where.  The  old  wretch  fell  out  with  some  of  the 
Irish  sailors,  and  went  ashore,  and  told  the  governor  I was  hid  on 
board  the  vessel ; that  he  saw  me,  and  heard  them  knocking  on  the 
hoops  of  a barrel.  The  poor  Irishman  was  arrested,  and  told  that 
I was  a king’s  prisoner,  and,  if  he  did  not  show  where  I was,  they 
would  send  him  to  prison.  They  frightened  the  poor  coward  so, 
that  he  told  them  I was  on  board,  and  he  would  tell  where  I was. 
They  came  with  him  on  board,  and  he  showed  them  the  water-cask 
in  which  I was  concealed.  It  was  rolled  out,  and  I was  well  tied, 
so  that  I could  not  move.  I was  then  thrown  from  the  vessel  down 
into  the  boat,  which  bruised  me  badly,  though  no  bones  were  broken. 
I was  then  landed  and  carried  to  the  castle  again,  where  my  two 
pairs  of  irons  were  put  on  me,  and  I was  placed  again  in  my  little 
cell.  I consoled  myself  with  the  thought  that  I had  enjoyed  a few 
hours  of  liberty,  and  had  heard  the  birds  sing,  and  perhaps  might 
hear  them  again. 

After  some  reflections  upon  my  hard  fortune,  my  mind  became 
easy,  and  I thought  of  my  poor  companion  the  lizard.  As  I had 


MEMOIR  OF  ELLIS  P.  BEAN. 


425 


just  come  out  of  the  light,  it  was  so  dark  I could  not  see  anything. 
The  next  day  my  lizard  came  down  the  wall,  and,  as  soon  as  I saw 
him,  I reached  out  my  hand  for  him  to  come  on  it,  hut  he  was  afraid 
to  come  into  my  hand  as  he  had  done  before  my  departure.  I gave 
him  some  boiled  beef,  and  he  ate  it ; but  when  I wanted  to  take 
him,  he  ran  up  the  wall.  It  was  four  or  five  days  before  I could 
get  him  to  know  me ; then  he  was  as  friendly  as  ever,  and  was  the 
only  companion  I had. 

One  day  I began  to  twist  me  a small  string  out  of  the  palmetto 
of  my  mat.  This  was  my  work  for  four  or  five  days,  when  I had 
a small  cord  about  ten  yards  long.  I laid  it  aside  ; and  a short  time 
afterward,  I went  to  look  out  through  the  small  hole  in  the  thick 
wall.  I saw  a woman  pass  by  — I called  her.  She  stopped,  and 
sard  “ Where  are  you  V*  I said  : “ You  can’t  see  me ; I am  a pris- 
oner, and  I want  you  to  do  me  one  favor.”  She  asked  me  what  it 
was.  .1  told  her  to  bring  me  some  spirits.  She  said  if  she  could 
get  them  to  .me,  she  would  do  it.  I told  her  I had  a string,  and,  if 
she  would  bring  it,  I would  put  out  my  string,  so  that  she  could  tie 
it  to  the  end,  and  I could  pull  it  into  my  cell.  I had  yet  some 
money,  and  threw  some  out  at  the  hole,  which  she  took  and  went 
on.  I got  a small  piece  of  mortar  out  of  the  wall,  and  tied  it  to  the 
end  of  the  string,  as  a weight.  I threw  it  out  at  the  hole,  and  when 
I felt  that  it  struck  bottom  outside,  I tied  it  to  my  arm,  and  sat  like 
a fisherman  waiting  for  a bite.  After  some  time,  I felt  my  string 
move : then  I heard  the  woman  say,  “ Pull;”  then  she  said,  “ I am 
going.”  So  she  left  me  pulling  up  my  line,  which  I did  with  great 
caution.  When  it  came  in  sight,  I saw  that  it  was  a cow’s  bladder. 
As  it  was  soft,  I got  it  in  with  great  ease,  although  the  hole  was 
small. 

When  I got  it  in,  I took  a drink,  and  put  the  bladder  under  my 
head.  I lay  for  som&  time,  when  my  door  began  to  open.  I took 
my  bladder  and  put  in  my  pot  of  water,  and  covered  it  with  my 
old  hat.  It  was  an  old  priest,  who  had  come  out  of  curiosity  to  see 
if  it  was  true  that  I had  a gentle  lizard.  He  asked  to  see  it,  and 
said  the  officers  of  the  guard  had  told  him  of  it.  I called  him  Bill ; 
he  was  in  my  bed.  I took  him  in  my  hand  and  played  with  him. 
The  old  man  observed  that  it  was  in  the  power  of  man  to  do  any- 
thing, if  he  would  but  turn  ;iis  attention  to  it.  He  then  gave  me 
some  money,  and  left  me. 

I then  took  another  drink,  and  lay  down ; and,  though  I found  I 


426 


APPENDIX. 


was  drunk,  I took  care  to  hide  the  bladder.  I can  truly  say  that, 
during  the  year  and  five  months  I stayed  in  this  cell  the  last  time, 
the  hour  I was  drunk,  and  unconscious  of  everything,  was  the  only 
happy  time  I saw. 

One  day  when  the  officer  came  to  search  my  irons,  to  see  if  they 
were  good,  I heard  him  tell  the  sergeant  he  must  have  some  rocks 
blasted.  The  sergeant  told  him  he  had  hands  to  bore  the  holes, 
but  no  one  that  understood  charging  them.  I told  them,  quickly, 
that  was  nothing — that  I could  do  it  to  great  perfection.  They 
went  away,  and  I thought  no  more  of  it.  In  about  three  days, 
however,  the  sergeant  came  and  told  me  the  governor  had  gttren 
orders  that  I should  go  and  blast  those  rocks,  as  I had  said  I knew 
how.  “ You  see,”  said  he,  “ that  I have  befriended  you ; and  if  you 
act  well,  perhaps  you  may  gain  more  privileges.  But  I am  sure 
you  won’t  try  to  get  away,  as  I have  done  this  to  get  you  out.”  I 
said,  “ No but  I was  determined  not  to  lose  an  opportunity  to  es- 
cape, if  possible : for  I was  constantly  thinking  of  the  chance  I had 
lost  at  Salamanca,  when  the  lady  offered  to  free  me.  As  soon  as 
the  sergeant  told  me  this,  1 was  sure  I would  escape,  or  be  shot,  for 
I was  resolved  to  risk  my  life  on  it  the  very  first  chance. 

So  my  irons  were  taken  off,  and  a ten-foot  chain  placed  on  each 
foot.  I wrapped  them  round  my  waist,  and  started  with  two  sol- 
diers to  take  care  of  me.  At  the  point  where  I had  to  work,  there 
were  about  forty  prisoners,  and  only  about  twenty  soldiers  to  guard 
them.  On  the  second  day  I went  out  I got  twenty-nine  cartridges, 
and  sent  to  buy  me  a brace  of  pistols,  which  cost  me  twenty-eight 
dollars.  Of  the  money  I brought  from  Chihuahua,  I had  yet  left 
about  one  hundred  and  fifty  dollars.  I made  my  matches  to  blast 
the  rock  in  the  gallery  of  a house  near  by.  I sent  the  woman  that 
lived  here,  to  purchase  me  twelve  knives ; which  she  did,  and  kept 
them  in  her  house  till  I called  for  them. 

That  night  I began  to  talk  to  some  of  the  prisoners,  and  told 
them  it  was  in  our  power  to  escape ; and,  if  they  said  the  word,  it 
should  be  done.  I was  to  wait  till  the  next  day  for  the  answer  of 
the  chief  one  among  the  prisoners.  The  next  morning,  as  we  were 
going  out,  he  came  to  me,  and  said  some  of  them  would  go  if  I 
would  give  them  notice.  I told  him  that  afternoon  was  the  time ; 
that  I was  determined  to  make  a start,  and  if  any  one  wanted  to 
go,  when  they  saw  me  take  a basket  of  stones  on  my  shoulder  to 
where  the  prisoners  were  throwing  dirt,  they  must  be  ready ; that 


MEMOIR  OP  ELLIS  P.  BEAN. 


427 


I would  give  him  twelve  knives  to  distribute  among  them ; that  I 
should  try  to  take  a gun  from  a soldier,  and  all  must  do  the  same, 
and  not  to  run  until  we  had  the  soldiers  running,  which  would  be 
in  less  than  ten  minutes  after  we  began.  The  pistols  I was  to  get 
were  to  come  at  that  time,  as  the  man  who  was  to  bring  them  was 
to  give  them  to  .me  on  the  way. 

So  we  got  to  the  place.  I went  to  the  house,  where  I got  my 
cartridges  and  the  knives.  The  latter  I gave  to  the  man  who  was 
to  give  them  to  the  prisoners.  He  put  them  in  his  basket ; and, 
after  a short  time,  he  gave  me  the  sign  that  he  had  distributed 
them*  I arose  and  asked  the  corporal  if  I might  carry  some  baskets 
of  dirt,  to  exercise  myself.  He  granted  it.  I started  and  filled  my 
basket  with  broken  stone,  and  went  to  a soldier.  All  the  prisoners 
were  waiting  for  me  to  begin.  I asked  the  soldier  to  strike  me 
some  fire.  As  he  was  doing  it,  I took  a stone  out  of  my  basket  and 
struck  him  on  the  temple.  He  fell ; I took  his  gun,  dropped  my 
basket  of  stones,  and  began  to  fire.  Most  of  the  prisoners  were 
throwing  stones;  some  were  miming.  The  soldiers  all  fled — there 
was  not  one  that  stood. 

By  this  time  most  of  the  prisoners  had  started.  There  were  but 
two  guns  taken  besides  mine.  Seeing  a reinforcement  coming  from 
the  castle,  and  all  the  prisoners  gone,  except  a few  cowards  that 
were  afraid  to  go,  I started  off  with  an  old  Spaniard,  who  had  come 
with  us  from  Natchez.  I saw  that  he  ran  very  slow,  and  halted 
and  fired,  telling  him  to  go  on.  He  ran  about  fifty  yards,  and  came 
hack  with  his  hat  full  of  stones,  to  help  me  fight.  The  other  pris- 
oners were  gone,  but  the  Spaniard  and  I made  them  retreat.  I 
then  told  him  he  must  go,  that  I could  escape ; but  if  I left  him  be- 
hind, he  would  be  taken.  He  then  started,  and  I thought  he  was 
gone ; for  after  I fired  three  rounds,  and  saw  twenty-five  soldiers 
advancing,  I started,  but  in  fifty  yards  more  I met  him.  Said  I, 
“Where  are  you  going?”  — “I  have  come  to  help  my  old  friend,” 
said  he,  “ and  have  brought  more  stones.”  I told  him  there  were 
too  many  soldiers,  and  we  must  go.  By  this  time  they  fired  at  us. 
I exchanged  shots  with  them,  and  the  old  Spaniard  threw  stones. 
The  next  fire,  a shot  broke  his  thigh-bone.  He  then  said : “ My 
thigh  is  broke — make  your  escape;  but,  before  you  go,  shoot  me, 
for  I would  rather  be  shot  than  taken.”  But,  as  I could  not  do 
this,  I started,  with  the  bullets  singing  around  me,  and  finally  es- 
caped from  them  with  my  chains  on. 


428 


APPENDIX. 


After  I ascended  a mountain,  I sat  down,  greatly  fatigued  with 
the  race  and  battle.  I felt  so  much  distress  for  the  loss  of  my  old 
friend  the  Spaniard,  that  I forgot  I had  my  chains  to  remove.  I 
had  come  with  him  from  Natchez,  but  had  only  been  with  him 
three  days  at  Acapulco.  He  was  the  only  one  of  my  four  compan- 
ions from  Natchez  that  would  agree  to  take  part  with  me  in  this 
enterprise. 

After  sitting  awhile,  I began  to  think  of  my  chains.  I had  a 
razor  and  my  old  knife-blade : these  I struck  together  and  made 
saws,  with  which  I removed  my  chains  in  a few  moments.  After 
this  was  done,  I walked  along  the  mountain,  to  listen  if  I could 
hear  any  of  the  prisoners  taking  off  their  irons ; but  I could  hear 
nothing.  I then  sat  down  on  a rock,  regretting  the  death  of  my  old 
friend.  And,  as  I was  thinking  what  I should  do,  and  which  way 
I should  go  — as  I was  alone — I saw  a soldier  coming  up  the 
mountain.  I caught  up  my  gun,  and  started  to  charge  on  him.  He 
had  only  a sword.  When  he  saw  me,  he  said : “You  must  not 
shoot  me,  my  friend.  My  name  is  Corral,  who  always  promised  to 
go  with  you ; and,  as  I saw  you  had  made  your  escape,  I came  in 
search  of  you  to  go  with  you.”  As  he  said  this,  I knew  him,  and 
told  him  I was  happy  of  his  company,  for  all  were  gone,  and  I was 
left  alone. 

We  then  sat  down  on  a rock,  to  consider  what  was  best,  and  what 
course  we  should  take.  It  was  impossible  to  travel  through  the 
woods,  for  the  thorns  and  vines  formed  such  a thicket,  that,  except 
it  is  in  a path  cut  out,  you  can  make  no  speed.  By  this  time,  night 
was  coming  on ; and  we  went  down  the  mountain,  where  I got  wa- 
ter, for  I had  nearly  given  out  for  want  of  it.  We  then  took  a road 
for  a small  village  called  Cojucan,  to  the  west  of  Acapulco.  We 
travelled  that  night  till  my  feet  blistered,  and  the  skin  came  off  of 
them ; for,  until  that  night,  I had  not  travelled  any  for  two  years. 
We  stopped  just  at  daybreak,  in  a thick  wood,  close  by  a cattle- 
ranclie ; and  soon  in  the  morning  we  saw  a man  coming  through 
the  woods,  with  a large  gourd  on  his  back.  I called  him,  and  he 
came  to  me.  I asked  him  how  far  it  was  to  Cojucan.  He  said  it 
was  nine  miles.  Thinking  it  best  to  make  some  arrangements  with 
him  for  provisions,  I told  him  I was  a sailor,  and  had  left  the  king’s 
ship  in  Acapulco  ; that  I wanted  to  go  and  live  up  on  the  coast,  and 
not  return  to  that  ship  any  more.  I told  him  we  had  money  to  pay 
him  for  all  the  favors  he  would  do  us ; and,  if  he  would  bring  us 


MEMOIR  OF  ELLIS  P.  BEAN. 


429 


provisions  to  tliat  or  any  other  place  he  might  select,  I would  pay 
him  his  own  price : but  that  lie  must  act  like  a man,  and  not  tell 
any  one  he  knew  of  such  men.  He  said  he  was  a poor  man,  but 
we  might  rely  on  him,  and  must  go  with  him  to  a place  where  no 
one  would  go. 

We  started  with  him,  and,  after  going  about  half  a mile  through 
thick  brush  and  vines,  he  told  us  to  stop  there — that  he  was  going 
to  bring  us  that  gourd  full  of  cocoanut-beer.  In  a short  time  he 
returned,  bringing  the  beer.  I gave  him  some  money,  and  he  re- 
turned to  his  cabin ; and,  in  about  two  hours,  he  came  with  provis- 
ions, and  we  took  breakfast.  His  wife  also  came  with  him,  and 
brought  some  oil  and  rags  to  put  on  my  feet ; and,  although  they 
were  very  painful,  the  thought  of  being  free  made  me  the  happiest 
man  in  the  world. 

We  stayed  here  three  days,  during  which  time  the  rancliero  and 
his  wife  supplied  us  with  fruits  and  provisions  of  all  kinds.  By  this 
time  my  feet  got  so  I thought  I could  continue  my  journey.  My 
idea  was,  that,  when  we  got  some  fifty  or  sixty  miles  farther  along 
the  coast,  I would  buy  a jackass,  as  they  are  plenty  in  that  country, 
and  would  answer  to  pack  our  provisions.  Thus,  in  six  months,  I 
could  reach  the  United  States.  When  the  good  man  brought  us 
some  fruit  that  evening,  we  told  him  we  wished  to  start  that  night, 
and  he  must  bring  us  some  provisions  for  the  journey,  and  pilot  us 
to  the  town  of  Atoaca.  He  said  he  thought  I had  better  wait  till 
my  feet  were  cured,  as  the  distance  was  about  fifty  miles.  As  I 
told  him  I thought  I could  travel,  he  went  home  and  returned  just 
at  dark  with  provisions,  and  we  set  out.  My  friend  the  soldier  had 
a sword : I had  only  a stick ; for,  having  lost  the  cock  off  my  gun, 
I had  given  it  to  the  Indian  ranchero. 

We  then  took  the  road  to  Acoacan,  through  which  we  had  to 
pass  to  go  to  Atoaca.  When  we  came  near  enough  to  hear  the 
dogs  barking  in  the  town,  I told  the  pilot  it  was  best  to  stop  there, 
and  for  him  to  go  on  to  the  town,  and,  if  he  met  any  guard,  he  was 
known  by  them,  and  they  would  not  injure  him ; and  he  could  tell 
them  his  wife  was  sick,  and  he  was  going  after  medicine.  The  sol- 
dier said  that  was  all  right,  but,  as  the  barking  showed  the  town  to 
be  distant,  we  could  all  go  together  some  nearer.  The  pilot  agreed 
with  him ; so  we  went  on  some  three  hundred  yards  farther,  when 
we  suddenly  saw  ourselves  surrounded  by  about  seventy  men,  who 
rose  up  on  both  sides  of  us ! They  demanded  of  us  to  surrender. 


430 


APPENDIX. 


The  poor  pilot  sat  down,  and  was  taken.  I spoke  to  the  soldier 
and  said,  “ Stand  you  close  by  me,  and  don’t  leave  me,  and  we  will 
escape.”  So  we  both  charged — he  with  his  sword,  and  I with  my 
stick.  As  they  had  only  swords  and  pikes,  and  no  guns,  we  broke 
their  ranks  and  went  through  together,  and  gained  the  thick  woods. 

After  we  had  gone  about  half  a mile,  they  being  in  pursuit  of  us, 
we  came  to  a lake,  about  three  hundred  yards  wide ; and,  notwith- 
standing such  places  are  full  of  alligators,  I plunged  in,  and  the 
soldier  followed.  We  waded  a good  distance,  then  swam  a little, 
and  then  waded  out  to  the  flags  and  rushes.  After  hard  work  in 
getting  through  them,  we  got  on  dry  ground,  but  in  a great  thicket 
of  vines  and  thorns.  We  began  to  work  through  them  as  well  as 
we  could,  without  knowing  what  distance  we  were  from  any  town 
or  settlement. 

Being  fatigued,  we  stopped,  and  began  to  dry  our  clothes.  My 
shoes  were  full  of  sand,  and  the  skin  not  yet  having  grown  on  my 
feet,  they  gave  me  great  pain.  But  I could  get  nothing  to  cure 
them  in  that  place.  It  was  just  daybreak  as  \ye  swam  the  lake,  so 
we  spent  that  day  in  the  thicket.  We  cut  down  a cabbage-tree, 
and  got  the  top  out  of  it,  which  was  all  we  had  to  eat. 

The  next  morning  we  set  out  early,  and  worked  through  the  for- 
est till  about  sunset,  when  we  heard  a cock  crowing  at  wo  great 
distance  from  us.  We  went  in  that  direction,  and  came  in  sight  of 
a small  village,  as  we  thought,  though  it  was  only  the  houses  of 
some  stock-keepers.  I saw  a pen  that  had  some  calves  in  it.  I 
told  the  soldier  we  would  retire  back  into  the  woods,  and  at  night 
come  back  and  kill  a calf.  He  agreed  to  it,  and  we  went  back  to 
the  woods.  We  had  eaten  nothing  that  day  but  some  fruit.  We 
returned  to  the  pen  at  night,  but  the  calves  were  gone.  So  we 
passed  that  place  that  night,  and  went  on  to  see  if  we  could  find  a 
road  leading  in  the  direction  we  wished  to  go.  We  soon  got  into 
a path  that  seemed  to  lead  in  the  right  direction,  and  we  followed  it 
till  daybreak. 

By  this  time  it  was  much  larger  and  more  frequently  travelled. 
Continuing  on  after  daylight,  we  met  a man,  and  asked  him  the 
distance  to  the  next  house  on  the  road.  He  said  the  next  place 
was  the  town  of  Cacalutla,  which  was  close  by.  We  then  con- 
cluded that  our  best  way  would  be  to  conceal  ourselves  until  night, 
and  then  pass  by  that  village.  We  did  so.  The  man  we  met  was 
a constable,  and  returned  back  after  we  left  the  road,  and  raised 


MEMOIR  OF  ELLIS  P.  BEAN. 


431 


two  or  three  small  villages.  He  had  been  informed  of  our  escape  the 
night  before,  and  had  orders  to  take  us.  We  went  into  the  bushes, 
and  lay  down  and  rested  till  evening,  without  having  eaten  any- 
thing ; and,  before  night,  we  set  out  on  our  journey.  We  went 
through  some  old  farms,  and  passed  around  the  town  of  Cacalutla, 
and  fell  into  a road  which  led  in  the  direction  we  wished  to  travel. 
About  ten  o’clock  at  night,  we  came  to  a small  creek.  We  crossed 
it,  and,  just  as  we  rose  on  the  other  bank,  about  thirty  men  sprang 
up  and  ordered  us  to  surrender.  We  both  stuck  together,  as  we 
had  done  before  — I with  my  stick,  and  the  soldier  with  his  sword. 
But  in  the  first  charge,  a person  behind  the  soldier  struck  him  with 
a cutlass  and  disabled  his  arm,  so  that  he  could  not  fight.  He  then 
ran.  Some  of  them  pursued  him  ; the  others  surrounded  me.  My 
feet  were  so  sore  I could  not  run,  so  I was  forced  to  fight.  I broke 
through  them  by  knocking  one  of  them  down  with  my  stick.  But 
I did  not  get  more  than  forty  yards,  when  I was  surrounded  again. 
I was  determined  to  be  killed  before  I would  be  taken ; but  one  of 
them  behind  me  hit  me  on  the  temple  with  a large  stick,  which 
knocked  me  senseless.  When  I came  to  myself,  I was  strongly 
tied,  and  saw  my  companion  by  me  in  the  same  condition. 

We  we're  carried  back  to  the  village,  where  a new  guard  took 
charge  of  us  and  carried  us  back  to  Cojucan.  Here  we  found  our 
poor  friend  the  ranchero,  who  had  brought  us  provisions  in  the 
woods.  Here  I was  ironed  and  put  in  the  stocks,  and  two  soldiers 
left  to  guard  us.  I struck  up  a trade  with  the  guard  to  turn  us 
loose,  and  agreed  to  pay  them  forty  dollars,  which  was  about  half 
the  money  I had.  They  agreed  to  it.  I got  one  of  them  to  buy 
me  two  old  knives,  which  I struck  together  till  I made  saws  of 
them.  I then  tried  them  on  the  lock  of  the  stocks,  and  we  saw 
that  in  a few  minutes  we  could  get  loose. 

We  then  waited  only  for  night,  to  cut  ourselves  loose,  and  felt 
sure  pf  our  escape.  But,  to  our  great  misfortune,  just  at  dark,  we 
saw  twenty  Indians  coming  up,  armed  with  bows  and  arrows.  One 
of  the  guard  asked  them  what  they  had  come  for.  They  said  they 
had  been  sent  by  the  governor  to  guard  the  prisoners,  and  espe- 
cially the  American,  who,  if  not  well  guarded,  would  make  his 
escape.  The  first-named  guard  told  them  to  go  home,  as  he  and 
his  companion  would  take  care  of  us.  He  said  this,  knowing,  if  we 
did  not  escape,  he  would  lose  twenty  dollars.  The  Indians  said, 
no,  they  must  stay,  or  the  governor  would  punish  them. 


432 


APPENDIX. 


So  they  put  out  two  sentinels,  and  sat  down.  I now  saw  that  all 
hope  of  escape  was  lost,  and  I resigned  myself  to  my  fate,  knowing 
that  I would  be  sent  back  to  the  castle  the  next  day.  I spent  that 
night  without  closing  my  eyes.  The  next  morning,  early  horses 
were  brought,  and  we  were  carried  again  to  Acapulco.  I \vas  taken 
to  the  governor,  who,  as  soon  as  he  saw  me,  said : “ Oh,  Mr.  Bean, 
you  have  tried  again  to  escape,  but  we  deceived  you ; and  I will 
put  it  out  of  your  power  to  try  it  the  third  time.” 

I replied : “ Sir,  I am  a prisoner,  and  alone ; but  I do  not  fear 
what  you  can  do  to  me ; for  if  you  take  my  life,  you  will  at  once 
free  me  from  tyranny.” 

“ Tyranny,  did  you  say  1”  said  he.  “ Look  at  your  companions  : 
they  take  the  sun  every  day  ; they  make  no  attempt  to  escape,  and 
are  something  thought  of.” 

I answered : “ They  are  cowards,  and  do  not  love  their  freedom 
as  I do ; for  every  chance  I get,  I will  use  to  regain  my  liberty.” 

“ I will  double  your  imprisonment,”  said  he. 

“ I ask  you  no  favors,”  I answered,  “ for,  if  I did,  I would  get 
none ; so  you  can  do  just  as  you  please.” 

He  ordered  them  to  take  me  back  to  the  castle,  and  he  would 
come  there.  I had  not  been  long  in  the  castle  when  the  governor 
came.  He  ordered  them  to  bring  a large  mulatto,  and  had  me 
chained  to  him.  We  were  put  in  a room  where  there  were  some 
twenty  prisoners.  That  night  one  of  the  prisoners  whispered  to  me, 
that  the  governor  had  told  the  mulatto,  if  he  would  take  care  of  me, 
he  would  deduct  a year  of  his  time  ; and  if  I didn’t  obey  him,  he 
could  whip  me  if  he  chose.  I thanked  him  for  the  information. 

This  mulatto  was  very  sulky,  and  said  nothing  to  me.  I was 
dubious  that,  from  his  great  size,  he  would  flog  me ; but  I was  de- 
termined to  try  him  the  first  word  he  said  to  me.  Three  days  after 
I had  been  chained  to  him,  we  were  taken  out  into  the  j'ard  of  the 
castle  to  eat  breakfast.  As  I went  to  reach  to  get  my  bread,  he 
jerked  the  chain,  and  threw  me  down.  Near  by  me  was  half  a 
bull’s  skull,  with  one  horn  on  it.  I went  back  the  length  of  my 
chain,  got  the  skull,  and  struck  him  with  it  on  the  head,  which 
knocked  him  down.  I continued  my  blows;  he  bellowed,  “ Mur- 
der!” the  guard  came  and  took  the  skull  from  me.  The  mulatto 
begged  to  be  let  loose  from  me.  The  news  soon  reached  the  gov- 
ernor, who  ordered  him  to  be  separated  and  me  to  be  flogged.  But 
the  officer  did  not  flog  me.  I had  a wheel  put  on  my  neck,  so  laige 


MEMOIR  OF  ELLIS  P.  BEAN. 


433 


that  I could  not  reach  the  rim  of  it.  Of  all  the  modes  of  punish- 
ment, this  was  new  to  me.  1 could  not  move  with  it.  I was  in  this 
situation  four  hours,  when  it  was  taken  off,  and  I was  taken  back 
to  my  little  cell,  with  two  pairs  of  irons  on  me. 

Here  I spent  my  time  better.  All  was  silent,  and  nothing  to  dis- 
turb me.  I looked  for  my  poor  lizard,  but  he  did  not  make  his  ap- 
pearance. Two  days  after,  he  came  down  the  wall ; but  he  had 
got  wild,  and  would  not  come  to  me.  At  last  I caught  him,  and  he 
became  as  gentle  as  usual. 

The  governor  of  the  castle  wrote  to  the  viceroy  that  he  could  not 
be  responsible  for  me,  and  I must  be  sent  to  another  fort.  The 
viceroy  sent  orders  that  I must  be  taken  to  the  East  Indies,  to  a 
place  called  Manilla,  where  the  king  of  Spain  had  possessions.  I 
was  to  be  sent  in  the  first  ship  that  sailed  for  that  place.  When  I 
heard  the  news,  I was  well  pleased ; for  I thought  that,  in  a new 
place,  I might  stand  a chance  to  get  with  some  nation  of  Indians 
on  that  island.  I knew  it  was  inhabited  by  savages,  and  hoped  for 
some  chance  to  escape  among  them.  As  there  was  no  ship  ready, 
I had  to  wait,  and  keep  company  with  my  lizard,  which  I had  de- 
termined to  take  with  me  if  I went. 

I will  relate  the  fate  of  the  soldier  who  was  taken  at  the  same 
time  with  me.  He  was  tried,  and  sentenced  to  ten  years  of  slavery 
at  Vera  Cruz.  My  old  friend  the  Spaniard,  who  had  his  thigh  bro- 
ken when  I made  my  escape,  died  of  the  wound. 

While  I was  waiting  for  a ship,  a revolution  took  place  in  Mexico, 
who  had  declared  her  independence.  It  went  on  with  great  force. 
They  were  turning  all  the  prisoners  into  soldiers,  and,  among  the 
rest,  my  four  companions.  About  a week  after  all  the  prisoners, 
except  myself,  had  been  made  soldiers,  a man  came  and  asked  me 
if  I would  help  them  fight,  if  he  would  take  me  out.  I said  I 
would.  He  went  to  the  governor,  and  told  him  that,  as  I had  been 
so  venturesome  in  trying  to  escape,  I would  be  a good  soldier ; and 
asked  him  to  let  me  be  taken  out.  This  was  granted ; and  I was 
brought  out  of  my  small  room,  my  irons  taken  off,  and  a gun  and 
sword  given  me. 

I was  then  in  a good  fix  for  war.  But  yet  the  republican  party 
was  not  less  than  three  hundred  miles  distant.  I did  my  duty  well 
for  fifteen  days,  until  I had  conversed  with  the  soldiers  on  the  sub- 
ject of  the  revolution.  They  asked  me  what  it  meant.  I told  six 
or  seven  of  them  — such  as  I could  trust — that  it  was  a very  great 

Vol.  I.  — 28 


434 


APPENDIX. 


thing,  and  that  all  the  natives  of  the  country  ought  to  join  them ; 
for  the  republicans  intended  to  free  their  country  from  the  king  of 
Spain,  and  be  the  owners  of  their  country  themselves ; that  the 
Spaniards  had  taken  it  from  them  about  three  hundred  years  ago  ; 
that  they  intended  to  run  all  the  Europeans  out  of  the  country,  and 
then  the  natives  would  be  generals  and  colonels,  and  all  the  riches 
would  fall  into  their  hands.  Those  to  whom  I said  this  were  well 
pleased ; but  I charged  them  to  say  nothing  about  it  to  any  person 
that  would  tell ; and,  if  they  said  anything  to  any  one,  not  to  men- 
tion my  name. 

In  about  three  days  after,  one  of  them  came  to  me,  and  said  that 
he  wished  to  go  and  join  the  patriots,  if  I would  go.  I told  him  to 
go  and  see  how  many  men  he  could  get  to  join  and  take  their  guns  ; 
then  to  let  me  know,  and  I would  tell  him  whether  I would  go. 
But  he  said  I knew  more  about  it  than  they  did,  and,  if  I did  not 
go,  they  could  not.  I told  him  to  get  what  men  he  could,  and  I 
would  go. 

I then  went  to  my  four  companions  that  had  come  from  Natchez, 
and  tried  them.  They  told  me  I was  crazy  to  talk  about  it,  for,  if 
it  was  found  out,  I would  be  hung.  I told  them  it  was  all  a joke, 

and  we  said  no  more  about  it.  The  next  day  my  soldier* 

cartridge-box I told  him  I would  let  them  know  when. 

So  he  left  me.  The  next  morning  we  had  orders  to  embark,  and 
land  at  a place  five  miles  from  Acapulco,  called  Marques.  After 
we  landed,  Coseo,  the  commanding  officer,  called  for  volunteers  to 
ascend  the  river,  and  find  out  where  the, rebel  Morelos  was.  Six 
European  Spaniards,  one  of  my  companions,  named  William  Dan- 
lin,  and  myself,  stepped  to  the  front  and  offered  our  services.  We 
received  our  orders,  and  started. 

We  went  up  the  river  about  three  miles,  when  we  came  to  a 
house  where  there  were  a great  many  fowls.  The  Spaniards  said 
they  must  have  some.  I told  them  that,  while  they  were  catching 
them,  I would  go  on  ahead,  and  look  out  for  the  enemy.  They 
agreed  to  it.  I soon  saw  a company  of  the  patriot  militia.  I stepped 
to  one  side  of  the  road,  and  they  did  not  see  me  till  they  came  up. 
They  had  done  duty  at  the  fort,  and  knew  me.  I spoke  to  them. 
They  said  they  knew  I would  not  fight  against  them,  and  were 
overjoyed  to  see  me.  I told  them  there  were,  at  the  house  below, 
six  Spaniards,  and  William  Danlin,  whom  they  knew ; that  they 

* The  worms  have  taken  a line  or  so  here. — Ed. 


MEMOIR  OF  ELLIS  P.  BEAN. 


435 


could  go  and  take  them.  They  did  so,  and  not  one  escaped.  One 
of  them  stayed  back  with  me,  and  tied  me  fast,  by  agreement,  so 
that  they  should  see  that  I was  a prisoner. 

We  were  immediately  taken  to  the  camp  of  Morelos,  where  he 
had  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  and  about  twenty  old  broken 
guns.  They  told  him  who  we  were,  and  he  said  he  wanted  us  to 
assist  him  in  the  struggle.  I,  for  one,  told  him  I was  a republican, 
and  that  was  what  I had  come  for.  He  then  pointed  to  the  twenty 
old  guns  and  a small  swivel,  and  showed  us  about  six  pounds  of 
powder,  which  (being  asked  by  us)  he  said  was  all  he  had.  He 
said  he  had  about  a pound  of  saltpetre  and  two  pounds  of  sulphur, 
but  none  of  his  people  knew  how  to  make  it  into  powder.  I told 
him  I could  do  it ; and  got  some  women  to  grind  it  on  the  rocks 
they  ground  corn  on  for  bread,  and  by  night  it  was  all  ready  to  dry. 

We  informed  Morelos  that  there  were  with  us,  before  our  capture, 
about  two  hundred  well-armed  men ; that  they  would  perhaps  go 
up  the  river  the  next  day  to  hunt  for  us ; and  that  if  he  would  go 
to  a certain  place  where  the  road  ran  near  to  a lake,  and  lay  an 
ambuscade  in  the  rocks,  and  fire  on  them,  he  might  drive  them  back. 
Next  morning,  at  daylight,  Morelos  and  his  men  marched  to  the 
place  designated,  and  fired  on  them  before  they  knew  he  was  there. 
He  killed  two  of  them,  and  they  broke  back. 

That  day  I was  drying  the  little  powder  I had  made  ; and,  seeing 
that  we  were  in  a bad  fix  to  make  headway,  I told  Morelos  that, 
by  going  back,  I could  get  seventy  of  the  men  on  the  king’s  side  to 
desert  and  come  with  me.  He  said  he  would  trust  me,  and  directed 
me  to  go  as  if  I had  made  my  escape.  As  all  that  had  been  taken 
with  me  were  confined  except  William  Danlin  and  myself,  I started 
with  him  that  night,  though  he  knew  nothing  of  my  plan.  About 
ten  o’clock  the  next  day  I got  back  to  my  old  quarters  (where  I 
had  suffered  so  long),  with  a view  to  take  revenge  for  former  suffer- 
ings. But  if  my  plan  had  been  discovered,  I would  not  have  lived 
two  hours. 

I was  well  received  by  the  king’s  officer,  and  again  supplied  with 
arms,  and  a new  suit  of  clothes,  which  came  in  good  time,  as  I was 
almost  naked.  I was  asked  what  force  Morelos  had.  I told  him 
about  a thousand  men,  well  armed.  The  king’s  officer  concluded 
then  not  to  attack  him  without  a more  respectable  force.  I told 
him  this  to  stop  him  till  I could  arrange  my  plan. 

In  about  ten  days  news  came  that  a colonel,  by  the  name  of  Par- 


436 


APPENDIX. 


ras,  was  advancing  with  about  four  hundred  men,  and  that  we  were 
to  meet  him  in  the  pass  of  the  Sabano,  — miles  from  where  Mo- 
relos was  encamped  with  his  small  army.  We  went,  three  hundred 
in  number,  and  joined  Colonel  Parras.  We  were  then  seven  hun- 
dred strong.  In  about  ten  days  more,  three  hundred  more  men 
were  to  join  us,  and  we  were  to  attack  Morelos  with  the  whole  force. 

All  this  time  I had  sent  no  word  to  Morelos.  Some  of  us  were 
sent  out  to  kill  white  cranes,  to  get  feathers  to  distinguish  our  men, 
as  they  were  militia,  and  had  no  uniforms.  I strayed  to  a house, 
where  I found  two  women,  whose  husbands  were  with  Morelos.  I 
sent  word  by  them  to  him  to  send  a confidential  man  to  meet  me  at 
that  house  the  next  day,  and  he  would  hear  from  me.  That  night 
I spoke  to  the  sergeant,  who  had  before  wished  to  go  with  me,  to 
be  ready  when  I called  on  him.  He  said  he  would.  The  next  day, 
when  I went  out  to  kill  more  cranes,  I went  and  met  the  man  sent 
by  Morelos,  and  told  him  to  tell  Morelos  to  send,  the  third  night 
after  that,  all  the  men  he  had  to  an  old  house  about  half  a mile  from 
our  camp.  I then  returned,  and  the  arrangement  was  all  made. 

The  night  came.  The  seventy  men,  who  had  agreed  to  go  over 
to  the  republicans,  had  managed  to  get  on  a picket-guard.  About 
seven  o’clock  at  night,  I left  the  king’s  camp,  took  with  me  Mariano 
Tobares  and  Juan  De  Leon,  and  went  to  where  I was  to  meet  Mo- 
relos’s men.  Morelos’s  men,  commanded  by  Julian  de  Abila,  came 
about  eleven  o’clock.  They  were  five  hundred  and  twenty-seven 
in  number,  armed  with  thirty-six  old  guns,  and  the  balance  with 
lances  and  bows  and  arrows,  and  some  with  nothing  but  sticks.  I 
made  up  my  mind  that  night  to  die  or  be  revenged.  The  sign  and 
countersign  were  to  be,  when  one  said,  “Who  lives'?”  the  other 
should  answer,  “ Silence  !” 

The  king’s  camp  was  on  the  bank  of  the  river.  The  artillery  — 
four  pieces — was  mounted  on  the  bank,  pointed  across  the  liver, 
which  was  about  knee-deep.  In  the  king’s  camp  were  about  two 
hundred  regulars,  stationed  next  to  the  artillery.  We  crossed  the 
river  below  the  camp,  and  came  up  under  the  bank  till  we  got  op- 
posite the  guns.  We  mounted  the  bank,  killed  the  sentinel,  took 
possession  of  the  cannons,  and  turned  them  on  the  camp.  This  took 
them  so  suddenly,  that  the  regulars  surrendered  without  fighting. 
The  balance  of  the  king’s  army  came  running  up,  and  asked  what 
was  the  matter.  By  this  time  our  patriots  had  armed  themselves 
with  the  guns  of  the  regulars,  and  we  took  the  enemy  nearly  all 


MEMOIR  OF  ELLIS  P.  BEAN. 


437 


prisoners,  killing  only  three  of  them.  We  took  five  hundred  and 
twenty-six  prisoners,  and  all  their  arms  and  ammunition.  Colonel 
Parras,  without  hat  or  uniform,  mounted  a horse  barebacked,  and 
escaped. 

The  next  day,  four  hundred  of  the  prisoners — in  fact,  all  the  na- 
tives— joined  our  flag  ; so  that,  in  one  night,  we  had  become 
respectable  in  men  and  arms.  The  three  hundred  men,  who  were 
also  to  have  joined  the  royalists,  camped  that  night  in  six  miles  of 
us ; but  getting  news  of  the  affair  from  some  who  had  escaped,  they 
struck  their  camp,  and  retreated  for  safety.  They  made  no  halt 
till  they  reached  Huacaca,  a city  on  the  Pacific  ocean.  The  next 
morning,  General  Morelos  came  up  to  the  battle-ground  about  nine 
o’clock.  We  were  all  in  motion  with  our  cannons  and  prisoners, 
and  you  may  well  conceive  that  we  had  a joyful  meeting. 

We  marched  to  the  pass  of  the  Sabana,  which  it  was  determined 
we  should  fortify.  The  work  was  commenced,  but  we  were  scarce 
of  money  for  our  men.  I proposed  to  plunder  Acapulco,  for  the 
fort  was  built  to  defend  the  bay,  and  her  guns  could  not  reach  the 
town.  The  general  agreed  to  it,  and  a large  number  of  our  men 
volunteered  to  go  with  me.  We  went  in  the  night,  and,  after  car- 
rying the  small  guard  at  the  hospital,  the  town  was  ours.  We  got 
about  thirty  thousand  dollars  in  goods  and  about  eight  thousand 
dollars  in  money,  which  placed  our  camp  in  a flourishing  condition. 

At  this  time  the  royalists  had  drawn  off  all  the  forces  they  could 
gather  to  contend  with  Hidalgo,  Rayon,  and  others,  who  were  in 
motion,  about  Valladolid,  and  could  not  bring  any  great  numbers 
against  us.  But  they  mustered  a force  of  about  three  thousand  roy- 
alists, and  attacked  our  works  at  the  pass  of  Sabana,  which  we  had 
finished.  This  was  in  March,  1811.  But  we  drove  them  back  with 
great  loss.  As  we  remained  in  our  works,  our  loss  was  only  one  or 
two.  This  affair  lasted  two  days,  when  they  retreated.  Here  Gen- 
eral Morelos  left  me  with  the  main  body  of  the  troops,  which  he 
took  to  Tayupan.  He  returned  again,  and,  with  liis  whole  force, 
set  out  for  Chilpanzingo.  Before  reaching  there,  we  received  news 
that  the  royalists  were  advancing  to  that  place.  General  Morelos 
gave  me  the  command  of  two  hundred  horsemen,  with  orders  to  go 
forward  and  occupy  the  town.  I did  so,  but,  at  the  end  of  three 
days,  was  forced  to  retreat.  We  took  with  us,  however,  all  the 
effects  of  the  king’s  party  there,  which  again  supplied  our  troops 
with  cash.  I informed  Morelos  that  I was  compelled  to  retreat  by 


438 


APPENDIX. 


the  superior  force  of  the  enemy.  He  approved  the  retreat.  Tho 
next  day  we  marched  upon  Cliualco,  where  we  had  news  that  the 
royalists  were  marching  rapidly  to  meet  us. 

The  next  morning,  about  eight  o’clock,  they  came  in  sight.  We 
were  in  readiness,  and  advanced  to  meet  them.  There  was,  between 
the  two  armies,  a deep  gulley,  twenty  feet  wide,  which,  except  in 
some  particular  places,  was  impassable.  While  the  main  body  were 
fighting  across  the  gulley,  I marched  with  three  hundred  men  through 
a piece  of  timber,  and,  Avitliout  being  perceived  by  the  enemy,  fell 
upon  their  rear.  In  an  instant  they  were  in  confusion,  and  com- 
menced their  flight.  Our  army  made  their  way,  as  they  best  could, 
across  the  gulley.  Their  officers  never  tried  to  rally  them,  but  they 
all  fled.  We  pursued  and  cut  them  down  for  six  miles.  All  their 
ammunition  and  three  pieces  of  artillery  fell  into  our  hands.  We 
had  with  us  a large  number  of  Mexican  Indians,  who  pursued  and 
butchered  all  they  could  overtake.  I came  up  with  them,  and  urged 
them  to  make  prisoners,  and  not  to  kill.  At  this  time  there  were, 
in  twenty  yards  of  me,  two  personal  enemies.  I advanced  toward 
them,  and  ordered  them  to  surrender.  One  of  them  made  a push 
at  me  with  his  spear,  and  wounded  me  severely  in  the  right  thigh. 
Our  Mexican  Indians  cut  them  to  pieces  in  an  instant.  My  horse 
was  brought  me,  and  I rode  to  camp ; but,  when  I got  there,  my 
boot  was  filled  with  blood.  I felt  no  great  pain,  but  was  weak 
and  faint. 

The  next  morning  we  marched  into  Chilpanzingo  without  opposi- 
tion. Here  we  had  news  that  the  enemy  were  marching  from  the 
Mistaco,  on  the  Pacific,  to  Acapulco.  General  Morelos  sent  me, 
with  fifty  mounted  men,  to  look  after  them.  I reached  a garrison 
of  two  hundred  and  fifty  of  our  party,  on  a mountain  called  Vali- 
daro.  Close  by  the  shore  there  Avere  a hundred  more.  After  six 
days’  ride,  my  wound  had  made  me  very  stiff  and  sore.  However, 
in  about  six  days  after  my  arrival,  I was  informed,  by  a Avoman 
from  Acapulco,  that  the  governor  himself  was  coming  to  attack  the 
one  hundred  patriots  that  were  on  the  coast.  They  were  only  nine 
miles  distant.  So  I immediately  started  with  tAvo  hundred  men  and 
two  small  guns  from  Validaro  to  join  these  men  on  the  coast.  The 
third  day  after  our  arrival,  our  pickets  gave  notice  of  their  approach. 
I removed  my  force,  consisting  of  three  hundred  men,  to  a rocky 
bluff  on  the  road,  and  formed  a complete  ambuscade.  I sent  out 
twenty -five  men  to  give  them  battle,  and  then  retreat  in  good  order. 


MEMOIR  OF  ELLIS  P.  BEAN. 


439 


All  this  was  effected ; and  we  got  them  so  far  into  the  net,  that 
nearly  their  entire  force,  about  equal  to  ours,  was  killed  or  taken ; 
and,  among  the  rest,  the  governor,  my  old  friend,  who  had  kept  me 
so  long  in  chains,  was  badly  wounded.  I sent  him  back  to  the 
castle,  to  die. 

After  this  battle,  all  the  coast  was  clear  of  the  enemy,  except  the 
strong  fort  at  Acapulco,  which  I was  not  able  to  take.  In  about  a 
month,  General  Morelos  visited  my  camp,  and  showed  me  a letter 
from  the  castle,  stating  that  they  had  entered  into  a conspiracy*  in 
the  fort  to  deliver  it  to  us ; that  on  such  a night,  as  a signal,  they 
would  hoist  a lantern  to  the  top  of  the  flagstaff,  when  Morelos  should 
march  his  men  and  form  them  in  sixty  yards  of  the  fort.  He  should 
then  send  one  to  let  it  be  known  he  was  there,  when  all  the  doors 
would  be  opened,  the  drawbridges  let  down,  and  the  touchholes  of 
the  cannons  filled  with  tallow. 

General  Morelos  was  pleased  with  the  plan,  and  the  idea  of  pos- 
sessing the  fort.  I told  him  I did  not  like  the  plan  ; for,  if  the  sol- 
diers were  formed  at  the  place  stated,  and  the  cannons  of  the  fort 
brought  to  bear  on  it,  it  would  be  a conspiracy  to  kill  all  our  men. 
He  said,  “ Oh,  no,  it  could  not  be  so.”  I said  it  might  not  be  the 
case,  but  it  was  dangerous  to  trust  an  enemy  at  any  time.  He  said 
he  wished  to  carry  out  the  enterprise.  I told  him  that,  if  I went 
into  it,  I preferred  doing  it  in  my  way,  and  not  according  to  their 
plan.  He  then  left  it  to  me  to  carry  it  out  as  I thought  proper. 

The  signal  was  given  about  an  hour  before  day.  I marched  my 
men  to  the  gate  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  fort,  and  sent  to  inform 
them  we  were  ready.  They  had  previously  placed  fifty  pieces  of 
cannon,  loaded  with  grape,  so  as  to  sweep  the  place  where  our  men 
were  to  have  been  formed ! They  opened  their  fire,  which  contin- 
ued like  an  earthquake  for  thirty  minutes.  In  this  time  we  were 
safely  retreating  on  the  other  side  of  the  fort,  at  our  leisure,  in  the 
dark.  They  thought,  when  daylight  came,  to  find  the  ground  cov- 
ered with  “ insurgents,”  as  they  called  us,  but  they  found  only  the 
grass  and  herbs  tore  up  ! I asked  General  Morelos,  next  day,  what 
he  thought  of  the  plan.  He  said  God  had  protected  us. 

As  there  was  no  possibility  of  taking  the  fort,  and  they  would  not 
come  out  and  fight  us,  we  marched  back  to  Chilpanzingo  without 
delay.  After  all  these  engagements,  we  were  without  ammunition. 

* Bean  says  they  “had  made  an  entrequi  in  the  fort”  He  meant  an  intriga. 
—Ed. 


440 


APPENDIX. 


As  there  were  large  quantities  of  saltpetre  in  the  country,  and  I was 
the  only  one  who  understood  the  manufacture  of  powder,  I set  up  a 
powder-mill.  We  obtained  sulphur  from  a mine  near  Chilpanzingo. 
The  Indian  women  ground  the  materials  on  their  mctates , and  I 
made  the  powder. 

At  a place  called  Testla,  about  six  miles  from  Chilpanzingo,  Don 
Miguel  Bravo  was  attacked  by  the  enemy,  and  defeated  them — 
though  they  encamped  on  their  ground.  That  night  he  wrote  us 
of  his  situation,  and  that  he  was  out  of  ammunition.  We  set  up  all 
night  at  our  powder-works,  and  the  next  morning  Morelos  sent  him 
one  hundred  and  fifty  pounds  of  powder,  and  took  over  to  assist  him 
six  hundred  of  us.  We  attacked  the  enemy  on  one  side,  and  our 
friends  on  the  other,  and  defeated  them  entirely,  taking  four  hun- 
dred and  sixty -five  prisoners,  three  cannons,  all  their  baggage,  and 
ammunition.  Among  the  prisoners  was  the  man  who  had  written 
that  they  would  deliver  up  the  castle.  We  put  him  to  death  four 
days  afterward. 

For  some  months  after  this  we  were  free  from  the  enemy.  Mo- 
relos, during  this  time,  marched  to  Tenansingo  and  Tasco,  which  he 
took.  I was  engaged  in  providing  ammunition.  He  then  came  to 
Cuautla  Amilpas,  which  he  concluded  to  fortify.  While  this  was 
going  on,  I provided  ammunition  sufficient  for  a siege  of  six  months. 

The  viceroy  Calejas  came  with  twelve  thousand  men,  and  laid 
siege  to  the  place.  It  was  agreed  by  the  leaders  of  the  patriots 
that  Morelos  should  stand  a siege,  and  thus  draw  all  the  royalists 
from  Mexico.  Rayon,  Cos,  Vedisco,  and  Bravo,  were  to  approach 
the  besiegers  from  without,  while  Morelos  was  to  sally  out  from  the 
place ; and  thus,  by  one  complete  victory,  we  were  to  be  complete 
masters  of  Mexico.  The  other  patriot  officers,  seeing  Morelos  shut 
up,  did  not  advance  as  they  w*ere  to  do,  but  left  him  to  suffer  hun- 
ger and  fatigue  until  he  was  forced  to  leave  the  place  in  the  night, 
which  he  did  by  forcing  his  way  through  the  besiegers,  with  a small 
loss  of  men,  but  of  all  his  cannons  and  ammunition. 

During  the  two  months  of  this  siege,  I had  gone  out  with  seventy 
men  to  support  Chilpanzingo,  and  provide  ammunition.  As  my 
guard  was  too  weak,  I was  forced  to  fly  to  Choltepec,  forty  miles 
from  that  place.  In  this  time  I had  made  about  two  thjusand 
pounds  of  powder,  and  had  repaired  a number  of  old  guns,  all  of 
which  were  of  great  service  to  Morelos  when  he  retreated  from 
Cuautla.  We  marched  to  relieve  a portion  of  the  patriots  who. 


MEMOIR  OF  ELLIS  P.  BEAN. 


441 


under  tlm  command  of  a lieutenant-colonel,  were  besieged  in  Hua- 
huapan.  We  succeeded,  and  took  two  pieces  of  artillery  and  some 
muskets.  We  then  marched  to  Tehuacan,  which  received  us  with 
the  ringing  of  the  church-bells.  We  remained  here  about  two 
months,  when  we  marched  to  attack  Orizaba.  We  reached  it  in  a 
march  of'  three  days,  and  took  it  by  assault,  with  little  loss. 

Hearing  that  the  royalists,  under  the  command  of  General  Avia, 
were  advancing  rapidly  to  give  us  battle,  we  left  Orizaba  in  three 
days,  and  marched  out  to  gain  a position  on  the  road  where  he  would 
pass.  He  reached  the  place  first.  We  made  an  effort  to  pass  him, 
but  he  was  well  prepared,  and  gave  us  such  a complete  flogging, 
that  he  dispersed  our  forces.  We  saved  our  guns  and  ammunition 
with  difficulty,  and  made  our  way  to  Tehuacan.  Thence  we 
marched  to  Huacaca,  on  the  waters  of  the  Pacific.  In  this  march, 
the  want  of  horses  and  provisions,  and  the  bad  and  mountainous 
state  of  the  roads,  put  us  to  great  trouble.  When  we  reached  the 
beautiful  plains  of  Huacaca,  we  summoned  them  to  surrender,  which 
they  refused.  At  daylight,  next  morning,  we  attacked  the  city,  and 
in  two  hours  obtained  possession.  We  took  here  a large  quantity 
of  property  belonging  to  the  king  and  the  royalists,  which  we  much 
needed.  We  also  acquired  a rich  province,  which  produces  large 
quantities  of  cochineal.  We  remained  here  about  a year,  in  which 
time  I had  erected  a powder-mill,  and  carried  on  successfully  the 
manufacture  of  powder. 

At  the  end  of  this  time,  we  marched  with  twelve  thousand  well 
armed  men  to  Chilpanzingo,  and  then  to  Acapulco,  to  try  and  get 
possession  of  the  place.  General  Morelos,  our  commander-in-chief 
sent  in  a flag,  demanding  the  surrender  of  the  place.  The  letter 
was  not  signed  by  Morelos,  but  by  me:  The  commandant  of  the 

fort  answered  as  follows  : — 

“ If  you  will  come  and  join  his  majesty’s  troops,  you  shall  have  a 
colonel’s  commission,  and  ten  thousand  dollars’  reward.” 

I presented  it  to  General  Morelos.  He  laughed  when  he  read  it, 
and  said,  “ Why  don’t  you  go  ?”  I said,  “ If  you  thought  I would 
go,  you  would  not  say  that.”  He  then  said,  “You  are  right.” 
With  his  leave,  I then  wrote  as  follow* : — 

“ Sir  : I have  had  the  pleasure  of  receiving  your  letter,  dated 
December  the  20th,  1812;  and,  in  answer  to  the  same,  I have  to 
state  that  I am  very  poor,  but,  for  all  that,  your  king  has  not  money 


442 


APPENDIX. 


enough  to  buy  me,  or  make  me  a friend  to  a tyrant,  when  I have 
been  rocked  in  the  cradle  of  liberty  from  infancy. 

Your  ob’t  servant,  ” Bean.” 

We  laid  in  about  two  miles  of  the  fort  for  three  or  foui  days, 
when  a deserter  came  to  our  camp,  and  told  us  that  the  enemy’s 
women  and  childreu,  with  their  sick,  and  an  abundance  of  provis- 
ions, were  on  a small  island,  about  a mile  from  the  shore.  As  there 
were  provisions  on  the  island,  it  was  deemed  impracticable  for  us 
to  starve  out  the  fort ; so  we  fell  upon  the  plan  of  building  a suffi- 
cient number  of  'piraguas  to  pass  over  and  take  the  island.  We 
went  to  work  to  build  the  vessels ; and  while  at  it,  General  Morelos, 
being  in  bad  health,  went  to  Tehepan,  leaving  me  in  command  of 
the  business. 

I had  a small  party  of  men  stationed  just  out  of  gunshot  from  the 
fort.  They  were  very  careless  of  the  defence  of  the  post.  So,  one 
morning,  just  at  daybreak,  when  they  were  all  lying  down,  the  roy- 
alists came  out  of  the  fort  and  charged  on  them  They  defeated 
them  completely,  and  took  from  them  two  pieces  of  artillery.  I 
heard  the  firing  at  my  camp,  got  my  troops  in  order,  and  marched 
with  all  speed ; but,  before  I got  there,  they  had  returned  to  the 
fort,  so  that  I could  do  nothing. 

I then  stationed  another  guard  at  the  same  place,  and  attended 
to  the  making  of  the  vessels.  I soon  had  twenty  made  : they  were 
rough  and  badly  made,  yet  large,  and  would  hold  many  men.  I 
wrote  to  General  Morelos  that  I was  ready  to  pass  to  the  island. 
He  answered  me,  to  go  on ; that  his  health  was  yet  bad ; that  he 
would  send  me  fifty  mule-loads  of  com,  knowing  that  I had  plenty 
of  beef.  I launched  all  my  vessels ; and  one  calm  night,  having 
placed  in  them  about  five  hundred  men,  I passed  over  to  the  island, 
and  landed  just  before  day.  At  daylight  I charged  on  the  camp, 
and  took  it  without  the  loss  of  a man.  I found  a guard  of  forty 
men,  about  two  hundred  women  and  children,  and  some  old  men 
sick.  They  informed  me  that  two  schooners  would  be  there  the 
next  day.  I then  lashed  my  piraguas  about  three  feet  apart,  four 
together,  laid  poles  across  them,  and  thus  formed  four  floating  plat- 
forms, or  whatever  you  may  call  them,  and  took  them  to  the  point 
of  the  island,  to  see  if  I could  not  prevent  the  schooners  from  com- 
ing out. 

They  came  out,  and,  seeing  us,  went  back  to  the  port,  and  got 


MEMOIR  OP  ELLIS  P.  BEAN. 


443 


some  small  guns  on  board ; and  the  next  day  came  out  again,  to 
destroy  ray  rafts.  They  came  close  to  us,  and  opened  a fire.  We 
soon  made  them  wish  to  retire.  One  of  them  did ; but  the  other, 
having  her  mast  shot  away  by  a shot  from  a six-pounder  I had 
found  on  the  island,  and  having  some  of  her  men  killed,  they  ran 
below,  and  she  drifted  within  twenty  feet  of  us.  We  then  boarded 
her  with  our  four  loose  piraguas,  fastened  her  to  our  raft,  and  took 
her  men,  nineteen  in  all,  prisoners. 

The  prisoners  informed  me  that  they  were  out  of  provisions,  and 
would  be  forced  to  surrender  within  three  days.  Three  of  the  wo- 
men on  the  island  asked  leave  to  go  to  the  fort.  I told  them  they 
were  all  starving  there,  and,  if  they  went,  they  would  suffer.  They 
begged  me  to  let  them  go,  and  said  that  they  would  tell  the  troops 
at  the  fort  how  kindly  they  would  be  treated  if  they  surrendered, 
and  that  I had  said  I would  not  leave  the  place  till  I had  taken  the 
fort.  I let  them  go.  Sure  enough,  the  next  day  a flag  left  the  fort, 
and  made  toward  my  camp  on  the  shore.  I sent  from  the  island  to 
meet  them.  They  were  two  clergymen  and  one  lieutenant.  They 
said  their  commander  had  sent  them  to  me,  to  state  that  he  would 
surrender  the  fort  if  I would  let  him  and  his  troops  march  out  with 
their  arms,  and  go  and  join  the  other  troops  of  the  king. 

I said,  no ; that  if  he  would  surrender  it,  and  let  all  the  arms  and 
ammunition,  and  king’s  property,  remain  in  the  fort,  then  every  man 
might  take  his  clothes,  baggage,  and  money  enough  to  bear  his  ex- 
penses, and  have  a passport  to  join  the  king’s  troops  wherever  he 
pleased ; but,  if  I found  anything  more  taken,  I would  retain  the 
commander  as  a prisoner  * ..... 


. . . “ that  my  house  is  yours,  and  that  my  daughter  who  now 

sits  in  your  presence  esteems  you,  and,  there  is  no  doubt  in  my  mind, 
would  forsake  her  home  and  parents  to  follow  you  in  the  army,  al- 
though she  has  been  raised  by  kind  parents,  and  never  lacked  any- 
thing of  enjoyment  this  place  could  afford.  She  has  disclosed  her 
mind  to  me,  and  says  you  have  promised,  when  the  war  is  over,  to 
make  her  your  companion.  It  is,  then,  the  wish  of  us  all,  that  you 
stay  with  us.  The  whole  of  this  city  shall  suffer  death  before  you 

* There  are  four  leaves,  or  eight  pages,  of  the  original  manuscripts,  missing 
here,  viz.,  front  page  197  to  page  204  of  the  original  It  may  Jbe  prtper  to  state 
that  the  place  was  at  last  surrendered,  and  the  prisoners  alterw«fld  shot  by 
order  of  Morelos,  to  retaliate  for  the  loss  of  General  Matamoras.  — -fin 


444 


APPENDIX. 


shall  be  hurt.  We  have  now  in  the  house  for  you  a king’s  pardon, 
and  the  promise  that  you  shall  have  the  same  command  in  the 
king’s  army  that  you  now  have.  So,  fulfil  the  promise  to  my  daugh- 
ter, marry  her,  make  her  happy,  and  yourself  also.  You  well  know 
of  the  defeat  of  Morelos,  and  that  all  the  troops  you  commanded  are 
lost ; that  the  king’s  troops  are  daily  increasing,  and  the  patriots 
falling  off.  So,  for  your  own  happiness  and  mine,  I hope  you  will, 
at  your  leisure,  take  all  these  things  into  consideration.” 

I said  to  her : “ Dear  madam,  your  offers  are  fair  and  friendly, 
for  which  I give  you  a thousand  thanks.  But  no  man  of  honor 
ought  to  change  his  coat  to  join  a despotic  monarch,  and  groan  un- 
der the  weight  of  chains  which  I have  made  a feeble  attempt  to 
break.  True,  I have  not  yet  succeeded ; but  I hope  to  see  this 
country  flourish  in  the  enjoyment  of  liberty,  and  the  despot  fly  from 
our  coasts.  I can  never  think  of  changing  my  mind : I shall  ever 
continue  to  raise  my  sword  against  the  king  while  my  life  is  spared, 
and  he  attempts  to  occupy  this  land.” 

Miss  Wakina  spoke  : “ You  have  visited  my  father’s  house,  and  I 
have  been  simple  enough  to  think  you  had  a regard  for  me,  and 
would  wish  to  make  me  happy.  But  now  I see  you  are  full  of  flat- 
tery, and  do  not  return  my  regard  for  you.  I will  leave  father, 
mother,  and  all,  to  go  with  you ; and,  as  it  would  be  a happiness  to 
endure  fatigue  in  your  company,  if  you  will  not  stay  with  us,  I will 
follow  you  till  death  shall  separate  us.” 

I returned  many  thanks  to  this  beautiful  girl ; and,  as  an  objec- 
tion to  her  going  with  me,  told  her  that,  if  I should  lose  my  life  in 
any  engagement,  she  would  be  left  without  parents  or  friend ; that 
I had  strong  hopes  I would  shortly  return,  and  then  I would  be 
more  than  willing  to  make  her  my  own.  I told  her  I thought  she 
possessed  more  honor  than  to  urge  me  to  join  the  standard  of  a des- 
pot, and  thus,  for  her  sake,  to  make  myself  for  ever  miserable.  She 
then  said  she  wished  me  to  preserve  my  honor,  and  do  what  was 
right ; that  she  would  go  into  a convent,  and  await  my  return.  I 
then  gave  this  young  angel  a kiss,  and  left  the  room. 

I then  returned  to  where  the  priests  and  friars  were,  who  supposed 
that  everything  was  ready.  I told  them  I must  ride,  and  that  they 
could  command  me  at  all  times,  as  could  all  men  of  liberal  minds, 
although  they  might  not  join  in  the  field  of  battle.  There  was 
silence  for  a moment:  some  wine  was  brought  in — I took  some, 
bid  them  adieu,  and  went  out  and  mounted  my  horse.  In  this  time 


MEMOIR  OP  ELLIS  P.  BEAN. 


445 


the  ladies  were  telling  what  I had  said.  A friar  came  out  and  took 
my  horse  by  the  reins,  and  said  I must  not  go.  I wished  him  to 
let  go  my  horse.  Miss  Wakina  came  to  the  door,  and  told  him  that 
my  principles  were  honorable,  and  not  to  incommode  me ; then,  with 
tears  in  her  eyes,  she  bid  me  farewell.  The  friar  still  held  on  to 
my  horse,  and  would  not  let  go  till  I put  my  spurs  to  him.  I rode 
to  the  street ; my  few  men  mounted  their  horses : then  all  came 
up ; I bid  them  a general  farewell,  and  we  started  on  the  road  for 
Quicaclan. 

The  next  day,  about  eleven  o’clock,  I came  up  with  my  mules, 
loaded  with  ammunition.  I had  two  hundred  followers,  and  only 
two  thousand  dollars,  and  knew  not  where  to  get  more.  In  three 
days  I reached  Quicaclan.  Here  I was  informed  that  General 
Rayon  was  in  Tentaclan  del  Camino,  only  nine  miles  distant.  1 
was  by  this  much  relieved,  as  it  was  gratifying  to  know  that  my 
small  force  were  not  all  the  republicans  in  the  world.  I mounted 
and  marched  with  all  possible  speed,  though  the  most  of  my  pack- 
mules  were  very  tired.  But  when  I reached  Tentaclan,  to  my 
great  surprise,  Rayon  had  left  that  place  the  day  before,  and  gone 
up  a mountain  to  a place  called  San  Pablo  Solaclan.  I stopped 
that  night,  and  the  next  morning  I received  news  that  General 
Avio,  a royalist,  was  on  his  way  to  that  place,  expecting  to  find 
General  Rayon  there.  It  was  necessary  for  me,  with  my  small 
force,  to  stand  or  run.  My  mules  had  all  given  out ; and  then,  to 
escape  the  enemy,  I would  have  to  take  up  the  mountain  at  the 
edge  of  the  town,  and  leave  my  ammunition. 

I wrote  to  Rayon  that  it  was  impossible  for  me  to  move ; and  to 
send  me  a reinforcement,  and  I could  beat,  the  enemy  with  ease — 
so  that  we  could  then  march  to  Tehuacan  without  any  danger.  His 
answer  was,  for  me  to  leave  the  place,  and  save  what  I could ; that 
he  should  not  send  me  any  relief.  I then  commenced  to  pack  and 
start  my  mules  — all  of  which  was  owing  to  a want  of  valor  in 
Rayon,  who  had  run  away  from  the  same  enemy  before  I came.  I 
had  started  my  packs  with  the  pack-men,  but  not  my  soldiers,  and 
had  sent  out  a small  picket-guard  in  the  direction  of  the  enemy. 
They  returned,  and  reported  that  they  would  be  there  that  evening. 

I sent  back  to  Teotla  and  got  forty  men  to  reinforce  my  two 
hundred.  I had  with  me  Captain  Simon  Mendez,  in  whom  I placed 
great  confidence.  I thought  I would  see  what  force  the  enemy 
had : and  if  I could  give  him  battle,  I would  do  so ; if  not,  I would 


446 


APPENDIX. 


retreat.  It  liad  been  reported  that  they  were  a thousand  strong. 
My  mules  were  gone,  and  I had  no  artillery,  except  a small  howit- 
zer. The  town  was  on  a beautiful  rise,  so  that  I could  see  them 
when  they  approached  within  half  a mile.  When  they  came  in 
sight,  I saw  they  had  about  three  hundred  cavalry,  two  hundred 
infantry,  and  one  piece  of  artillery. 

I marched  to  the  outside  of  the  town,  to  a small  creek  with  high 
banks.  There  I stationed  fifty  men  behind  a rise,  which  concealed 
them  from  the  enemy.  As  soon  as  their  cavalry  saw  my  advance, 
they  charged.  They  were  some  time  in  the  creek,  so  that  I got 
two  fires  on  them.  My  advance  then  fell  back  to  my  main  line,  on 
top  of  the  hill.  There  we  gave  the  enemy’s  cavalry  such  a beat- 
ing, that  they  retreated,  and  reported  to  their  infantry  (who  never 
reached  the  battle-ground)  that  my  force  was  two  thousand  men ! 
The  whole  body  then  fell  back,  and  that  night  retreated  to  Cosco- 
clan,  leaving  me  quietly  at  Tentaclan. 

General  Rayon,  hearing  of  my  success,  came  to  my  assistance 
when  I did  not  need  him.  I then  went  with  him  to  San  Pablo  Cos- 
coclan.  He  then  wanted  me  to  come  under  his  command.  This  was 
the  first  time  I had  ever  seen  him.  I stated  his  wishes  to  my  men  ; 
and  they  said  I might  do  as  I thought  proper,  but  they  would  not 
follow  me  if  I did.  I did  not  like  myself  to  go  with  him,  for  I knew 
I would  always  be  left  to  fight  if  any  danger  offered.  So  I told 
him  I would  meet  him  at  the  Lanas  de  Apan  in  six  or  seven  days. 
So  he  left  me,  and  marched  for  that  place.  But  it  was  not  my  in- 
tention to  meet  him  there. 

The  second  day  after  his  departure,  I received  a letter  from 
General  Morelos,  relating  all  his  misfortunes,  and  requesting  me,  if 
I could  pass  to  the  United  States,  to  do  so  as  soon  as  possible ; and 
see  if  I could  make  any  arrangements  to  bring  on  a campaign 
against  the  province  of  Texas,  and,  if  I could,  to  make  some  pro- 
vision for  a supply  of  arms. 

My  situation  was  then  desperate.  When  I left  Huahaca,  I had 
two  thousand  dollars.  I had  spent  all  this,  in  furnishing  my  men, 
excepting  five  hundred  dollars.  Knowing  that,  with  money,  in  the 
United  States,  I could  do  much,  and,  without  it,  nothing,  I was 
troubled. 

There  were  some  rich  patriots  in  Teliuacan ; so,  having  left  my 
men  under  command  of  Captain  Simon  Mendez,  I went  to  see  them, 
and  stated  my  situation.  As  I was  known  there,  and  General  Mo- 


MEMOIR  OP  ELLIS  P.  BEAN. 


447 


relos  was  much  esteemed,  I found  that  the  people  would  raise  me 
all  the  money  they  could  in  a few  days ; and  so  my  mind  was  re- 
lieved. In  about  ten  days  I received  news  that  the  citizens  had 
made  up  ten  thousand  dollars  for  me  to  take  with  me. 

As  soon  as  I could,  I went  to  Huatusco,  where  there  were  sta- 
tioned fifty  patriots.  Thence  I continued  my  journey  to  the  king’s 
biidge,  or  Puente  del  Rey,  where  I found  General  Victoria  and  a 
man  by  the  name  of  Ansures.  I stayed  with  them  one  night,  and 
proceeded  to  the  town  of  Nautla,  on  the  coast.  This  place  was,  at 
that  time,  commanded  by  a negro,  named  Philipia.  I found  here  a 
large  open  boat,  and,  thought,  by  putting  a deck  on  it,  I could  pass 
the  gulf.  After  working  at  it  five  days,  there  came  in  sight  a fine 
schooner,  belonging  to  a company  of  privateers  commanded  by  La- 
fitte,  and  well  known  by  the  citizens  of  the  United  States.  They 
lived  on  an  island  called  Barrataria,  below  New  Orleans.  This 
schooner,  called  “ The  Tiger,”  was  commanded  by  Captain  Domi- 
nic, a Frenchman.  I had  under  me  in  that  place  about  seventy- 
five  men.  We  made  every  signal,  but  could  not  get  them  to  send 
their  boat,  although  they  lay  to,  and  showed  their  colors.  At  that 
time  they  had  Carthagenian  colors,  with  which  I was  not  acquaint- 
ed. Toward  evening  they  sailed  southwest,  toward  Vera  Cruz. 

The  second  day  after,  we  saw  two  sails  coming  up  the  coast,  very 
close  to  the  shore.  With  a good  glass,  I quickly  found  that  the 
foremost  vessel  was  the  one  that  had  left  two  days  before.  When 
she  came  opposite  to  us,  she  let  fly  the  same  colors  as  before.  I 
had  no  other  craft  than  large  piraguas,  and  could  not  think  of  ven- 
turing out,  not  knowing  but  she  was  a royalist. 

In  this  time  the  other  vessel,  which  I found  to  be  a large  brig, 
came  close  alongside  the  schooner,  and,  hoisting  English  colors,  the 
fight  began  between  them.  The  schooner  spread  her  sails,  and 
played  around  the  brig,  until  she  had  shot  away  her  mainmast.  The 
brig  was  then  ungovernable.  The  schooner  made  off  out  of  gun- 
shot, and  then  lay  to  again.  The  brig  sent  out  two  large  boats  to 
board  the  schooner.  As  they  came  near,  she  sunk  one  of  them,  and 
the  other  was  badly  shattered.  The  brig  having  picked  up  her 
men  from  the  wreck,  the  schooner  made  off  toward  New  Orleans, 
and  the  brig  returned  a southwest  course. 

The  next  morning,  the  guard  on  shore  reported  that  there  was  a 
small  schooner  at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  a half-mile  from  the  town. 
Filling  the  three  piraguas  with  men,  I went  down  to  the  schooner. 


448 


APPENDIX. 


and  found  lier  drifting  toward  the  shore,  hut,  as  there  was  a calm, 
making  no  headway.  I went  out  with  two  of  my  boats,  and  hoarded 
and  brought  her  in.  This  is  the  first  vessel  the  Mexican  nation  ever 
owned.  She  had  on  board  some  flour  and  dried  beef,  which  was  of 
great  service  to  us.  I had  a thought  of  fitting  up  this  vessel  for  my 
voyage,  but  I found  she  was  only  a coaster,  and  had  no  compass  or 
quadrant ; and  if  she  had,  they  would  have  been  of  no  service  to 
me,  for  I knew  nothing  of  navigation,  and  had  never  been  twenty 
miles  from  shore  in  my  life. 

The  next  morning,  a woman  came  down  the  coast  to  sell  us  some 
fowls  and  eggs,  and  informed  me  that,  six  miles  up,  there  was  a 
schooner  run  close  to  shore ; that  her  deck  was  covered  with  men, 
and  she  had  no  masts.  Supposing  it  might  be  the  enemy  who  had 
come  out  from  Tampico,  and  was  aiming  to  land  and  give  me  battle, 
I then  set  out  with  my  small  force  to  stop  them  from  landing — 
knowing  that  on  that  open  coast  they  would  land  with  difficulty. 
When  I approached  near  them,  I concealed  my  men  behind 
the  sandbanks,  and  sent  five  men  unarmed  to  the  shore,  that 
they  might  not  be  alarmed.  The  five  men  hailed  them,  and  they 
sent  out  tlieir  boat  for  them.  I then  learned  that  this  was  “ The 
Tiger that  she  had  been  so  fortunate  as  to  cripple  the  English 
brig,  and  get  away  from  her ; that  afterward  the  crew  of  the  schooner 
had  got  to  drinking,  and  ran  her  on  the  shoal  which  extends  out  a 
great  distance  from  shore.  I learned  that  the  Spaniards  at  Vera 
Cruz  had  promised  the  English  captain  two  thousand  dollars  if  he 
would  capture  the  schooner ; but  he  got  well  shattered,  and  did  not 
take  her  as  he  expected.  I was  happy  to  find  some  of  my  country- 
men on  board,  and  learned  from  them,  for  the  first  time,  that  the 
United  States  and  England  were  at  war. 

I then  sent  for  my  small  schooner  I had  found  at  the  mouth  of 
the  river,  and  transported  the  crew  of  the  Tiger  and  all  on  board 
of  her  to  Nautla.  We  then  prepared  my  little  schooner,  and  took 
on  .as  many  of  the  crew  of  the  Tiger  as  we  could  carry,  and  in  ten 
days  set  sail  for  New  Orleans.  In  thirteen  days  more  I landed 
safely  on  Barrataria  island.  I left  my  small  schooner  in  care  of 
Lafitte,  and  got  an  old  Frenchman  to  pilot  me  through  some  lakes, 
and  land  me  on  the  Mississippi,  about  nine  miles  above  New  Orleans. 

I got  a skiff  from  a gentleman  by  the  name  of  Hearn,  and  a negro 
to  row  me  down  to  the  city.  This  was  in  1814. 

I found  my  old  acquaintance,  William  C.  C.  Claiborne,  of  Ten- 


MEMOIR  OF  ELLIS  P.  BEAN. 


449 


nessoc,  was  governor  of  Orleans.  But  I did  not  remain  long  there. 

I went  to  Natchez,  and  thence  to  Natchitoches,  to  see  what  chance 
there  was  to  renew  the  expedition  of  Bernardo  Gutierres  and  Tole- 
do. At  Natchitoches  I found  a large  number  of  poor  fugitive  Mexi- 
cans ; but  they  had  become  dispirited,  and  had  no  desire  to  make  a 
second  attempt.  I had  not  mone}  enough  to  cany  on  an  expedi- 
tion, so  I returned  back  to  New  Orleans. 

The  day  after  my  arrival,  the  American  gunboats  had  been  taken 
by  an  English  squadron  off  Mobile ; and,  shortly  after,  great  prepa- 
rations were  being  made  by  General  Andrew  Jackson  to  defend 
New  Orleans.  I had  known  Jackson  from  my  earliest  recollection. 
I thought,  although  I had  not  been  in  the  United  States  for  fifteen 
years,  that  I would  volunteer  my  services.  I joined  the  company 
of  Captain  Maunsell  White,  of  New  Orleans,  and  was  stationed  at 
Bayou  St.  Johns. 

News  arrived  that  the  British  had  landed  below  New  Orleans. 
At  three  o’clock  in  the  afternoon  our  company  struck  up  the  march, 
and  overtook  the  rest  of  the  army  before  they  reached  the  battle- 
ground. (I  shall  not  say  much  of  this  battle,  as  it  is  well  known.) 
Next  day,  General  Jackson  asked  me  if  I understood  artillery*  I 
told  him  I did.  He  then  stationed  me  at  a twenty -four  pounder,  a 
short  distance  from  the  levee,  where  I stood  till  the  British  retreated, 
except  two  days,  in  which  I was  showing  Mr.  William  Brant,  a 
brick-mason  of  New  Orleans,  how  to  erect  a couple  of  air-furnaces 
for  heating  shot. 

After  the  British  had  been  defeated,  and  made  their  retreat,  I 
asked  leave  of  General  Jackson  to  return  to  Mexico,  which  was 
granted.  I obtained  a small  schooner  in  New  Orleans,  bought  aims 
and  ammunition  as  far  as  my  means  would  allow,  and  started  down 
the  river.  I could  not  go  out  at  the  Balize,  because  of  some  Eng- 
lish vessels  stationed  there,  b'if  went  out  at  what  is  called  the  South- 
west pass.  I again  made  my  way  to  Nautla,  taking,  on  the  voyage, 
a small  Spanish  schooner,  loaded  with  com  and  flour,  and  bound 
from  Tampico  to  Vera  Cruz. 

I carried  her  safely  in.  I then  armed  all  the  men  I could,  placed 
Villapinta  in  command  of  the  const,  and  set  out  on  a journey  of  six 
hundred  miles  through  the  enemy's  country  to  Purucan,  where  Gen- 
eral Morelos  was  stationed.  At  this  place,  about  three  months  pre- 

* General  Jackson  knew  the  Beans  well.  The  scene  between  him  and  Jessa 
Bean,  an  uncle  of  Ellis  F.,  forms  part  of  our  early  history. —Ed. 

Vol.  I, — 29 


450 


APPENDIX. 


vious  to  my  arrival,  General  Matamoras  had  been  taken  and  shot 
by  the  royalists.  I performed  this  long  journey  (without  any  acci- 
dent) with  only  six  men.  When  I arrived,  Morelos  said  I was 
right — he  ought  not  to  have  come  on  this  expedition.  He  asked 
me  what  good  news  I brought  from  the  United  States.  I related 
to  him  how  I got  there,  and  what  I had  done.  I told  him  the  Uni- 
ted States  were  our  friends  and  well-wishers ; hut  they  were  then 
at  war  with  Great  Britain,  which  might  he  a reason  why  they  could 
not  do  so  much  for  us. 

It  was  then  concluded  to  send  an  embassador  to  the  United  States, 
and  that  I should  return  there  with  him.  Twenty-five  thousand 
dollars  was  all  the  money  that  could  he  raised  for  the  purpose. 
General  Morelos  wished  to  come  with  us  as  far  as  the  coast ; but  fie 
had  been  appointed  president  of  our  small  republic,  yet  in  its  strug- 
gle for  freedom,  and  could  not  leave.  Don  Manuel  de  Herrera  was 
appointed  embassador.  Morelos  sent  with  us  his  son  Almonte,  as 
far  as  New  Orleans*  When  we  reached  the  last-named  place,  we 
found  that  the  United  States  would  not  acknowledge  our  indepen- 
dence. As  we  were  not  yet  free  from  the  Spanish  yoke,  this  was 
right. 

I left  Herrera  and  Almonte,  and  returned  to  Mexico ; hut,  before 
I reached  there,  Morelos  had  been  taken  by  the  royalists  and  shot. 
I found  the  country  was  in  a desperate  situation ; that  a great  num- 
ber of  the  former  patriots  had  gone  over  to  the  royalists,  and  obtained 
pardons.  I went  to  Tehuacan,  where  General  Teran  was  stationed. 
There  I learned  that  Colonel  Muscos  was  taken  at  Palo  Blanco, 
near  Huatusco.  I returned  to  the  latter  place,  where  I had  about 
fourteen  hundred  dollars  in  money.  I packed  it  up,  and  started  to 
meet  General  Victoria,  who  had  gone  down  to  the  coast,  a small 
distance  from  Vera  Cruz. 

* Almont6  (present  Mexican  minister  to  the  United  States)  was  an  illegitimate 
son  of  Morelos,  and  was  sent  in  care  of  Colonel  Bean  to  the  United  States,  to  be 
educated.  He  was  placed  at  school,  and  for  some  time  remained  there  ; but  his 
father  being  killed,  and  his  means  failing,  he  became  a clerk  in  the  store  of 
Puech  and  Bein,  hardward-merchants  in  New  Orleans.  He  then  left  their  em- 
ployment, and  joined  Bernardo  Gutierres  at  Compte,  on  Red  river.  On  receipt 
of  the  news  of  the  treaty  of  Cordova,  made  in  1821  by  Iturbide  and  ODonoju, 
he  returned  with  Gutierres  to  Mexico  by  way  of  Matamoras.  At  the  latter 
place  Gutierres  remained,  being  appointed  first  governor  of  Tamaulipas  under 
the  republic.  Almonte  made  his  way  to  the  capital,  to  push  his  fortune ; and, 
with  the  exception  of  his  renowned  master  Santa  Anna,  no  Mexican  has  met 
with  a greater  Variety  of  adventures. — Ed. 


MEMOIR  OP  ELLIS  P.  BEAN. 


451 


I took  with  me  a young  lady  of  fine  family,  who  had  lost  all  they 
had  in  the  revolution*  I married  her  at  a small  town  on  my  way, 
intending  to  ship  her  with  me  to  the  United  States.  My  mules 
being  fatigued,  I stopped  at  a hacienda.  The  next  day  General 
Victoria  came  on,  having  with  him  but  four  men.  He  had  been 
beaten  by  the  royalists,  and  was  then  on  his  retreat.  He  was  en- 
tirely destitute  of  funds,  not  having  a single  dollar.  I told  him 
what  I had,  and  proposed  that  we  should  unite  and  make  a new 
effort.  He  said  it  was  not  worth  while ; that  the  people  had  got 
out  of  heart,  and  it  would  be  better  to  go  to  some  secret  place  and 
there  wait  till  there  was  a change.  He  wanted  me  to  join  him ; 
but  I could  not  think  of  hiding  myself : besides,  the  very  men  who 
would  bring  me  provisions  would  betray  me  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy.  I told  him  I would  send  my  wife  to  her  uncle  at  Jalapa, 
and  make  my  way  to  the  United  States  by  land,  if  it  took  me  two 
years;  that  I could  do  it  by  keeping  in  the  mountains  along  the 
coast.  All  this  must  be  done  on  foot,  relying  upon  the  chase  for 
support.  General  Victoria  said  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  do  it. 
The  next  morning  he  left  me,  and  went  into  the  mountains,  not  far 
from  Cordova,  where  he  remained,  living  the  life  of  a hermit. 

I remained  at  the  hacienda,  recruiting  my  mules.  Some  patriot 
friends  gave  notice  to  some  of  the  king’s  troops,  stationed  not  far 
distant,  where  I was,  and  that  I could  be  taken.  Immediately 
there  were  a hundred  men  sent  to  apprehend  me.  They  aimed  to 
come  upon  me  in  the  night,  but  the  rocky  cliffs  they  had  to  cross 
prevented  them  from  reaching  me  that  night.  Next  morning,  I was 
walking  in  the  yard,  when  I saw  them  coming.  The  four  men  I 
had  with  me  were  hunting  my  mules,  so  I was  by  myself.  I told 
my  wife  to  sit  down  and  make  herself  easy,  as  they  would  not  kill 
her,  and  that  I should  make  my  escape.  I caught  up  my  gun  and 
sword,  and  started  off,  in  my  shirt-sleeves,  and  went  along  the  side 
of  the  mountain,  covered  with  brush  and  vines,  with  occasional 
rocky  cliffs.  I ascended  one  of  them,  and  saw  the  king’s  troops 
catch  my  mules  and  horses,  and  take  my  beef,  which  I was  drying 
on  ropes.  They  got  all  my  property  and  money,  except  two  hun- 
dred doubloons,  which  my  wife  saved  by  going  for  water,  and,  bury- 
ing it  in  the  sand. 

Finding  myself  thus  alone,  with  only  my  arms,  and  in  my  shirt 

* Senorita  Anna  Gorthas.  She  resided  at  her  hacienda,  at  Branderrillas,  and 
was  related  to  General  Morelos. — Ed. 


452 


APPENDIX. 


and  pantaloons,  I started  for  help.  I went  to  a place  four  miles 
distant,  where  there  had  been  somO  men  engaged  in  making  liquor 
from  the  wild-cabbage,  which  grows  there  in  abundance ; but  they 
were  ail  gone,  except  an  old  man,  who  told  me  they  had  heard  I 
was  killed,  and  all  my  people  taken.  He  then  went  with  me  to 
where  they  were  hid  down  the  creek.  I found  here  twenty  men. 
I then  went  on  to  a small  patriot  garrison  twenty-five  miles  distant, 
and  raised  by  night,  in  all,  two  hundred  men.  At  daylight  next 
day  I marched  for  my  old  camp  at  the  hacienda,  hoping  to  defeat 
the  royalists  that  had  plundered  me.  But  they  had  all  left.  I 
gave  them  chase,  and  only  got  sight  of  them  as  they  were  rising 
the  hill  to  enter  their  fort.  So  they  got  in  safe,  and  my  hopes  and 
chance  were  lost. 

Note. — The  lady  to  whom  Colonel  Bean  was  married,  as  stated  on  the  previ- 
ous page,  was  a most  tender  and  devoted  wife.  She  had  by  him  no  children. 
By  the  turn  of  affairs  she  became  wealthy,  and  owned  a fine  hacienda  three 
miles  from  Jalapa,  where  Colonel  Bean  died,  on  the  3d  of  October,  1846. — Ed. 


END  OF  THE  MEMOIR. 


APPENDIX  NO.  III. 


REGISTER  OF  THE  PROCEEDINGS  AT  GALVESTON, 

APRIL  15,  1817. 

The  undersigned  persons  having  appeared  for  the  purpose  of  ta- 
king the  necessary  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  Mexican  republic,  now  in 
the  possession  of  those  who  represent  that  nation  in  this  quarter — 
which  act  was  executed  with  all  due  solemnity — 

1.  Appeared  Louis  Derieux  commandant,  who  took  said  oath  in 
the  presence  of  the  citizen  Louis  Itourribarria ; after  which  — 

2.  The  other  authorities  were  severally  sworn  before  the  said 
commandant  in  regular  form. 

And,  to  establish  its  authenticity,  it  has  been  signed  by  all  those 
who  were  present.  And  the  said  document  shall  be  kept  in  the  office 
of  said  port  or  place,  with  the  signatures,  as  well  as  that  of  the  rep- 
resentative, so  that  its  validity  may,  at  all  times,  be  established. 

And  not  being  able,  from  existing  circumstances,  to  obtain  a seal 
of  state,  its  place  will  be  supplied  by  a common  one  until  an  official 
seal  can  be  procured. 

Louis  Itourribarria,  Rousselin, 

Louis  Derieux,  R.  Espagnol, 

A.  Pironneau,  jr.,  J.  Ducoing. 

Lafou,  Sec’y  ad  interim. 

Bat  of  Galveston,  April  20,  1817. 

The  commanders  of  the  independent  Mexican  vessels-of-war,  as- 
sembled on  board  the  schooner  “Jupiter,”  for  the  purpose  of  nom- 
inating, with  the  requisite  formalities  required  by  the  authority, 
which,  in  the  name  of  the  Mexican  government,  supports  this  nation, 
particularly  in  the  existing  war  carrying  on  against  the  royalists  of 
Spain;  in  consequence  of  which  they  have  proceeded  to  pronounce 
an  opinion  in  the  following  articles  : — 


454 


APPENDIX. 


The  undersigned  captains  and  owners  of  vessels,  now  in  this  port, 
having  met  according  to  public  notice,  have  taken  into  consideration 
the  proeeedings  of  the  17th  of  this  month,  under  which  they  named 
the  citizen  Colonel  Louis  Derieux  military  commandant,  the  citizen 
J.  Ducoing  as  judge  of  the  admiralty,  the  citizen  Rousselin  as  ad- 
ministrator of  the  revenue,  and  the  citizen  It.  Espagnol  as  secretary 
of  the  public  treasury,  all  of  whom  have  been  recognised  by  the 
provisional  assembly  ; and  at  the  same  time  the  citizen  Jean  Jannet 
was  appointed  marine  commandant  of  the  place,  with  all  the  neces- 
sary powers. 

And,  after  due  deliberation,  all  the  members  of  this  assembly 
unanimously  resolved  that  the  duties  which  shall  accrue  from  the 
prizes  already  arrived  or  may  hereafter  arrive  at  the  port  of  Gal- 
veston, after  condemnation  being  pronounced,  shall  be  disposed  of 
as  follows : — 

1.  The  treasurer  shall  pay  on  demand,  upon  the  order  of  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  place,  every  expense  which  may  be  necessary  for 
the  port  or  harbor  of  Galveston,  for  the  support  of  the  officers  em- 
ployed, and  for  munitions  of  war  and  other  expenses,  fixed  accord- 
ing to  the  claims  and  obligations  of  the  several  officers. 

2.  That  when  the  expenses  of  one  month  are  ascertained,  those 
of  the  month  following  may  be  anticipated  out  of  the  funds  in  hand. 

3.  That  the  surplus  will  be  applied  toward  the  payment  of  the 
debts  of  the  government  contracted  prior  to  the  15th  of  April,  1817  ; 
upon  the  express  conditions,  however,  that  no  one  who  is  not  actu- 
ally employed  at  said  port  shall  enjoy  the  advantage  of  that  arrange- 
ment, and  that  the  old  debts  tvill  be  paid  only  to  those  who  are 
actually  employed  at  the  port  of  Galveston. 

4.  That  the  salaries  of  the  officers  and  others  employed  will  be 
regulated  by  a special  council,  and  that  the  whole  will  be  entered 
on  the  register  of  deliberations. 

The  whole  has  been  signed  in  the  presence  of  the  secretary  pro 
tempore,  Lafou. 


L.  Derieux, 

A.  PlRONNEAU,  JR., 

John  Ducoing, 
Rousselin, 

Jean  Jannet, 
Richard  Espagnol, 


Parisi, 

John  Quere, 
Dutrieu, 

Denis  Thomas, 
Faiquere, 
Joseph  Place. 


Renaud, 

B.  La var d, 
Savary, 
Marcelin, 
Gilop. 


REGISTER  OP  PROCEEDINGS  AT  GALVESTON. 


455 


Testimony  taken  in  sundry  causes  depending  in  the  United 
States  District  Court  for  the  Louisiana  District , on  behalf 
of  the  United  States,  against  sundry  vessels  and  cargoes 
from  Galveston . 

John  Ducoing,  being  duly  sworn,  tlie  deponent  further  says  that 
the  establishment  at  Galveston  was  composed,  as  before  stated,  by 
persons  of  various  nations,  and  that  the  sole  view  and  object  of  the 
persons  comprising  the  said  establishment  was  to  capture  Spanish 
vessels  and  property,  without  any  idea  of  aiding  the  revolution  in 
Mexico,  or  that  of  any  other  of  the  Spanish  revolted  colonies,  as  far 
as  this  deponent  knows  and  believes.  And  the  deponent  says  that, 
during  the  time  he  exercised  the  functions  of  judge  at  Galveston,  he 
had  no  knowledge  or  belief  in  the  existence  of  a Mexican  republic 
or  other  government  independent  of  the  Spanish  government.  The 
deponent  further  says  that  the  government  established  on  the  15th 
day  of  April  had  no  connection  whatever  with  any  other  govern- 
ment, state,  or  people.  That  Galveston  stands  on  a small  island, 
or,  rather,  a small  sandbar,  a few  miles  long  and  broad,  and  was  a 
desert  when  taken  possession  of  by  Aury,  known  by  the  name  of 
Snake  island,  without  a port  or  harbor,  and  no  buildings  except  a 
few  huts  or  cabins,  prob.ably  three  or  four,  made  of  boards  and  sails 
of  vessels.  And  further  this  deponent  saith  not. 

John  Djjcoing. 

Sworn  and  subscribed  before  me,  this  7th  of  October,  1817. 

R.  Claiborne,  Clerk 

Mr.  Richard  Espagnol,  being  duly  sworn,  says  that,  on  the  16tli 
day  of  March  last,  this  deponent  went  from  this  place  to  Galveston, 
in  the  province  of  Texas,  in  the  brig  “ Devorador,”  for  the  purpose 
of  disposing  of  merchandise.  Aury  was  acting  as  governor.  This 
deponent  accepted  of  no  office  or  employment  from  Aury,  nor  had 
he  any  acquaintance  with  him ; never  took  any  oath  of  allegiance 
to  Aury ; that,  on  the  5th  of  April  last,  Aury  and  General  Mina 
abandoned  Galveston,  burned  the  huts  and  cabins  there  standing, 
and  left  no  person  authorized  by  them,  or  otherwise,  to  form  a gov- 
ernment. After  their  departure,  to  wit,  on  the  15th  of  April,  1817, 
the  persons  then  at  Galveston  consisted  of  about  thirty  or  forty  in 
number,  including  sailors,  &c.,  six  of  whom  assembled  on  board  the 
schooner  “ Carmelita”  (belonging  to  Bartholomew  Lafou,  late  of  New 


456 


APPENDIX. 


Orleans,  and  engineer  in  tlie  service  of  the  United  States),  to  wit, 
Derieux,  John  Ducoing,  Pironneau,  said  B.  Lafou,  Rousselin,  and 
this  deponent,  who  formed  the  new  government.  The  proceedings 
were  drawn  up  and  signed  by  those  present,  by  which  certain  per- 
sons aforesaid  took  upon  themselves  offices,  to  wit : Derieux,  gov- 
ernor ; John  Ducoing,  judge  of  admiralty ; this  deponent,  notary 
public  and  secretary ; Pironneau,  major  du  place ; Rousselin,  col- 
lector. 

At  the  meeting  on  the  15th  of  April,  there  was  no  paper  or  docu- 
ment produced  authorizing  the  same,  or  giving  them  power  to  form 
a government 

[The  balance  of  the  deposition  is  the  same  as  that  of  Ducoing.] 

Richard  Espagnol. 

Sworn  and  subscribed  before  me,  this  7th  day  of  October,  1817 

R.  Claiborne,  Clerk. 


APPENDIX  NO.  IV. 


NOTES  ON  THE  ALAMO. 

HISTORICAL  NOTES  COLLECTED  FROM  THE  REGISTERS  OF  THE  OLD 
MISSION  OF  SAN  ANTONIO  \aLERO,  NOW  CALLED  “ THE  ALAMO.” 
BY  F.  GIRAUD,  ESQ.,  OF  SAN  ANTONIO. 

From  the  heading  of  the  register  of  baptisms,  delivered  over  by 
Fra.  Jose  Francisco  Lopez  (the  last  of  the  Franciscans  remaining 
at  the  Alamo,  and  entitled  parroco , or  parish-priest,  of  the  pueblo , or 
village  de  San  Antonio  de  Valero)  to  Gavino  Valdez,  curate  of  the 
Villa  de  San  Fernando  y presidio  de  San  Antonio  de  Bexar — which 
delivery  was  made  by  an  order  of  the  bishop  of  Monterey,  dated 
January  2,  1793 — we  learn  that  the  mission  (located  finally  where 
the  Alamo  now  stands)  was  several  times  removed  before  it  was 
settled  on  the  San  Antonio  river. 

The  following  is  the  translation  of  the  heading  referred  to  : “ Book 
in  which  are  set  down  the  Baptisms  of  the  Indians  of  this  Mission 
of  San  Antonio  de  Valero,  situated  on  the  bank  of  the  river  of  San 
Antonio,  in  the  Government  of  this  Province  of  Texas  and  New 
Philippines,  belonging  to  the  Apostolic  College  of  Propaganda  Fide , 
of  the  most  Holy  Cross  of  the  City  of  Santiago  de  Queretaro.” 

The  translation  of  the  next  extract  is  as  follows : “ Baptisms  of 
the  Mission  of  San  Antonio  de  Valero,  from  its  foundation. 

“Note.  — This  mission  was  founded  in  the  year  1703,  in  the 
Cienega  of  the  Bio  Grande,  inder  the  invocation  of  San  Francisco 
Solano.  From  this  place  it  was  removed  to  the  neighborhood  called 
San  Ildephonso,  having  that  invocation.  Thence  it  was  moved 


458 


APPENDIX. 


once  more  to  the  Rio  Grande,  where  it  had  the  name  of  San  Jose 
Finally,  it  was  transplanted  to  the  river  San  Antonio,  where  it  now 
is,  under  the  name  of  San  Antonio  de  Valero 

The  mission  seems  to  have  remained  at  the  Rio  Grande  up  to 
about  1708,  the  last  burial  performed  at  that  place  being  dated 
July  28,  1708.  It  can  not  have  remained  at  San  Ildephonso  more 
than  a year  or  so,  since  the  first  interment  made  at  the  mission  of 
San  Jose  is  dated  November  18,  1710,  signed  Fr.  Jose  de  Soto. 

In  e note  inserted  in  the  record  of  baptisms,  above  cited,  we  learn 
that  on  the  1st  of  May,  1718,  the  mission  was  moved  from  the  post 
of  San  Jose,  because  of  the  scarcity  of  water,  to  that,  of  San  Anto- 
nio de  Valero,  by  order  of  the  marquis  of  Valero,  viceroy  of  New 
Spain,  in  honor  of  whom,  it  seems,  the  mission  Avas  partly  named. 

The  first  stone  of  the  present  church  of  the  Alamo,  which  is  still 
unfinished,  was  laid  and  blessed  May  8,  1744. 

The  baptismal  records  continue  to  call  San  Antonio  de  Valero  a 
mission  until  the  year  1783. 

The  next  book  of  records  we  find  contains  the  baptisms  of  the 
children  of  the  soldiers  of  the  company  of  San  Carlos  de  Parras, 
which  at  first  had  been  stationed  outside  of  and  adjoining  the  Ala- 
mo. but  which,  being  much  troubled,  it  is  said,  by  the  Indians, 
erected  barracks  within  the  enclosure  of  the  mission,  on  its  south 
side.  The  first  record  of  baptisms  in  it  is  dated  March  30,  1785, 
and  signed  by  Christoval  Gabriel  Cortinas,  chaplain  of  the  com- 
pany. The  baptisms  and  other  rites  in  this  book  are  said  to  have 
been  performed  in  the  parish  of  the  pueblo  of  San  Jose  del  Alamo 
— a name  which,  I am  inclined  to  think,  was  never  generally  adopted 
by  the  people. 

The  chaplain  of  the  company  of  San  Carlos  de  Parras,  in  1788, 
was  named  Don  Manuel  Saenz  de  Juangorena ; and  his  office  was 
distinct  from  that  of  the  parish-priest,  who  at  that  time  attended  to 
the  citizens  and  the  descendants  of  the  Indians  living  in  the  pueblo, 
and  who  was  one  of  the  old  religious.  For,  on  the  last  page  of  the 
book  of  the  record  of  baptism  of  Indians  and  others,  extending  down 
to  1783,  we  find  the  following  notes  : — 

“ On  the  22d  day  of  August,  1793, 1 passed  this  hook  of  the  records 
of  the  pueblo  of  San  Antonio  de  Valero  to  the  archives  of  the  curacy 
of  the  town  of  San  Fernando,  and  presidio  of  San  Antonio  de  Bexar, 
by  order  of  the  most  illustrious  Senor  Dr  Don  Andres  de  Llanos  y 
Valdez,  most  worthy  bishop  of  this  diocese,  dated  January  2d  of  the 


NOTES  ON  THE  ALAMO. 


459 


same  year,  by  reason  of  said  pueblo  having  been  aggregated  to  tbo 
curacy  of  Bexar ; and,  that  it  may  be  known,  I sign  it. 

“Fr.  Jose  Francisco  Lopez,  Parroco” 

“San  Antonto  de  Bexar,  June  14,  1794. 

“ On  tbe  day  of  this  date  I received  from  the  Rev.  Father  J. 
Francisco  Lopez,  who  was  minister  of  the  mission  of  San  Antonio 
de  Valero  until  it  was  delivered  into  the  hands  of  the  ordinary , this 
book,  in  which  are  set  down  the  records  of  baptisms  pertaining  to 
said  mission,  made  up  to  the  year  ’83 — noting , that  from  the  year 
1788  onward,  those  which  are  sought  may  be  found  in  a new  book 
bound  in  parchment,  from  leaf  2 to  100,  in  which  are  those  that  fol- 
low that  year ; and  those  which  may  take  place  will  be  set  down. 
I make  this  note  that  it  may  serve  as  an  index,  and  I signed  it  with 
the  same  Revd.  Father — date  ut  supra. 

“Bachelor  Gavino  Valdez.” 

“ I delivered  this  book,  on  the  day  of  date,  to  the  curate  Don 
Gavino  Valdez ; and,  that  it  may  be  known,  I sign  it. 

“Fr.  Jose  Francisco  Lopez.” 

“San  Antonio  de  Bexar,  July  11,  1804. 

“ On  tliis  day  I received  from  the  Senor  Cura,  the  Bachelor  Don 
Gavino  Valdez,  my  predecessor,  this  book,  pertaining  to  the  new 
Pueblo  of  San  Antonio  de  Valero ; and,  in  testimony,  we  sign  it. 

“Jose  Clemente  Delgado, 
“Bachelor  Valdez.” 

It  would  seem  that,  by  reason  of  the  Indians  of  the  mission  of 
San  Antonio  de  Valero  gradually  becoming  extinct,  without  being  re- 
placed by  others  (the  captives  taken  during  the  military  expeditions 
of  the  Spaniards,  for  the  repression  of  hostilities,  being  placed  in  the 
missions  on  the  San  Antonio  river  below  the  town),  and  by  reason 
of  their  children  becoming  civilized  and  incorporated  with  the  rest 
of  the  population  in  habits  and  manners,  although  still  continuing  to 
inhabit  the  mission,  that  this  last  changed  its  character,  and  became 
an  ordinary  village,  in  or  about  1785. 

About  the  year  1790,  the  Presidio  de  los  Adaes,  in  Texas,  near 
the  boundary  of  Louisiana,  was  broken  up  and  abandoned,  and  the 
inhabitants  thereof  transferred  to  this  place.  The  number  of  chil- 
dren of  the  mission  [hijos  de  la  mision)  of  San  Antonio  de  Valero 


460 


APPENDIX. 


was  then  so  small,  that,  after  giving  them  a portion  of  the  mission- 
lands  in  fee  simple,  and  also  the  houses  they  had  occupied  around 
the  mission  (to  which  they  had  previously  received  no  title),  the 
balance  of  the  irrigable  lands  of  the  mission  were  distributed  among 
the  Adaesenos.  The  upper  labor  of  the  Alamo,  or  that  lying  to  the 
north  of  the  old  mission,  between  the  Alamo  ditch  on  the  east  side 
and  the  San  Antonio  river  on  the  west,  is  still  commonly  called  by 
the  old  inhabitants  the  labor  de  los  Adaesenos , from  this  circum- 
stance. 

On  the  10th  of  April,  1794,  Don  Pedro  de  Nava,  commandant- 
general  of  the  northeastern  internal  provinces,  of  which  Texas  was 
a part,  published  a decree  by  which  all  the  missions  within  his  juris- 
diction were  secularized — that  is,  the  government  of  the  temporali- 
ties of  the  mission  was  taken  from  the  hands  of  the  friars,  or  parish- 
priests,  of  those  missions,  in  whose  charge  they  had  previously  been, 
and  intrusted  to  civil  officers  of  Spain,  called  sub-delegados.  The 
inhabitants  of  the  missions  received,  according  to  that  decree,  each 
one  a certain  amount  of  land  in  fee  simple ; but,  to  guard  against 
want,  and  pay  the  necessary  expenses  of  the  community,  they  were 
still  obliged,  under  the  direction  of  the  sub-delegados , to  cultivate  a 
certain  amount  of  lands  in  common. 

The  spiritual  direction  or  government  of  the  people  was  taken 
from  the  friars,  as  a body  or  community,  and  put  under  the  care  or 
supervision  of  the  ordinary  chief  of  the  diocese  in  which  they  were 
situated,  that  is,  the  bishop  (technically  called  the  ordinary , because 
the  missionary  government  was  called  extra-ordinary , and  adopted 
only  for  the  time  the  Indians  were  being  reduced  to  a state  of  civili- 
zation). After  such  civilization,  they  came  under  the  spiritual  juris- 
diction of  the  ordinary  ecclesiastical  superior  of  all  other  catholics 
in  the  place. 

The  Franciscans,  in  many  instances — indeed,  in  most  of  them  — 
remained  as  pastors  of  their  old  flocks;  but  they  received  their 
jurisdictions  from  the  bishop,  as  all  other  parish-priests.  This  was 
the  case  with  Father  Lopez,  who,  as  may  be  seen  in  one  of  the  pre- 
vious extracts  from  the  books,  delivers  certain  registers  to  Don  Ga- 
vino  Valdez,  curate  of  San  Fernando  and  of  the  presidio  of  San 
Antonio  de  Bexar,  both  forming  our  present  San  Antonio,  by  reason 
of  the  pueblo  of  San  Antonio  de  Valero*  having  been  made  a de- 
pendency of  that  parish  on  the  14th  of  June,  1794. 

* Around  the  Alamo. 


NOTES  ON  THE  ALAMO. 


461 


The  company  of  San  Carlos  de  Parras  continued  to  occupy  houses 
around  the  plaza  of  the  mission  of  the  Alamo  (the  church  serving  as 
a parish)  until  1814.  On  the  2d  February  of  that  year,  baptism  is 
noted  as  being  administered  in  the  church  of  Bexar  by  the  chaplain 
of  the  company  ; but  it  does  not  appear  that  the  church  of  the  Ala- 
mo ceased  to  be  used  for  public  worship  until  about  the  22d  of  Au- 
gust, 1825,  when  the  curate  of  San  Antonio  received  the  records  of 
the  baptisms,  marriages,  &c.,  of  the  company  of  Parras  from  the 
hands  of  its  chaplain. 

The  pueblo  of  San  Antonio  de  Valero  had  a separate  alcalde  up 
to  the  year  1809  at  least,  perhaps  later;  but,  under  Governor  Mar- 
tinez, in  1819,  it  was  under  the  same  rule  as  San  Antonio  de  Bexar, 
which  probably  took  that  name  about  the  time  of  the  first  Mexican 
insurrection. 

San  Antonio,  January  1,  1854. 


APPENDIX  NO.  Y. 


HAYDEN  EDWARDS’S  CONTRACT. 


(translation.) 


Conditions  with  which  the  project  of  Hayden  Edwards,  a 
Citizen  of  the  United  States  of  North  America , for  the 
Introduction  of  eight  hundred  Families  into  the  Department 
of  Texas,  is  admitted:  — 

1.  The  government  admits  the  project  which  the  petitioner  has 
presented  in  the  antecedent  memorial,  so  far  as  it  is  conformable  to 
the  law  of  colonization  of  this  state,  passed  on  the  24th  of  March 
last;  and  immediately  points  out  to  him,  in  compliance  with  the 
eighth  article,  and  according  to  his  petition,  the  land  asked  for,  with 
the  following  limits  : Beginning  at  the  angle  formed  by  a line  twenty 
leagues  from  the  Sabine  and  ten  leagues  from  the  coast  of  the  gulf 
of  Mexico ; thence  in  a northerly  direction,  passing  the  post  of  Na- 
cogdoches, and  in  the  same  direction  fifteen  leagues  above ; thence 
westwardly,  at  right  angles  with  the  first  line,  to  the  Navasoto 
creek,  thence  down  said  creek  till  it  strikes  the  upper  road  from 
Bexar  to  Nacogdoches ; thence  eastwardly  along  the  said  road  to 
the  San  Jacinto ; thence  down  said  river  to  within  ten  miles  of  the 
coast ; thence  eastwardly  along  a line  ten  miles  from  the  coast  to 
the  beginning. 

2.  All  those  possessions  which  are  found  in  Nacogdoches  and  its 
vicinity,  with  corresponding  titles,  shall  be  respected  by  the  colo- 
nists ; and  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  empresario,  should  any  of  the 
ancient  possessors  claim  the  preservation  of  their  rights,  to  comply 


HAYDEN  EDWARDS’S  CONTRACT. 


463 


with  this  condition.  The  same  condition  is  also  understood  as  far 
as  are  concerned  the  settlers  in  the  colony  of  Stephen  F.  Austin 
and  any  others  who  may  have  legal  titles  to  the  lands  on  which  they 
are  settled. 

3.  In  conformity  with  the  said  colonial  law  of  the  24th  of  March, 
the  empresario  Hayden  Edwards  is  obliged  to  introduce  the  eight 
hundred  families,  which  he  offers  to  introduce,  within  the  term  of 
six  years,  which  shall  be  counted  from  this  date,  under  the  penalty 
of  losing  the  rights  and  emoluments  conceded  to  him  by  the  said 
law,  conformably  to  article  eight. 

4.  The  families  which  must  compose  this  colony,  besides  being 
catholics,  as  he  offers  in  his  petition,  must  be  moral  and  of  good  re- 
port, which  they  must  prove  by  certificates  from  the  authorities  of 
the  place  whence  they  emigrated. 

5.  He  shall  oblige  himself  not  to  introduce,  or  permit  in  his  col- 
ony, criminals,  vagabonds,  or  men  of  bad  conduct.  He  shall  cause 
those  he  may  find  in  his  district  to  depart  from  the  territory  of  the 
republic.  Should  it  be  necessary,  he  will  drive  them  out  with  an 
armed  force. 

6.  To  this  end,  he  shall  raise  the  national  militia,  according  to 
law,  of  which  he  shall  be  chief  until  some  other  disposition  shall  be 
made. 

7.  When  he  shall  have  introduced  at  least  one  hundred  families, 
he  shall  so  advise  the  government,  that  they  may  send  a commis- 
sioner to  put  the  colonists  in  possession  of  their  lands  according  to 
law,  and  establish  towns  (j poblations ),  for  which  purpose  he  shall  be 
furnished  with  proper  instructions. 

8.  All  official  communications  with  the  government,  or  with  the 
authorities  of  the  state,  and  all  instruments  and  other  public  acts, 
shall  be  written  in  Spanish.  And,  when  the  settlements  ( pollutions ) 
have  been  established,  it  shall  likewise  be  the  duty  of  the  empresa- 
rio  to  establish  schools  for  the  Spanish  language. 

9.  He  shall  see  to  the  erection  of  temples  in  the  new  -poblations , 
and  see  that  they  be  provided  with  ornaments,  sacred  vases,  and 
other  decorations,  destined  for  Divine  service ; and  solicit,  at  the 
proper  time,  the  priest  necessary  for  its  administration. 

10.  As  to  all  other  things  not  expressed  in  these  conditions,  he 
shall  subject  himself  to  whatever  the  constitution  and  general  laws 
of  the  nation,  and  of  the  state,  which  he  adopts  for  his  country,  may 
provide. 


464 


APPENDIX. 


And  his  excellency  the  governor  and  the  empresario  having  agreed 
on  these  terms,  they  were  signed  by  both  parties  before  the  govern- 
ment secretary ; and  (the  original  remaining  in  the  archives)  an  au- 
thorized copy  was  ordered  to  be  given  to  the  empresario,  together 
with  his  petition,  in  order  that  it  may  serve  as  a guaranty. 

Rafael  Gonzales, 
Hayden  Edwards. 

Juan  Antonio  Padillo,  Secretary  pro  tem. 

Saltillo,  April  15,  1825. 


Eighth  Article  of  the  Colonization  Law  of  the  ‘LAth  of  March, 
1825,  above  referred  to. 

“ Projects  for  new  settlements,  wherein  one  or  more  persons 
shall  offer  to  bring,  at  their  own  expense,  one  hundred  families  or 
more,  shall  be  presented  to  the  executive ; who,  on  finding  them  in 
conformity  to  this  law,  shall  admit  the  same,  and  immediately  des- 
ignate to  the  contractors  the  land  whereon  they  shall  establish  them- 
selves, and  the  term  of  six  years,  within  which  they  shall  present 
the  number  of  families  for  which  they  contracted,  under  the  penalty 
of  losing  the  rights  and  privileges  offered  in  their  favor,  in  propor- 
tion to  the  number  of  families  they  shall  introduce,  and  of  the  con- 
tract becoming  absolutely  null,  should  they  not  present  one  hundred 
families  at  the  least.’ 


APPENDIX  NO.  VI. 


LETTERS  FROM  GENERAL  SAM  HOUSTON. 

To  President  Jackson. 

Natchitoches,  Louisiana,  February  13,  1833. 

Dear  Sir  : Having  been  as  far  as  Bexar,  in  the  province  of 
Texas,  where  I had  an  interview  with  the  Camanche  Indians,  I am 
in  possession  of  some  information  that  will  doubtless  be  interesting 
to  you,  and  may  be  calculated  to  forward  your- views,  if  you  should 
entertain  any,  touching  the  acquisition  of  Texas  by  the  United 
States.  That  such  a measure  is  desirable  by  nineteen  twentieths 
of  the  population  of  the  province,  I can  not  doubt.  They  are  now 
without  laws  to  govern  or  protect  them.  Mexico  is  involved  in  civil 
war.  The  federal  constitution  has  never  been  in  operation.  The 
government  is  essentially  despotic,  and  must  be  so  for  years  to 
come.  The  rulers  have  not  honestv.  and  the  people  have  not  intel- 
ligence. 

The  people  of  Texas  are  determined  to  form  a state  government, 
and  to  separate  from  Coahuila ; and,  unless  Mexico  is  soon  restored 
to  order,  and  the  constitution  revived  and  re-enacted,  the  province 
of  Texas  will  remain  separate  from  the  confederacy  of  Mexico. 
She  has  already  beaten  and  expelled  all  the  troops  of  Mexico  from 
her  soil,  nor  will  she  permit  them  to  return.  She  can  defend  her- 
self against  the  whole  power  of  Mexico  ; for  really  Mexico  is  power- 
less and  penniless  to  all  intents  and  purposes.  Her  want  of  money, 
taken  in  connection  with  the  course  which  Texas  must  and  will  adopt , 
will  render  a transfer  of  Texas  inevitable  to  some  power ; and  if  the 
Vol.  I.  — 30 


466 


APPENDIX. 


United  States  .does  not  press  for  it,  England  will  most  assuredly  ob- 
tain it  by  some  means.  Now  is  a very  important  crisis  for  Texas,  as 
relates  to  her  future  prosperity  and  safety,  as  well  as  the  relation  it 
is  to  bear  toward  the  United  States.  If  Texas  is  desirable  to  the 
United  States,  it  is  now  in  the  most  favorable  attitude,  perhaps,  that 
it  can  be,  to  obtain  it  on  fair  terms.  England  is  pressing  her  suit 
for  it,  but  its  citizens  will  resist  if  any  transfer  should  be  made  of 
them  to  any  other  power  but  the  United  States. 

I have  travelled  nearly  five  hundred  miles  across  Texas,  and  am 
now  enabled  to  judge  pretty  correctly  of  the  soil  and  the  resources 
of  the  country,  ind  I have  no  hesitation  in  pronouncing  it  the 
finest  country,  to  its  extent,  upon  the  globe ; for,  the  greater  por- 
tion of  it  is  richer  and  more  healthy,  in  my  opinion,  than  West  Ten- 
nessee. There  can  be  no  doubt  but  the  country  east  of  the  Rio 
Grande  would  sustain  a population  of  ten  millions  of  souls.  My 
opinion  is,  that  Texas  will,  by  her  members  in  convention  on  the 
first  of  April,  declare  all  that  country  as  Texas  proper,  and  form  a 
state  constitution.  I expect  to  be  present  at  tbe  convention,  and 
will  apprise  you  of  the  course  adopted  so  soon  as  its  members  have 
taken  a final  action.  It  is  probable  I may  make  Texas  my  abiding- 
place  : in  adopting  this  course,  I will  never  forget  the  country  of 
my  birth. 

From  this  point  I will  notify  the  commissioners  of  the  Indians,  at 
Fort  Gibson,  of  my  success,  which  will  reach  you  through  the  war 
department. 

I have  with  much  pride  and  inexpressible  satisfaction  seen  your 
messages  and  proclamation  touching  the  nullifiers  of  the  south 
and  their  “ peaceable  remedies.”  God  grant  that  you  may  save 
the  Union ! It  does  seem  to  me  that  it  is  reserved  for  you,  and 
you  alone,  to  render  millions  so  great  a blessing.  I hear  all  voices 
commend  your  course,  even  in  Texas  — where  is  felt  the  liveliest 
interest  for  the  preservation  of  the  republic. 

Permit  me  to  tender  you  my  sincere  felicitations,  and  most  ear- 
nest solicitude  for  your  health  and  happiness — and  your  future 
glory,  connected  with  the  prosperity  of  the  Union. 

Your  friend  and  obedient  servant, 

Sam  Houston. 


LETTERS  FROM  GENERAL  SAM  HOUSTON. 


46T 


To  Indian  Commissioners  at  Fort  Gibson. 

Natchitoches,  Louisiana,  February  13,  1833. 

Gentlemen  : It  was  my  intention  to  Lave  visited  Fort  Gibson, 
and  to  Lave  reported  to  you  my  success,  so  far  as  it  was  connected 
with  the  Camanche  Indians ; but  at  this  season,  as  I may  expect  a 
great  rise  in  the  waters,  and  the  range  for  horses  on  the  direct 
route  is  too  scarce  to  afford  subsistence,  I will  content  myself  with 
reporting  to  you  the  prospects,  as  they  are  presented  to  me,  of  a 
future  peace.  Since  my  report  from  Fort  Towson,  I proceeded 
through  Texas  as  far  as  Bexar,  where  I had  the  good  fortune  to 
meet  with  some  chiefs  of  that  nation,  who  promised  to  visit  the  com- 
missioners in  three  moons  from  that  time.  This  will  make  it  the 
month  of  April  before  they  will  he  enabled  to  set  out  for  Fort  Gib- 
son, and  perhaps  defer  their  arrival  at  that  point  until  the  month  of 
May  next. 

I found  them  well  disposed  to  make  a treaty  with  the  United 
States,  and,  I doubt  not,  to  regard  it  truly  and  preserve  it  faithfully 
if  made.  It  was  necessary  for  them  to  return  to  their  people,  and 
counsel  before  they  could  send  a delegation.  I requested  that  they 
should  endeavor  to  see  both  tribes  of  the  Camanches,  as  well  as  the 
Pawnees  and  their  bands,  that  when  a peace  is  made  it  may  be 
complete  and  lasting  between  all  the  tribes  that  meet  in  convention. 

I presented  a medal  of  General  Jackson,  to  be  conveyed  to  the 
principal  chief  (who  was  not  present),  with  the  proper  explanations. 
I do  not  doubt  but  it  will  have  an  excellent  effect  in  favor  of  the 
wishes  of  the  commissioners. 

At  this  season  it  would  be  impossible  for  the  Camanches  to  visit 
Fort  Gibson,  as  their  horses  are  unaccustomed  to  the  use  of  grain, 
and  the  range  is  destroyed  by  the  season  and  the  burning  of  the 
woods.  I think  it  may  be  fairly  calculated  that,  by  the  15th  or 
20th  of  May,  the  chiefs  will  reach  Fort  Gibson,  and  be  well  dis- 
posed to  make  a peace.  I found  them  entertaining  a high  regard 
for  the  Americans,  while  they  cherish  the  most  supreme  contempt 
for  the  Mexicans. 

One  fact,  of  which  I was  not  apprized  in  my  last  report,  is,  that 
intercourse  between  the  Northwest  Fur-Company  and  the  Pawnees 
is  much  more  direct  and  general  than  I supposed ; and,  no  doubt, 
o&rried  on  much  to  the  prejudice  of  the  Americans,  and  those  tribes 


468 


APPENDIX. 


of  Indians  friendly  to  them.  It  has  been  reported  to  me  that  the 
influence  and  intercourse  of  the  company  has  extended  as  far  as  the 
Brasos  and  Colorado,  in  Texas. 

You  may  rest  assured  that  all  the  information  in  my  power  shall 
he  collected  and  presented  in  such  character  as  will  be  most  useful 
to  your  commission.  I am  at  a loss  for  the  means  to  enable  the 
delegation  to  reach  Fort  Gibson ; but,  so  far  as  my  resources  will 
enable  me,  nothing  shall  be  wanting  on  my  part  to  realize  the 
Avishes  of  my  government,  and  bring  about  a general  peace.  If 
anything  can  defeat  the  present  expectations,  it  will  be  the  indirect 
influence  of  the  Spaniards,  who  are  jealous  of  everybody  and  every- 
thing ; but  even  this,  I trust,  will  not  prevail. 

I will  leave  here  shortly  for  the  interior,  where  I have  promised 
to  meet  the  Indians  preparatory  to  their  start  for  Fort  Gibson. 
They  are  a dilatory  people,  and  very  formal  in  all  matters  of  a na- 
tional character.  Should  anything  occur,  in  the  meantime,  contrary 
to  my  expectation’s,  I will  apprise  you  of  it  with  pleasure. 

You  will  be  so  kind  as  to  forward  a copy  of  this  communication 
to  the  secretary  of  war,  that  he  may  be  apprized  of  the  prospect  of 
peace  with  the  Indians  of  Texas. 

I have  the  honor  to  be  your  obedient  servant, 

Sam  Houston. 

To  Hon.  Mr.  Ellsworth  and  others,  Fort  Gibson. 


APPENDIX  NO.  VII. 


TEXAN  MEMORIAL. 

Memorial  of  the  Texan  Convention  of  April , 1833,  to  the  Gen- 
eral Congress  of  the  United  Mexican  States. 

The  inhabitants  of  Texas,  by  their  representatives  elect,  in  con- 
vention assembled,  would  respectfully  approach  the  national  Con- 
gress, and  present  this  their  memorial,  praying  that  the  union  which 
was  established  between  Coahuila  and  Texas,  whereby  the  two 
ancient  provinces  were  incorporated  into  one  free  and  independent 
state,  under  the  name  of  “ Coahuila  and  Texas,”  may  be  dis-‘ 
solved,  abrogated,  and  perpetually  cease ; and  that  the  inhabitants 
of  Texas  may  be  authorized  to  institute  and  establish  a separate 
state  government,  which  will  be  in  accordance  with  the  federal  con- 
stitution and  the  constitutive  act ; and  that  the  state  so  constituted 
shall  be  received  and  incorporated  into  the  great  confederation  of 
Mexico,  on  terms  of  equality  with  the  other  states  of  the  Union. 

To  explain  the  grounds  of  this  application,  your  memorialists 
would  respectfully  invite  the  attention  of  the  general  Congress  to 
the  following  considerations  : — 

The  consolidation  of  the  late  provinces  of  Coahuila  and  Texas 
was,  in  its  nature,  provisional,  and,  in  its  intention,  temporary.  The 
decree  of  the  sovereign  constituent  Congress,  bearing  date  the  7th 
of  May,  1824,  contemplates  a separation,  and  guaranties  to  Texas 
the  right  of  having  a state  government  whenever  she  may  be  in  a 
condition  to  ask  for  the  same.  That  decree  provides  that,  “ so  soon 
as  Texas  shall  be  in  a condition  to  figure  as  a state  of  itself,  it  shall 


4T0 


APPENDIX. 


inform  Congress  thereof,  for  its  resolution.”  The  implication  con* 
veyed  by  this  clause  is  plain  and  imperative ; and  vests  in  Texas 
as  perfect  aright  as  language  can  convey, unless  it  can  be  presumed 
that  the  sovereign  constituent  Congress,  composed  of  the  venerable 
fathers  of  the  republic,  designed  to  amuse  the  good  people  of  Texas 
by  an  illusory  and  disingenuous  promise,  clothed  in  all  the  solem- 
nity of  a legislative  enactment.  Your  memorialists  have  too  high  a 
veneration  for  the  memory  of  that  illustrious  body  to  entertain  any 
apprehensions  that  such  a construction  will  be  given  to  their  acts  by 
their  patriotic  successors,  the  present  Congress  of  Mexico.  The 
decree  is  dated  anterior  to  the  adoption  of  the  federal  constitution, 
and  therefore,  by  a clear  and  fundamental  principle  of  law  and  jus- 
tice, it  obviates  the  necessity  of  recurring  to  the  correspondent  pro- 
vision in  the  fiftieth  article  of  that  instrument,  which  requires  “ the 
ratification  of  three  fourths  of  the  other  states”  in  order  “ to  form  a 
new  state  out  of  the  limits  of  those  that  already  exist.”  And  it 
assures  to  Texas  — by  all  the  sanctity  of  a legislative  promise,  in 
which  the  good  faith  of  the  Mexican  nation  is  pledged  — an  exemp- 
tion from  the  delays  and  uncertainties  that  must  result  from  such 
multiplied  legislative  discussion  and  resolution.  To  give  to  the  fed- 
eral constitution,  which  is  the  paramount  law  of  the  land,  a retro- 
spective operation,  would  establish  a precedent  that  might  prove 
disastrous  to  the  whole  system  of  the  nation’s  jurisprudence,  and 
subversive  of  the  very  foundations  of  the  government. 

The  authority  of  precedents  is  decidedly  in  favor  of  the  position 
which  your  memorialists  would  respectfully  sustain  before  the  gen- 
eral Congress.  By  the  Constitutive  Act , adopted  on  the  31st  of 
January,  1824,  Coahuila,  New  Leon,  and  Texas,  were  joined  to- 
gether, and  denominated  “ the  internal  eastern  state.”  By  a law 
passed  by  the  constituent  Congress  on  the  7th  of  May,  1824,  that 
union  was  dissolved,  and  the  province  of  New  Leon  was  admitted 
into  the  confederacy  as  an  independent  state.  It  is  on  the  second 
article  of  this  law  that  the  people  of  Texas  now  predicate  their  right 
to  a similar  admission.  The  constitutive  act,  above  mentioned,  con- 
solidated the  late  provinces  of  Chihuahua,  Durango,  and  New  Mex- 
ico, under  the  style  of  “ the  internal  northern  state ;”  and  on  the 
22d  of  May,  1824,  a summary  law  decreed  that  “ Durango  should 
form  a state  of  the  Mexican  confederation,”  and  she  was  admitted 
accordingly.  The  same  privilege  was  extended  to  Chihuahua  by  a 
decree  of  the  Gth  of  July  of  the  same  year.  These  conjunct  prov- 


TEXAN  MEMORIAL  TO  THE  MEXICAN  CONGRESS.  471 


inces  stood,  at  the  period  of  their  separation,  in  precisely  the  same 
relation  to  the  federal  government  that  Texas  and  Coahuila  now 
occupy.  They  have  been  separated  and  erected  into  free  and  inde- 
pendent states  in  a summary  manner ; and  the  same  right  avus  guar- 
antied “ whenever  she  should  be  in  a condition  to  accept  it/’  The 
other  case,  of  Sonora  and  Sinaloa,  is  materially  variant  in  matter 
of  fact.  Those  provinces  were  originally  incorporated  into  the  con- 
federation as  one  state,  without  any  antecedent  condition  or  guar- 
anty ; and,  at  the  adoption  of  the  present  constitution,  they  justly 
became  liable  to  all  the  forms  and  restrictions  prescribed  in  that 
national  pact. 

We  would  further  suggest  to  the  honorable  Congress  that  the 
present  juncture  is  peculiarly  felicitous  for  dispensing  with  intermi- 
nable and  vexatious  forms.  The  federal  government  is  wisely  em- 
ployed in  adopting  important  organic  improvements,  and  aiming  at 
a salutary  renovation  of  the  political  system.  The  disasters  of  an 
eventful  civil  convulsion  are  yielding  to  the  regenerating  influences 
of  domestic  concord  and  improved  experience ; and  every  depart- 
ment of  the  confederacy  is  open  to  such  needful  modifications  as  the 
wisdom  of  the  renewed  Congress  may  designate.  Texas  solicits  as 
her  portion  in  the  general  reformation,  to  be  disenthralled  from  her 
unhappy  connection  with  Coahuila ; and  she  avails  herself  of  this 
opportunity,  by  means  of  her  chosen  delegates,  who  are  the  author- 
ized organs  of  the  people,  to  communicate  “ to  the  general  Con- 
gress” that  she  is  now  “ in  a situation  to  figure  as  a state  by  her- 
self,” and  is  profoundly  solicitous  that  she  may  be  permitted  to 
do  so. 

The  general  Congress  may  possibly  consider  the  mode  of  this 
communication  as  informal.  To  this  suggestion  we  would,  with 
great  deference,  reply,  that  the  events  of  the  past  year  have  not 
only  violated  the  established  forms  and  etiquette  of  the  government, 
but  have  suspended,  at  least,  its  vital  functions ; and  it  would  appear 
exceedingly  rigorous  to  exact  from  the  inhabitants  of  Texas,  living 
on  a remote  frontier  of  the  republic,  a minute  conformity  to  unim- 
portant punctilios.  The  ardent  desire  of  the  people  is  made,  known 
to  the  Congress  through  their  select  representatives,  the  most  direct 
and  unequivocal  medium  by  which  they  can  possibly  bo  conveyed ; 
and  surely  the  enlightened  Congress  will  readily  concur  with  us  in 
the  sentiment  that  the  wishes  and  wants  of  the  people  form  the  best 
lule  for  legislative  guidance.  The  people  of  Texas  consider  it  not 


472 


APPENDIX. 


only  an  absolute  right,  but  a most  sacred  and  imperative  duty  to 
themselves,  and  to  the  Mexican  nation,  to  represent  their  wants  in 
a respectful  manner  to  the  general  government,  and  to  solicit  the 
best  remedy  of  which  the  nature  of  their  grievances  will  admit. 
Should  they  utterly  fail  in  this  duty,  and  great  and  irremediable 
evils  ensue,  the  people  would  have  reason  to  reproach  themselves 
alone ; and  the  general  Congress,  in  whom  the  remedial  power  re- 
sides, would  also  have  reason  to  censure  their  supineness  and  want 
of  fidelity  to  the  nation.  Under  this  view,  we  trust  the  Congress 
will  not  regard  with  excessive  severity  any  slight  departure  Avhich 
the  good  people  of  Texas  may  in  this  instance  have  made  from  the 
ordinary  formalities  of  the  government. 

And  we  would  further  suggest  to  the  equitable  consideration  of 
the  federal  Congress  that,  independent  of  and  anterior  to  the  ex- 
press guaranty  contained  in  the  decree  of  the  7th  of  May,  1824,  the 
right  of  having  a separate  state  government  was  vested  in  and  be- 
longed to  Texas,  by  the  fact  that  she  participated  as  a distinct 
province  in  the  toils  and  sufferings  by  which  the  glorious  emancipa- 
tion of  Mexico  was  achieved,  and  the  present  happy  form  of  govern- 
ment was  established.  The  subsequent  union  with  Coahuila  was  a 
temporary  compact,  induced  by  a supposed  expediency,  arising  from 
an  inadequate  population  on  the  part  of  Texas  “ to  figure  as  a state 
of  itself.”  This  inducement  was  transient  in  its  nature ; and  the 
compact,  like  all  similar  agreements,  is  subject  to  abrogation,  at  the 
■will  of  either  party,  whenever  the  design  of  its  creation  is  accom- 
plished, or  is  ascertained  to  be  impracticable.  The  obvious  design 
of  the  union  between  Coahuila  and  Texas  was,  on  one  part  at  least, 
the  more  effectually  to  secure  the  peace,  safety,  and  happiness,  of 
Texas.  That  design  has  not  been  accomplished,  and  facts  piled 
upon  facts  afford  a melancholy  evidence  that  it  is  utterly  impracti- 
cable. Texas  never  has  and  never  can  derive  from  the  connection 
benefits  in  any  wise  commensurate  with  the  evils  she  has  sustained, 
and  which  are  daily  increasing  in  number  and  in  magnitude. 

But  our  reasons  for  the  proposed  separation  are  more  explicitly 
set  forth  in  the  subjoined  remarks. 

The  history  of  Texas,  from  its  earliest  settlement  to  the  present 
time,  exhibits  a series  of  practical  neglect  and  indifference  to  all  her 
peculiar  interests  on  the  part  of  each  successive  government  which 
has  had  the  control  of  her  political  destinies.  The  recollection  of 
these  things  is  calculated  to  excite  the  most  pungent  regrets  for  the 


TEXAN  MEMORIAL  TO  THE  MEXICAN  CONGRESS.  478 


past,  and  the  most  painful  forebodings  for  the  future.  Under  the 
several  regal  dominions,  Texas  presented  the  gloomy  spectacle  of  a 
province,  profusely  endowed  by  nature,  abandoned  and  consigned 
to  desolation  by  the  profligate  avariciousness  of  a distant  despot. 
The  tyrants  of  Spain  regarded  her  only  as  a convenient  barrier  to 
the  mines  of  the  adjacent  provinces ; and  the  more  waste  and  de- 
populated she  was,  the  more  effectually  she  answered  their  selfish 
and  unprincipled  purpose.  Her  agricultural  resources  were  either 
unknown,  or  esteemed  of  no  value  to  a government  anxious  only  to 
sustain  its  wasting  magnificence  by  the  silver  and  gold  wrung  from 
the  prolific  bosom  of  Mexico.  To  foster  the  agricultural  interests 
of  any  portion  of  her  splendid  viceroyalty,  or  her  circumjacent  con- 
quests, was  never  the  favorite  policy  of  Spain.  To  have  done  so, 
would  have  nurtured  in  her  remote  dominions  a hardy  and  industri- 
ous population  of  yeomanry,  who  have  ever  proved  the  peculiar 
dread  of  tyrants,  and  the  best  assurance  of  a nation’s  independence. 

It  was  natural,  then,  that  the  royal  miscreants  of  Spain  should 
regard  Texas  with  indifference,  if  not  with  a decided’ and  malignant 
aversion  to  her  improvement.  But  it  would  be  both  tmnatural  and 
erroneous  to  attribute  similar  motives  to  the  paternal  government  of 
independent,  confederate,  republican  Mexico.  She  can  have  no  in- 
terest averse  to  the  common  weal ; can  feel  no  desire  to  depress  the 
agricultural  faculties  of  any  portion  of  her  common  territory ; and 
can  entertain  no  disquieting  jealousies,  that  should  prompt  her  to 
dread  the  increase  or  to  mar  the  ’prosperity  of  any  portion  of  her 
agricultural  population.  These  are  the  best,  the  broadest,  and  the 
most  durable  bases  of  her  free  institutions. 

We  must  look  to  other  causes,  therefore,  for  the  lamentable  neg- 
ligence that  has  hitherto  been  manifested  toward  the  prosperity  of 
Texas.  The  fact  of  such  negligence  is  beyond  controversy.  The 
melancholy  effects  of  it  are  apparent  in  both  her  past  and  present 
condition.  The  cause  must  exist  somewhere.  We  believe  it  is 
principally  to  be  found  in  her  political  annexation  to  Coahuila.  That 
conjunction  was,  in  its  origin,  unnatural  and  constrained ; and,  the 
longer  it  is  continued,  the  more  disastrous  it  will  prove.  The  two 
territories  are  disjunct  in  all  their  prominent  respective  relations.  In 
point  of  locality,  they  approximate  only  by  a strip  of  sterile  and 
useless  territory,  which  must  long  remain  a comparative  wilderness, 
and  present  many  serious  embarrassments  to  that  facility  of  inter- 
course which  should  always  exist  between  the  seat  of  government 


474 


APPENDIX. 


and  its  remote  population.  In  respefct  to  commerce  and  its  various 
intricate  relations,  there  is  no  community  of  interests  between  them. 
The  one  is  altogether  interior ; is  consequently  abstracted  from  all 
participation  in  maritime  concerns ; and  is  naturally  indifferent,  if 
not  adverse,  to  any  system  of  polity  that  is  calculated  to  promote 
the  diversified  and  momentous  interests  of  commerce.  The  other  is 
blest  with  many  natural  advantages  for  extensive  commercial  oper- 
ations, which,  if  properly  cultivated,  would  render  many  valuable 
accessions  to  the  national  marine,  and  a large  increase  to  the  na- 
tional revenues.  The  importance  of  an  efficieiit  national  marine  is 
evinced,  not  only  by  the  history  of  other  and  older  governments, 
but  by  the  rich  halo  of  glory  which  encircles  the  brief  annals  of  the 
Mexican  navy.  In  point  of  climate  and  of  natural  productions,  the 
two  territories  are  equally  dissimilar.  Coahuila  is  a pastoral  and  a 
mining  country  • Texas  is  characteristically  an  agricultural  district. 
The  occupations  incident  to  these  various  intrinsic  properties  are 
equally  various  and  distinct;  and  a course  of  legislation  that  may 
be  adapted  to  the  encouragement  of  the  habitual  industry  of  the  one 
district,  might  present  only  embarrassment  and  perplexity,  and  prove 
fatally  deleterious  to  the  prosperity  of  the  other. 

It  is  not  needful,  therefore — neither  do  we  desire — to  attribute 
any  sinister  or  invidious  design  to  the  legislative  enactments  or  to 
the  domestic  economical  policy  of  Coahuila  (whose  ascendency  in 
the  joint  councils  of  the  state  gives  her  an  uncontrolled  and  exclu- 
sive power  of  legislation),  in  order  to  ascertain  the  origin  of  the 
evils  that  affect  Texas,  and  which,  if  permitted  to  exist,  must  pro- 
tract her  feeble  and  dependent  pupilage  to  a period  coeval  with 
such  existence.  Neither  is  it  important  to  Texas  whether  those 
evils  have  proceeded  from  a sinister  policy  in  the  predominant  influ- 
ences of  Coahuila,  or  whether  they  are  the  natural  results  of  a union 
that  is  naturally  adverse  to  her  interests.  The  effects  are  equally 
repugnant  and  injurious,  whether  emanating  from  the  one  or  the 
other  source. 

Bexar,  the  ancient  capital  of  Texas,  presents  a faithful  but  a 
gloomy  picture  of  her  general  want  of  protection  and  encourage- 
ment. Situated  in  a fertile,  picturesque,  and  healthful  region,  and 
established  a century  and  a half  ago  (within  which  period  populous 
and  magnificent  cities  have  sprung  into  existence),  she  exhibits  only 
the  decrepitude  of  age  — sad  testimonials  of  the  absence  of  that  po- 
litical guardianship  which  a wise  government  should  always  bestow 


TEXAN  MEMORIAL  TO  THE  MEXICAN  CONGRESS.  475 


upon  the  feebleness  of  its  exposed  frontier  settlements.  A hundred 
and  seventeen  years  have  elapsed  since  Goliad  and  Nacogdoches 
assumed  the  distinctive  name  of  towns,  and  they  are  still  entitled 
only  to  the  diminutive  appellation  of  villages.  Other  military  and 
missionary  establishments  have  been  attempted,  but,  from  the  same 
defect  of  protection  and  encouragement,  they  have  been  swept  away, 
and  scarcely  a vestige  remains  to  rescue  their  locations  from  ob- 
livion. 

We  do  not  mean  to  attribute  these  specific  disasters  to  the  union 
with  Coahuila,  for  we  know  they  transpired  long  anterior  to  the 
consummation  of  that  union.  But  we  do  maintain  that  the  same 
political  causes,  the  same  want  of  protection  and  encouragement,  the 
same  mal-organization  and  impotency  of  the  local  and  minor  facul- 
ties of  the  government,  the  same  improvident  indifference  to  the 
peculiar  and  vital  interests  of  Texas,  exist  now  that  operated  then. 
Bexar  is  still  exposed  to  the  depredations  of  her  ancient  enemies* 
the  insolent,  vindictive,  and  faithless  Camanches.  Her  citizens  are 
still  massacred,  their  cattle  destroyed  or  driven  away,  and  their  very 
habitations  threatened,  by  a tribe  of  erratic  and  undisciplined  In- 
dians, whose  audacity  has  derived  confidence  from  success,  and 
whose  long-continued  aggressions  have  invested  them  with  a fictitious 
and  excessive  terror.  Her  schools  are  neglected,  her  churches  deso- 
late, the  sounds  of  human  industry  are  almost  hushed,  and  the  voice 
of  gladness  and  festivity  is  converted  into  wailing  and  lamentation, 
by  the  disheartening  and  multiplied  evils  which  surround  her  de- 
fenceless population.  Goliad  is  still  kept  in  constant  trepidation ; 
is  paralyzed  in  all  her  efforts  for  improvement ; and  is  harassed  on 
all  her  borders  by  the  predatory  incursions  of  the  Wacoes,  and  other 
insignificant  bands  of  savages,  whom  a well-organized  local  govern- 
ment would  soon  subdue  and  exterminate. 

These  are  facts,  not  of  history  merely,  on  which  the  imagination 
must  dwell  with  an  unwilling  melancholy,  but  they  are  events  of 
the  present  day,  which  the  present  generation  feel  in  all  their  dread- 
ful reality.  And  these  facts,  revolting  as  they  are,  are  as  a frac- 
tion only  in  the  stupendous  aggregate  of  our  calamities.  Our  mis- 
fortunes do  not  proceed  from  Indian  depredations  alone ; neither  are 
they  confined  to  a few  isolated,  impoverished,  and  almost-tenantless 
towns.  They  pervade  the  whole  territory  — operate  upon  the  whole 
population— and  are  as  diversified  in  character  as  our  public  inter- 
ests and  necessities  are  various.  Texas  at  large  feels  and  deplores 


476 


APPENDIX. 


an  utter  destitution  of  the  common  benefits  which  have  usually  ac- 
crued from  the  worst  system  of  internal  government  that  the  pa- 
tience of  mankind  ever  tolerated.  She  is  virtually  without  a gov- 
ernment ; and  if  she  is  not  precipitated  into  all  the  unspeakable 
horrors  of  anarch v it  is  only  because  there  is  a redeeming  spirit 
among  the  people  which  still  infuses  some  moral  energy  into  the 
miserable  fragments  of  authority  that  exist  among  us.  We  are  per- 
fectly sensible  that  a large  portion  of  our  population,  usually  de- 
nominated “ the  colonists,”  and  composed  of  Anglo-Americans,  have 
been  greatly  calumniated  before  the  Mexican  government.  But 
could  the  honorable  Congress  scrutinize  strictly  into  our  real  condi- 
tion— could  they  see  and  understand  the  wretched  confusion,  in  all 
the  elements  of  government,  which  we  daily  feel  and  deplore — our 
ears  would  no  longer  be  insulted,  nor  our  feelings  mortified,  by  the 
artful  fictions  of  hireling  emissaries  from  abroad,  nor  by  the  malig- 
nant aspersions  of  disappointed  military  commandants  at  home. 

Our  grievances  do  not  so  much  result  from  any  positive  misfea- 
sance on  the  part  of  the  present  state  authorities,  as  from  the  total 
absence,  or  the  very  feeble  and  mutile  dispensation,  of  those  restric- 
tive influences  which  it  is  the  appropriate  design  of  the  social  com- 
pact to  exercise  upon  the  people,  and  which  are  necessary  to  fulfil 
the  ends  of  civil  society.  We  complain  more  of  the  want  of  all  the 
important  attributes  of  government,  than  of  the  abuses  of  any.  We 
are  sensible  that  all  human  institutions  are  essentially  imperfect. 
But  there  are  relative  degrees  of  perfection  in  modes  of  government 
as  in  other  matters,  and  it  is  both  natural  and  right  to  aspire  to  that 
mode  which  is  most  likely  to  accomplish  its  legitimate  purpose. 
This  is  wisely  declared,  in  our  present  state  constitution,  to  be  “ the 
happiness  of  those  who  compose  it.”  It  is  equally  obvious  that  the 
happiness  of  the  people  is  more  likely  to  be  secured  by  a local  than 
by  a remote  government.  In  the  one  case,  the  governors  are  par- 
takers, in  common  with  the  governed,  in  all  the  political  evils  which 
result  to  the  community,  and  have  therefore  a personal  interest  in 
ao  discharging  their  respective  functions  as  will  best  secure  the  com- 
mon welfare.  In  the  other  supposition,  those  vested  with  authority 
are  measurably  exempt  from  the  calamities  lhat  ensue  an  abuse  of 
power,  and  may  very  conveniently  subserve  their  own  interests 
and  ambition,  while  they  neglect  or  destroy  “ the  welfare  of  the 
associated.” 

But,  independent  of  these  general  truths,  there  are  some  impres- 


TEXAN  MEMORIAL  TO  THE  MEXICAN  CONGRESS.  477 


sive  reasons  why  the  peace  and  happiness  of  Texas  demand  a local 
government.  Constituting  a remote  frontier  of  the  republic,  and 
bordering  on  a powerful  nation,  a portion  of  whose  population,  in 
juxtaposition  to  hers,  is  notoriously  profligate  and  lawless,  she  re- 
quires, in  a peculiar  and  emphatic  sense,  the  vigorous  application  of 
such  laws  as  are  necessary,  not  only  to  the  preservation  of  good 
order,  the  protection  of  property,  and  the  redress  of  personal  wrongs, 
hut  such  also  as  are  essential  to  the  prevention  of  illicit  commerce, 
to  the  security  of  the  public  revenues,  and  to  the  avoidance  of  seri- 
ous collision  with  the  authorities  of  the  neighboring  republic.  That 
such  a judicial  administration  is  impracticable  under  the  present 
arrangement,  is  too  forcibly  illustrated  by  the  past  to  admit  of  any 
rational  hope  for  the  future. 

It  is  an  acknowledged  principle  in  the  science  of  jurisprudence, 
that  the  prompt  and  certain  infliction  of  mild  and  humane  punish- 
ment is  more  efficacious  for  the  prevention  of  crime  than  a tardy 
and  precarious  administration  of  the  most  sanguinary  p^nal  code. 
Texas  is  virtually  denied  the  benefit  of  this  benevolent  rule  by  the 
locality  and  the  character  of  her  present  government.  Crimes  of 
the  greatest  atrocity  may  go  unpunished,  and  hardened  criminals 
triumph  in  their  iniquity,  because  of  the  difficulties  and  delays  which 
encumber  her  judicial  system,  and  necessarily  intervene  a trial  and 
conviction,  and  the  sentence  and  the  execution  of  the  law.  Our 
“supreme  tribunal  of  justice”  holds  its  sessions  upward  of  seven 
hundred  miles  distant  from  our  central  population ; and  that  distance 
is  greatly  enlarged,  and  sometimes  made  impassable,  by  the  casual- 
ties incident  to  a “ mail ” conducted  by  a single  horseman  through  a 
wilderness,  often  infested  by  vagrant  and  murderous  Indians.  Be- 
fore sentence  can  be  pronounced  by  the  local  courts  on  persons 
charged  with  the  most  atrocious  crimes,  a copy  of  the  process  must 
be  transmitted  to  an  assessor,  resident  at  Leona  Vicario  (Saltillo), 
who  is  too  far  removed  from  the  scene  of  guilt  to  appreciate  the  im- 
portance of  a speedy  decision,  and  is  too  much  estranged  from  our 
civil  and  domestic  concerns  to  feel  the  miseries  that  result  from  a 
total  want  of  legal  protection  in  person  and  property.  But  our  diffi- 
culties do  not  terminate  here.  After  the  assessor  shall  have  found 
leisure  to  render  his  opinion,  and  final  judgment  is  pronounced,  it 
again  becomes  necessary  to  resort  to  the  capital  to  submit  the  tardy 
sentence  to  the  supreme  tribunal  for  “ approbation,  revocation,  or 
modification,”  before  the  judgment  of  the  law  can  be  executed. 


478 


APPENDIX. 


Here  we  have  again  to  encounter  the  vexations  and  delays  incident 
to  all  governments  where  those  who  exercise  its  most  interesting 
functions  arc  removed  by  distance  from  the  people  on  whom  they 
operate,  and  for  whose  benefit  the  social  compact  is  created. 

These  repeated  delays,  resulting  from  the  remoteness  of  our 
courts  of  judicature,  are  pernicious  in  many  respects.  They  involve 
heavy  expenses,  which,  in  civil  suits,  are  excessively  onerous  to  liti- 
gants, and  give  to  the  rich  and  influential  such  manifold  advantages 
over  the  poor  as  operate  tc  an  absolute  exclusion  of  the  latter  from 
the  remedial  and  protective  benefits  of  the  law.  They  offer  seduc- 
tive opportunities  and  incitements  to  bribery  and  corruption,  and  en- 
danger the  sacred  purity  of  the  judiciary,  which,  of  all  the  branches 
of  the  government,  is  most  intimately  associated  with  the  domestic 
and  social  happiness  of  man,  and  should  therefore  be,  Dot  only  sound 
and  pure,  but  unsuspected  of  the  venal  infection.  They  present 
insuperable  difficulties  to  the  exercise  of  the  corrective  right  of  recu- 
sation, and  virtually  nullify  the  constitutional  power  of  impeach- 
ment. In  criminal  actions  they  are  no  less  injurious.  They  are 
equivalent  to  a license  to  iniquity,  and  exert  a dangerotis  influence 
on  the  moral  feelings  at  large.  Before  the  tedious  process  of  the 
law  can  be  complied  with,  and  the  criminal — whose  hands  are  per- 
haps imbrued  in  a brother’s  blood  — be  made  to  feel  its  retributive 
justice,  the  remembrance  of  his  crime  is  partially  effaced  from  the 
public  mind ; and  the  righteous  arbitrament  of  the  law,  which,  if 
promptly  executed,  would  have  received  universal  approbation,  and 
been  a salutary  warning  to  evil-doers,  is  impugned  as  vindictive  and 
cruel.  The  popular  feeling  is  changed  from  a just  indignation  of 
crime,  into  an  amiable  but  mistaken  sympathy  for  the  criminal; 
and  an  easy  and  natural  transition  is  converted  into  disgust  and  dis- 
affection toward  the  government  and  its  laws. 

These  are  some  of  the  evils  that  result  from  the  annexation  of 
Texas  to  Coahuila,  and  the  exercise  of  legislative  and  judicial  pow- 
ers by  the  citizens  of  Coahuila  over  the  citizens  of  Texas.  The 
catalogue  might  be  greatly  enlarged,  but  we  forbear  to  trespass  on 
the  time  of  the  honorable  Congress  (confiding  to  the  worthy  citizens, 
who  shall  be  charged  with  the  high  duty  of  presenting  this  memo- 
rial, and  the  protocol  of  a constitution,  which  the  people  of  Texas 
have  framed,  as  the  basis  of  their  future  government,  the  more  ex- 
plicit enunciation  of  them).  Those  evils  are  not  likely  to  be  dimin- 
ished, but  they  may  be  exceedingly  aggravated  by  the  fact  that  that 


TEXAN  MEMORIAL  TO  THE  MEXICAN  CONGRESS. 


479 


political  connection  was  formed  without  the  cordial  approbation  of 
the  people  of'  Texas,  and  is  daily  becoming  more  odious  to  them. 
Although  it  may  have  received  their  reluctant  acquiescence,  in  its 
inception,  before  its  evil  consequences  were  developed  or  foreseen, 
the  arbitrary  continuance  of  it  now,  after  the  experience  of  nine 
years  has  demonstrated  its  ruinous  tendencies,  would  invest  it  with 
some  of  the  most  offensive  features  of  usurpation.  Your  memorial- 
ists entertain  an  assured  confidence  that  the  enlightened  Congress 
of  Mexico  will  never  give  their  high  sanction  to  anything  that  wears 
the  semblance  of  usurpation,  or  of  arbitrary  coercion. 

The  idea  may  possibly  occur,  in  the  deliberations  of  the  honorable 
Congress,  that  a territorial  organization  would  cure  our  political 
maladies,  and  effectuate  the  great  purposes  which  induce  this  appli- 
cation ; and  plausible  reasons  may  be  advanced  in  favor  of  it.  But 
the  wisdom  of  Congress  will  readily  detect  the  fallacy  of  these  rea- 
sons, and  the  mischief  consequent  to  such  vain  sophistry.  In  this 
remote  section  of  the  republic,  a territorial  government  must,  of  ne- 
cessity, be  divested  of  one  essential  and  radical  principle  in  all  pop- 
ular institutions — the  immediate  responsibility  of  public  agents  to 
the  people  whom  they  serve.  The  appointments  to  office  would,  in 
such  case,  be  vested  in  the  general  government ; and  although  such 
appointments  should  be  made  with  the  utmost  circumspection,  the 
persons  appointed,  when  once  arrayed  in  the  habiliments  of  office, 
would  be  too  far  removed  from  the  appointing  power  to  feel  the 
restraints  of  a vigilant  supervision  and  a direct  accountability.  The 
dearest  lights  of  the  people  might  be  violated,  the  public  treasures 
squandered,  and  every  variety  of  imposition  and  iniquity  practised, 
under  the  specious  pretext  of  political  necessity,  which  the  far-distant 
government  could  neither  detect  nor  control. 

And  we  would  further  present  with  great  deference,  that  the  in- 
stitution of  a territorial  government  would  confer  upon  us  neither 
the  form  nor  the  substance  of  our  high  guaranty.  It  would,  indeed, 
diversify  our  miseries,  by  opening  new  avenues  to  peculation  and 
abuse  of  power ; but  it  would  neither  remove  our  difficulties  nor 
place  us  in  the  enjoyment  of  our  equal  and  vested  rights.  The  only 
adequate  remedy  that  your  memorialists  can  devise,  and  which  they 
ardently  hope  the  collective  wisdom  of  the  nation  will  approve,  is  to 
be  found  in  the  establishment  of  a local  state  government.  We  be- 
lieve that  if  Texas  were  endowed  with  the  faculties  of  a state  gov- 
ernment, she  would  be  competent  to  remedy  the  many  evils  that 


480 


APPENDIX. 


now  depress  her  energies,  and  frustrate  every  effort  to  develop  and 
bring  into  usefulness  the  natural  resources  which  a beneficent  Provi- 
dence has  conferred  upon  her.  We  believe  that  a local  legislature, 
composed  of  citizens  who  feel  and  participate  in  all  the  calamities 
which  encompass  us,  would  be  enabled  to  enact  such  conservative, 
remedial,  and  punitive  laws,  and  so  to  organize  and  put  into  opera- 
tion the  municipal  ana  inferior  authorities  of  the  country,  as  would 
inspire  universal  confidence ; would  encourage  the  immigration  of 
virtuous  foreigners — prevent  the  ingress  of  fugitives  from  the  jus- 
tice of  other  countries  — check  the  alarming  accumulations  of  fero- 
cious Indians,  whom  the  domestic  policy  of  the  United  States  of  the 
North  is  rapidly  translating  to  our  borders ; would  give  impulse  and 
vigor  to  the  industry  of  the  people  — secure  a cheerful  subordination 
and  a faithful  adhesion  to  the  state  and  general  governments ; and 
would  render  Texas  what  she  ought  to  be — a strong  arm  of  the  re- 
public, a terror  to  foreign  invaders,  and  an  example  of  peace  and 
prosperity  — of  advancement  in  the  arts  and  sciences,  and  of  devo- 
tion to  the  Union — to  her  sister-states.  We  believe  that  an  execu- 
tive chosen  from  among  ourselves  would  feel  a more  intense  interest 
in  our  political  welfare,  would  watch  with  more  vigilance  over  our 
social  concerns,  and  would  contribute  more  effectually  to  the  purposes 
of  his  appointment.  We  believe  that  a local  judiciary.  drawn  from 
the  bosom  of  our  own  peculiar  society,  would  be  enabled  to  adminis- 
ter the  laws  with  more  energy  and  promptitude — to  punish  the  dis- 
obedient and  refractory  — to  restrain  the  viciousness  of  the  wicked 
— to  impart  confidence  and  security,  of  both  person  and  property, 
to  peaceable  citizens — to  conserve  and  perpetuate  the  general  tran- 
quillity of  the  state — and  to  render  a more  efficient  aid  to  the  co- 
ordinate powers  of  the  government,  in  carrying  into  effect  the  great 
objects  of  its  institution.  We  believe  that,  if  Texas  were  admitted 
to  the  Union  as  a separate  state,  she  would  soon  “ figure”  as  a bril- 
liant star  in  the  Mexican  constellation,  and  would  shed  a new  splen- 
dor around  the  illustrious  city  of  Montezuma.  We  believe  she 
would  contribute  largely  to  the  national  wealth  and  aggrandizement 
— would  furnish  new  staples  for  commerce,  and  new  materials  for 
manufactures.  The  cotton  of  Texas  would  give  employment  to  the 
artisans  of  Mexico  ; and  the  precious  metals,  which  are  now  flowing 
into  the  coffers  of  England,  would  be  retained  at  home,  to  reward 
the  industry  and  remunerate  the  ingenuity  of  native  citizens. 

The  honorable  Congress  need  not  be  informed  that  a large  por- 


TEXAN  MEMORIAL  TO  THE  MEXICAN  CONGRESS.  481 


tion  of  tbfi  population  of  Texas  is  of  foreign  origin.  They  have 
been  invited  here  by  the  munificent  liberality  and  plighted  faith  of 
the  Mexican  government ; and  they  stand  pledged  by  every  moral 
and  religious  principle,  and  by  every  sentiment  of  honor,  to  requite 
that  liberality,  and  to  reciprocate  the  faithful  performance  of  the 
guaranty  to  “ protect  their  liberties,  property,  and  civil  rights,”  by 
a cheerful  dedication  of  their  moral  and  physical  energies  to  the 
advancement  of  their  adopted  country.  But  it  is  also  apparent  to 
the  intelligence  of  the  honorable  Congress  that  the  best  mode  of 
securing  the  permanent  attachment  of  such  a population  is,  to  incor- 
porate them  into  the  federal  system,  on  such  equitable  terms  as  will 
redress  every  grievance,  remove  every  cause  of  complaint,  and  in- 
sure, not  only  an  identity  of  inter'ests,  but  an  eventual  blending  and 
assimilation  of  all  that  is  now  foreign  and  incongruous.  The  infancy 
of  imperial  Borne  was  carried  to  an  early  adolescence  by  the  free 
and  unrestricted  admission  of  foreigners  to  her  social  compact.  Eng- 
land never  aspired  to  “ the  dominion  of  the  seas”  until  she  had  uni- 
ted the  hardiness  of  Scotland  and  the  gallantry  of  Ireland  to  her 
native  prowess.  France  derives  her  greatness  from  the  early  com- 
bination of  the  Saiii,  the  Frank,  and  the  Burgundian.  And  Mexico 
may  3'et  realize  the  period  when  the  descendants  of  Montezuma  will 
rejoice  that  their  coalition  with  the  descendants  of  Fernando  Cortez 
has  been  strengthened  and  embellished  by  the  adoption  into  their 
national  family  of  a people  drawn  by  their  own  gratuitous  hospitality 
from  the  land  of  Washington  and  of  freedom. 

For  these  and  other  considerations,  your  memorialists  would  sol- 
emnly invoke  the  magnanimous  spirit  of  the  Mexican  nation,  con- 
centrated in  the  wisdom  and  patriotism  of  the  federal  Congress. 
And  they  would  respectfully  and  ardently  pray  that  the  honorable 
Congress  would  extend  their  remedial  power  to  this  obscure  section 
of  the  republic  ; would  cast  around  it  “ the  sovereign  mantle  of  the 
nation,”  and  adopt  it  into  a free  and  plenary  participation  of  that 
“ constitutional  regime ” of  equal  sisterhood  which  alone  can  rescue 
it  from  the  miseries  of  an  ill-organized,  inefficient,  internal  govern- 
ment, and  can  reclaim  this  fair  and  fertile  region  from  the  worthless- 
ness of  an  untenanted  waste,  or  the  more  fearful  horrors  of  barbarian 
inundation. 

Your  memorialists,  on  behalf  of  their  constituents,  would,  in  con- 
clusion, avail  themselves  of  this  opportunity  to  tender  to  the  honor- 
able Congress  their  cordial  adhesion  to  the  plan  of  Zavaleta ; and 

Vol.  I.  — 31 


482 


APPENDIX. 


to  express  their  felicitations  on  the  happy  issue  of  the  late  unhappy 
conflict.  They  would  also  declare  their  gratitude  to  the  patriot- 
chief  and  his.  illustrious  associates  whose  propitious  conquests  have 
saved  from  profanation  “ the  august  temple  in  which  we  have  depos- 
ited the  holy  ark  of  our  federal  constitution,”  and  have  secured  the 
ultimate  triumph  of  the  liberal  and  enlightened  principles  of  genu- 
ine republicanism.  And  they  would  unite  their  fervent  aspirations 
with  the  prayers  that  must  ascend  from  the  hearts  of  all  good  Mexi- 
cans that  the  Supreme  Ruler  of  the  universe,  who  “ doeth  his  will 
in  the  army  of  heaven,  and  among  the  inhabitants  of  the  earth,” 
would  vouchsafe  to  this  glorious  land  the  blessings  of  peace  and 
tranquillity ; would  preserve  it,  in  all  future  time,  from  the  horrora 
of  civil  discord  ; and  would  shed  down  upon  its  extended  population 
the  increased  and  increasing  effulgence  of  light  and  liberty  which  is 
fast  irradiating  the  European  continent,  and  extirpating  the  relics 
of  feudal  despotism  of  the  antiquated  errors  of  a barbarous  age  from 
the  civilized  world. 

David  G.  Burnet, 

Chairman  of  the  Committee . 


END  OF  VOLUME  1. 


A FACSIMILE  REPRODUCTION  IN  ONE  VOLUME  OF 


HISTOEY  OF  TEXAS 


FROM 


ITS  FIRST  SETTLEMENT  IN  1685 


TO 


ITS  ANNEXATION  TO  THE  UNITED  STATES  IN  1846 


By  H.  YOAKUM,  Esq. 


IN  TWO  VOLUMES 

VOL.  II. 

WITH  AN  EXTENDED  APPENDIX 


REDFIELD 

34  BEEKMAN  STREET  NEW  YORK 

1855 

Facsimile  by  Steck-Vaughn  Company  • Austin,  Texas 


'Reiheld  Tublisher 
"New-  York 


DEDICATION 


To  Peter  W.  Gray,  Esq. 

Dear  Sir  : I have  now  completed  the  second  volume  of  a 
History  of  Texas,  which,  with  the  first,  gives  some  account 
of  the  principal  events  connected  with  the  settlement  and  oc- 
cupation of  the  country  by  the  European  race,  from  the  first 
landing  of  immigrants,  on  the  18th  day  of  February,  1685,  to 
the  annexation  of  Texas  to  the  United  States,  on  the  4th  of 
July,  1845. 

In  the  compilation  of  this  volume,  the  materials  were  so 
abundant,  that  the  great  difficulty  was,  to  select  the  most 
prominent  and  connected  facts,  so  as  not  to  make  the  volume 
too  ponderous,  nor  to  break  the  unity  of  the  story.  In  all  this 
you  will  doubtless  find  errors,  but — I have  done  the  best  I 
could,  and  hope  you  may  find  it  sufficiently  interesting  to  pe- 
ruse it. 

Texas  has  a noble  and  romantic  history.  It  is  to  be  found 
in  her  state  papers,  and  in  the  letters,  journals,  and  memo- 
randa, of  those  who  took  part  in  her  affairs.  Having  devoted 
much  time  to  the  study  of  these  valuable  documents,  I speak 


4 


DEDICATION. 


advisedly  on  this  subject.  When  our  public  authorities  shall 
think  proper  to  have  them  collected,  arranged,  and  published, 
as  other  states  have  done,  they  will  form  a work  of  which 
Texas  may  well  be  proud. 

With  many  thanks  to  kind  friends  for  valuable  historical 
papers,  and  more  especially  to  yourself  for  many  facts  and 
suggestions,  lam  very  truly  your  friend, 

H.  Yoakum. 

Shepherd's  Valley,  Texas,  February  26,  1856. 


CONTENTS  OF  VOLUME  II. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Reassembling  of  the  Consultation  at  San  Felipe — Declaration  of  Adherence  to 
the  Mexican  Constitution  of  1824 — Provisional  Government  established — 
Election  of  Governor,  Lieutenant-Governor,  and  Commander-in-Chief- — Com- 
missioners to  the  United  States — Adjournment — Council  left  to  aid  the  Gov- 
ernor— Regular  Army  created — Movements  of  the  Army  at  Concepcion — De- 
scription of  San  Antonio — The  Siege — Efforts  of  the  Enemy — The  “ Grass- 
Fight” — Fight  of  the  8th  of  November — Fight  at  Lipantitlan,  November  3d — 
Effect  of  these  Battles  in  the  United  States — in  Mexico — Austin’s  Departure 
from  the  Army — Dr.  James  Grant — Proposed  Attack  on  Matamoras — New 
Orleans  Grays — Preparations  for  storming  San  Antonio  on  the  4th  of  Decem- 
ber— Descent  under  Milam,  on  the  5th,  at  Daybreak — The  Contest — Death  of 
Milam — Zambrano  Row — Priest’s  House — Enemy  propose  to  capitulate  on  the 
9th — Capitulation  on  the  10th — Occurrences  of  the  Assault — Aid  to  Texas — 
Governor  Smith  and  his  Council — Unfortunate  Descent  on  Tampico — Mexican 
Navy — The  “William  Robbins” page  11 

CHAPTER  IL 

Aspiring  Men  in  Texas — Seditious  Effort  of  the  19th  of  December — Houston 
aiding  in  organizing  the  Army — Rusk  and  Fannin — General  Mexia — First  Rup- 
ture between  the  Governor  and  Council — Barrett  and  Gritton — Movement 
upon  Matamoras — Declaration  of  Independence  at  Goliad — Location  of  Staff- 
Officers — Houston’s  Headquarters  removed  to  Washington,  December  25th — 
Order  to  Fannin — Matamoras — Fannin,  Johnson,  and  Grant,  set  out — Troops 
at  Bexar — Their  Destitute  Condition — Quarrel  between  the  Governor  and 
Council — Governor  deposes  the  Council — The  Council  depose  the  Governor — 
Houston’s  Departure  for  the  West,  January  8th — The  Question  of  Indepen- 
dence discussed — Affairs  at  Refugio — Order  to  demolish  the  Alamo — Not 
obeyed — Description  of  Western  Prairie — Texan  Loan — Houston’s  Return  to 


6 


CONTENTS. 


the  Brasos — Indian  Treaty — Mexico  in  January,  1836 — Santa  Anna  eet6  out 
for  Texas  in  Person — His  Plan — Condition  of  Texas  to  meet  him — Struggle 
between  the  Governor  and  Council — First  Texan  Laws page  40 

CHAPTER  III. 

David  Crockett — Viesca — Meeting  of  the  Convention,  March  1st — Independence 
declared,  March  2d — Houston  re-elected  Commander-in-Chief — Preparations 
for  the  War — Constitution  of  the  Republic  adopted — Burnet  President  ad 
interim — Zavala  Vice-President — Cabinet — Houston  sets  out  for  the  West, 
March  6th — The  Alamo  invested  by  the  Enemy,  February  23d — The  Siege — 
Travis  calls  for  Aid — Thirty-two  Recruits  from  Gonzales — The  Place  stormed 
on  the  6th  of  March,  and  the  Garrison  butchered — Johnson  defeated  at  San 
Patricio — Grant  at  Agua  Dulce — Tragic  Death  of  Grant — Fannin’s  Position — 
Advance  of  Urrea  from  San  Patricio — King  sent  out  after  some  Families  at 
Refugio — Order  to  Fannin  to  fall  back — Sends  Ward  after  King — King  and 
Ward  both  cut  off — King  and  his  Force  taken  and  killed — Fannin  sets  out  on 
his  Retreat — Overtaken  by  Urrea — Battle  of  the  Coleta — Surrender  of  Fannin 
— Ward  taken — Miller  taken  at  Copano — Massacre  of  the  Commands  of  Fan- 
nin and  Ward,  March  27,  1836  page  70 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Santa  Anna  thinks  the  War  ended— .Proposes  to  return  to  Mexico — Filisola  ob- 
jects— Movements  ordered — The  Texan  Forces  at  Gonzales — On  Receipt  of 
the  News  of  the  Fall  of  the  Alamo,  retreat — Arrive  at  the  Colorado,  March 
17th — General  Alarm  and  Flight  in  Texas — Army  at  Beason’s — Send  for  Mu- 
nitions— Seat  of  Government  removed  from  Washington  to  Harrisburg — Cap- 
tain Karnes’s  Skirmish — Attempt  to  draw  out  the  Enemy — Receipt  of  the 
News  of  Fannin’s  Defeat — Retreat  from  the  Colorado,  March  26th — Forbes 
arrives  with  a Reinforcement — Efforts  to  defend  the  Brasos — Movements  of 
the  Enemy — Flight  of  the  People — Distress — Santa  Anna  repulsed  at  San 
Felipe — Crosses  at  Fort  Bend — Houston  crosses  at  Groce’s,  and  calls  in  Out- 
posts— Santa  Anna  marches  om Harrisburg,  April  loth — The  “Twin-Sisters” 
— Texan  Navy — Eastern  Texas — Alarm  there page  102 

CHAPTER  V. 

Houston  marches  on  Harrisburg — Dispositions  of  Indians  and  Disaffected  Whites 
— Deaf  Smith  takes  the  Mexican  Mail — Important  Information — Address  to  the 
Texans,  April  19th — Crossing  of  Buffalo  Bayou — Narrow  Escape  of  President 
Burnet — Texan  Camp  on  the  San  Jacinto — Affair  of  the  20th — Enemy  rein- 
forced by  Cos  on  the  Morning  of  the  21st — Texan  Council  of  War — Deaf 
Smith  sent  to  cut  down  Vince’s  Bridge — Preparations  for  Battle — The  Attack 
— Defeat  and  Capture  of  the  Enemy,  including  Santa  Anna — Interview  be- 
tween Houston  and  Santa  Anna — Santa  Anna’s  Order  to  Filisola — Conse- 
quences of  the  Victory — Negotiations  with  Santa  Anna — Treaty  of  Velasco — 
The  United  States  and  Mexico page  131 


CONTENTS. 


7 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Retreat  of  Filisola — Followed  by  the  Texans  under  Rusk — General  Gaines — 
Eastern  Frontier — Indian  Movements — Massacre  at  Fort  Parker — Attempt  to 
send  off  Santa  Anna  under  the  Treaty — Resisted  by  the  Texan  Troops — Presi- 
dent Burnet — Santa  Anna’s  Protest — Collingsworth  and  Grayson  despatched 
to  the  United  States — Feeling  in  the  United  States — Value  of  Santa  Anna  as 
a Prisoner — Feeling  in  Mexico — Feat  of  the  “ Horse-Marines”  in  Texas — Re- 
turn of  General  Austin — Appointment  of  Mirabeau  B.  Lamar  to  the  Command- 
in-Chief  of  the  Army — Resisted  by  the  Troops — He  retires face  161 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Low  Credit  of  Texas — Houston’s  Movements — United  States  Congress  favorable 
to  acknowledging  Texan  Independence — Morfit  sent  out  to  Texas — Texan 
Army  and  Navy — Santa  Anna  removed  to  Columbia — Attempt  to  escape — 
Candidates  for  President  of  Texas — Houston  elected  President  and  Lamar 
Vice-President — Effort  to  remove  and  try  Santa  Anna  by  Court-Martial — Op- 
posed by  Burnet  and  Houston — View  of  Jackson  and  Gaines  on  that  Subject 
— Population  of  Texas — Houston’s  Inauguration — Proceedings  of  First  Texan 
Congress — United  States  and  Mexico  on  Bad  Terms — Death  of  Austin  and 
Zavala — Santa  Anna  sent  home  by  way  of  Washington  City — Arrived  at 
Washington,  January  17,  1837 — Cold  Reception  in  Mexico — General  Hamilton 
offered  the  Command  of  the  Texan  Army — Declines — The  Enemy  threatens  a 
Second  Invasion — The  Messrs.  Toby  and  Brothers — Texan  Independence  ac- 
knowledged by  the  United  States — Declined  Annexation — Volunteers  from 
the  United  States — Deaf  Smith  at  Laredo — Skirmish — Mexicans  in  Texas — 
Seguin  and  Rodrigues — Funeral  Honors  to  the  Dead  of  the  Alamo — Mexican 
Blockade  of  Texas — Capture  of  the  “ Independence” — William  H.  Wharton — 
Texan  Navy  cruise  to  Yucatan — Depredations  of  the  Indians — Second  Session 
of  Congress  at  Houston,  May,  1837 — Emeute  in  Mexico — Texan  Army  fur- 
loughed—4be  Whartons — Sea-Fight  before  Galveston  Bar,  August  25,  1837 — 
Eastern  Boundary  of  Texas page  189 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Religious  Movement  in  Texas — Faith  of  the  Immigrants — Toleration — The  First 
Protestant  Missionaries — Henry  Stephenson,  1818 — Joseph  Bays,  1826 — Sum- 
ner Bacon,  1828 — Thomas  Hanks,  1829 — Milton  Estill,  1833 — Presbyterians 
and  Episcopalians  in  1838 — Ecclesiastical  Committee  of  Vigilance,  1837 — 
Charles  Compt6  de  Farnese  — His  Projet  - — Indian  Troubles — Benthuysen’s 
Fight,  November  10,  1837 — Land-Titles — Closing  of  the  Land-Office — History 
of  Land-Titles — Titles  to  the  Mission-Lands — Spanish,  Colonial,  and  Texan 
Titles — Immigration  in  1838 — Trade  increased — Quarrel  between  France  and 
Mexico — Contract  with  Dawson,  of  Baltimore,  to  build  Vessels  for  a Navy — 
Promissory-Notes — Going  down — Second  Presidential  Election — Lamar  cho- 
sen President,  and  Burnet  Vice-President — The  Mexican  Revolt  at  Nacog- 


8 


CONTENTS. 


doches — Cordova  and  others — Battle  at  Jose  Maria  Village,  October  28,  1838 
— At  Kickapoo  Town,  November  16th — Third  Congress — Texan  Finances — 
Death  of  Collingsworth — John  A.  Wharton page  219 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Inauguration  of  President  Lamar — His  Inaugural  Address — Opposes  Annexa- 
tion to  the  United  States — Capture  of  Vera  Cruz  by  the  French  Squadron 
under  Admiral  Baudin — Lamar’s  Message  to  Congress — Favors  the  Establish- 
ment of  a National  Bank — Further  Fighting  in  Mexico — Santa  Anna  loses  his 
Leg  in  expelling  the  French  from  Vera  Cruz — France  makes  Peace  with  Mex- 
ico, March  9,  1839 — Federal  Party  in  Mexico — Friendly  to  Texas — Battle  of 
Acajete — Cordova’s  Treachery — Mexican  Plan  of  stirring  up  the  Indian  Tribes 
against  the  People  of  Texas — Capture  of  Flores — Moore’s  Campaign  against 
the  Indians — Battle  with  the  Camanches,  February  15,  1839 — Burleson’s 
Fight,  February  28th — Bird’s  Fight,  May  27th — History  of  the  Cherokees — 
Campaign  against  them — Battle  of  July  15th — Of  the  16th — Bowles,  their 
principal  Chief,  killed — Destruction  of  Indian  Farms — Relations  of  Texas  with 
European  Powers — Appointment  of  Commissioners  to  select  a Site  for  the 
Seat  of  Government — Its  Location  at  Austin — Federal  Campaign  of  1839 — 
Battle  of  Aleantro,  and  Defeat  of  the  Centralists,  October  3,  1839 — Surrender 
of  General  Parbon — Canales,  the  Federalist  Chieftain,  before  Matamoras — 
Before  Monterey — Desultory  Fighting — Treachery  of  Canales,  and  Retreat  of 
the  Texan  Auxiliaries — Meeting  of  the  Fourth  Texan  Congress — Stern  Indian 
Policy  of  Lamar — Texan  Finances — General  Hamilton’s  Mission  to  England 
and  France — Fraudulent  Land-Certificates page  252 

CHAPTER  X. 

Immigration  from  the  United  States  increases — The  Public  Credit  gets  worse — 
Common  Law  adopted — Civil  War  in  Mexico — Federal  Campaign  of  1840 — 
“ Republic  of  the  Rio  Grande”  proclaimed  by  General  Canales — Federalists 
defeated  at  Morales,  March  15,  1840 — Canales  at  Austin,  seeking  Recruits — 
Colonels  Jordan  and  Fisher,  commanding  the  Texan  Federalist  Auxiliaries — 
Interesting  March  of  the  Texans — Their  Vicissitudes — Treachery  of  Colonels 
Lopez  and  Molano — Battle  of  Saltillo,  and  Victory  over  the  Centralists  com- 
manded by  General  Vasquez,  October  23,  1840 — Safe  Retreat  of  the  Texans 
to  their  own  Country — Massacre  of  Camanches  in  the  Council-Room  at  San 
Antonio,  March  19,  1840 — Descent  of  the  Camanches  on  a Marauding  Expe- 
dition against  Victoria  and  Linnville — Assembling  of  Volunteers  and  Pursuit 
of  the  retreating  Savages — Battle  of  Plum  Creek,  August  12,  1840 — Moore’s 
Campaign  against  the  Indians — Defeat  of  the  Camanches  on  the  Upper  Colo- 
rado, October  24,  1840 — The  National  Loan  not  taken — Attempt  to  run  the 
Eastern  Boundary  of  the  Republic — The  Texan  Navy — Newspapers — The 
Fifth  or  “Reform  Congress” — Treaties  negotiated  with  Great  Britain,  Holland, 
and  Belgium — Monroe  Edwards — His  Schemes — Commerce  of  Texas — Roads 
—Santa  Fe page  285 


CONTENTS. 


9 


CHAPTER  XL 

Gloomy  Prospects — Hamilton’s  Negotiations  for  the  Loan — Affair  of  M.  De  Sa- 
ligny — Bullock’s  Pigs — Efforts  of  Texas  for  Peace — Treaty  with  Yucatan — 
Freebooters  on  the  Rio  Grande — Deportation  of  Captain  Dimit, — His  Tragical 
Death — Jack  Hays’s  Fight,  April  7,  1841 — Santa  Fe  Expedition — Journey 
through  the  Prairies — Treachery  of  Captain  Lewis — Surrender  of  the  Texans 
to  Governor  Armijo,  of  New  Mexico — Their  Cruel  Treatment — Houston  re- 
elected President — Burleson  chosen  Vice-President — Attempt  to  make  a new 
Treaty  with  the  United  States — Endeavor  to  open  Intercourse  with  Spain — 
The  Treasury  bankrupt — Exchequer  Bills — Mr.  Gouge’s  Strictures — Houston’s 
Second  Term — Indian  Policy — Finances — Exchequer  Bills — Reform  Congress 
—Proposed  Belgian  Loan — Destruction  of  the  Paper  System — Steps  taken  to 
release  the  Santa  Fe  Prisoners — New  Extension  Projet  of  the  Texan  Congress 
— Annexation  Question — Tyler’s  Position paoe  314 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Movements  of  the  “ Reform  Congress”  of  1842 — A Detachment  of  the  Enemy, 
under  Vasquez,  enters  San  Antonio,  March  5,  1842 — Their  Conduct  and  Re- 
treat— Texan  Troops  at  San  Antonio — Generals  Somervell  and  Burleson — 
Volunteers  from  the  United  States — Removal  of  the  National  Archives  from 
Austin — General  Davis  in  command  of  the  Troops  on  the  Nueces — Santa  Anna 
and  General  Hamilton — Special  Session  of  Congress,  June  27,  1842 — War- 
Bill — Its  Veto  by  Houston — Affair  at  Lipantitlan,  July  7, 1842 — General  Woll 
enters  San  Antonio,  September  11, 1842 — Texans  under  Captain  Cold  well — Bat- 
tle of  the  Salado,  and  Defeat  of  Woll  by  Hays,  September  17,  1842 — Massacre 
of  the  Force  under  Dawson — Treachery  of  Colonel  Seguin — Retreat  of  Gen- 
eral Woll — Troops  under  Somervell — March  to  the  Rio  Grande — Plunder  of 
Laredo — Return  of  Troops  uuder  Colonel  Bennett — Order  to  return  home — 
Command  disobeyed  by  a Portion  of  the  Texans — Captain  William  S.  Fisher 
elected  to  the  Command — Entry  into  Mier — Battle  of  the  25th  and  26th  of 
December,  1842 — Capture  of  Fisher’s  Command — Revolt  of  the  Mier  Prison- 
ers at  the  Hacienda  Salado— Retaken  and  marched  to  Mexico — Decimation 
of  the  Prisoners  by  Order  of  Santa  Anna — Captain  Cameron page  348 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

Meeting  of  the  Seventh  Texan  Congress  at  Washington,  on  the  Brasos,  November 
14,  1842 — Texan  Navy — Captain  Moore — Secret  Act  to  sell  the  Navy — Presi- 
dent Houston’s  Proclamation — Return  of  the  Navy — Doings  of  the  Con- 
gress in  January,  1843 — “Lawyer  Robinson”  and  Santa  Anna — Answer  to 
Santa  Anna — Mediation  of  Great  Britain,  France,  and  the  United  States — Its 
Failure — Divisions  in  Texas — Discussions  concerning  the  Mier  Expedition — 
Sufferings  of  the  Prisoners — Snively’s  Expedition — Its  Departure,  April  25, 
1843,  for  the  Santa  Fe  Road — Arrival  there — Battle  of  June  20,  1843,  with 
the  Mexicans — Texans  disarmed  by  Captain  Cooke,  of  the  United  States  Army 
— Further  Attempt  to  pursue  the  Caravan  of  Mexican  Traders — The  Expedi- 
tion returns  home — Captain  Hays  on  the  Rio  Grande — Jackson’s  Opinion  of 


10 


CONTENTS. 


the  Santa  F6  Expedition — Suspension  of  Diplomatic  Intercourse  between  Great 
Britain  and  Mexico — Armistice  between  Texas  and  Mexico — Question  of  An- 
nexation— Prosperity  of  Texas page  379 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Further  of  the  Armistice — Diplomacy  of  Great  Britain — Jealousy  of  the  United 
States — Revival  of  the  Question  of  Annexation — France  and  Great  Britain 
protest — Popularity  of  the  Measure — Nomination  of  Polk — Tyler’s  Treaty  re- 
jected by  the  Senate — Jackson’s  View  of  it — Its  Effect  in  Texas — Her  Pros- 
perous Condition — Colony  Contracts — Presidential  Election  in  Texas — War 
of  the  “ Regulators”  and  “ Moderators” — Election  of  Polk — Passage  of  the 
Annexation  Resolutions — Jackson’s  Advice  to  Texas — Last  Effort  of  Mexico, 
and  of  the  British  and  French  Governments — Annexation  approved  by  Texas 
— Conclusion page  412 

APPENDIX. 


1.  Official  Correspondence  of  the  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Texan  Army 

in  1835-36  page  446 

2.  Documents  relating  to  the  Commander-in-Chief 607 

3.  Names,  Age,  Place  of  Birth,  and  Former  Residence,  of  the  Signers  of 

the  Texan  Declaration  of  Independence,  March  2,  1836  512 

4.  Documents  in  Relation  to  the  Massacre  of  Colonel  Fannin  and  his  Com- 

mand, on  Sunday  Morning,  March  27,  1836,  at  Goliad 514 

6.  Treaty  of  Velasco,  May  14,  1836 526 

6.  Letter  from  General  Santa  Anna  to  General  Sam  Houston,  November 

6,  1836 530 

7.  Sketch  of  the  Rise  and  Progress  of  the  Different  Religious  Protestant 

Denominations  of  Christians  in  Texas 532 

8.  Letter  from  President  Houston  to  President  Santa  Anna,  March  21, 

1842 544 

9.  List  of  the  Governors  of  Texas 559 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

The  consultation  reassembled  at  San  Felipe  de  Austin,  on 
the  first  of  November,  1835 ; but,  for  want  of  a quorum,  they 
did  not  organize  until  the  third  day  of  the  month.  There  were 
present  fifty-five  members,  representing  the  thirteen  municipali- 
ties of  Texas.*  Their  session  continued  till  the  14th  of  that 

* Municipality  of  Bevil : John  Bevil,  S.  H.  Everitt,  Wyatt  Hanks. 

San  Augustine : William  N.  Sigler,  A.  Huston,  A.  E.  C.  Johnson,  Henry  Au- 
gustin, A.  Horton,  A.  G.  Kellogg. 

Nacogdoches : Sam  Houston,  James  W.  Robinson,  Daniel  Parker,  William 
Whitaker. 

Columbia:  John  A.  Wharton,  J.  S.  D.  Byrom,  Edwin  Waller,  Henry  Smith. 

Austin:  Wylie  Martin,  Randal  Jones, ThomasBarnett,  Jesse  Burnham,  William 
Menefee. 

Liberty:  Henry  Millard,  Claiborne  West,  George  M.  Patrick,  J.  B.  Woods, 
A.  B.  Hardin. 

Harrisburg : Lorenzo  D.  Zavala,  M.  W.  Smith,  William  P.  Harris,  John  W. 
Moore,  C.  C.  Dyer,  David  B.  Macomb. 

Matagorda : R.  R.  Royal,  Charles  Wilson. 

Mina:  D.  C.  Barrett,  R.  M.  Williamson,  J.  S.  Lester. 

Washington : Asa  Mitchell,  Elijah  Collard,  Jesse  Grimes,  Philip  Coe,  Asa  Hoxey. 

Gonzales:  W.  S.  Fisher,  J.  D.  Clemfents,  George  W.  Davis,  James  Hodges, 
William  W.  Arrington,  Benjamin  Fuqua. 

Viesca:  S.  T.  Allen,  A.  G.  Perry,  J.  G.  W.  Pierson,  Alexander  Thompson,  J. 
W.  Parker. 

Tenehaw  : Martin  Parmer.  — Journal  of  Consultation. 


12 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


month,  during  which  period  they  were  industriously  engaged  in 
organizing  a provisional  government,  and  providing  means  for 
its  support.  Branch  T.  Archer,*  the  president  of  the  assembly, 
opened  its  business  in  an  appropriate  address.  The  general 
council,  which  had,  up  to  that  time,  exercised  the  authority  of 
government,  surrendered  it  to  the  consultation.  A committee 
of  twelve,  of  which  John  A.  Wharton  was  chairman,  was  ap- 
pointed to  prepare  a declaration  of  the  causes  which  impelled 
the  Texans  to  take  up  arms.  A like  committee,  of  which  Henry 
Millard  was  chairman,  was  appointed  “ to  dr^w  up  and  submit 
a plan  or  system  of  a provisional  government .” 

On  the  7th,  the  consultation,  after  much  discussion,  adopted 
the  declaration.!  It  was  not  one  of  independence,  but  of  ad- 
herence to  the  constitution  of  1824.  It  is  likely  that  the  entire 
body  saw  that  the  end  would  be  independence  ; but  they  deemed 
it  prudent  to  move  slowly,  and  first  unite  all  parties  in  the  rev- 
olution. The  great  object  of  the  leading  men  was,  that  their 
actions  should  be  approved  by  the  world.  They  feared  that  a 
precipitate  declaration  of  independence  would  not  meet  that 
approval.  Texas  needed  sympathy  and  aid.  By  a defensive 
course,  she  would  obtain  it.  Such  was  the  policy  of  her  lead- 
ers, and  time  has  shown  its  wisdom.  They  expected  also  to 
induce  some  of  the  other  Mexican  states  to  follow  their  exam- 
ple in  declaring  their  adherence  to  the  federal  constitution,  but 
in  this  they  were  not  successful.  There  was,  in  some  parts  of 
Mexico,  a feeble  response  in  favor  of  liberty,  but  the  bayonets 
of  Santa  Anna  reduced  it  to  silence.  It  may  also  be  observed 

* Dr.  Archer  emigrated  to  Texas  in  1831.  For  a sketch  of  his  history,  see 
Foote’s  History  of  Texas,  vol.  ii.,  p.  12. 

f Journal,  p.  51.  The  committee  first  reported  in  favor  of  a declaration  of 
independence.  It  was  adopted,  and  then  reconsidered.  “ How  the  convention 
will  decide  is  uncertain,  but  the  probability  is  in  favor  of  the  constitution  as  a 
matter  of  policy  only,  as  all  agree  we  must  go,  sooner  or  later,  for  indepen- 
dence.”— J.  W.  Robinson  to  Frost  Thorn,  November  3,  1835. 


PROVISIONAL  GOVERNMENT  ESTABLISHED. 


IB 


that,  in  November,  1885,  public  opinion  in  Texas  was  hardly 
prepared  for  a change  so  sudden. 

The  ordinance  “ establishing  a provisional  government”  was 
completed  on  the  13th  day  of  November,  1835.*  It  is  the  ear- 
liest specimen  of  Anglo-Saxon  law  ever  enforced  in  Texas. 
Its  provisions  were  few,  and  such  as  the  emergency  required. 
It  created  a governor,  lieutenant-governor,  a council,  to  be 
elected  from  the  consultation  (one  from  each  municipality),  a 
provisional  judiciary,  a commander-in-chief,  &c. 

The  consultation  adjourned,  to  meet  at  Washington,  on  the 
1st  day  of  March,  1836 ; providing,  however,  that  the  gov- 
ernor and  council  should  continue  to  exist  as  a provisional 
government  until  its  reassembling.  The  commander-in-chief 
was  declared  to  be  such  “ of  all  the  forces  called  into  public 
service  during  the  war and  he  was  “ to  be  subject  to  the 
governor  and  council.”  These  provisions  are  more  especially 
referred  to  here,  because  of  the  discord  and  misfortunes  result- 
ing therefrom. 

Two  days  before  the  adjournment  of  the  consultation,  they 
elected  Henry  Smith  governorf  and  James  W.  Robinson  lieu- 
tenant-governor of  Texas.  Smith  was  chosen  by  a majority  of 
nine  votes  over  Stephen  F.  Austin.  It  was  at  first  intended 
that  Austin  should  be  governor  but  his  services  being  more 
needed  as  a commissioner  to  the  United  States,  he  was  spared 
the  misfortune  of  being  the  first  governor  of  Texas.  Robinson 
had  no  opposition.  Sam  Houston  was  elected  commander-in- 
chief,  with  but  one  dissenting  voice.  Messrs.  Branch  T.  Ar- 


* Journal,  p.  42. 

f Henry  Smith  was  a native  of  Kentucky.  He  emigrated  to  Missouri,  and 
thence  to  Texas.  He  was  of  moderate  height,  quite  fleshy,  of  fine  social  quali- 
ties, racy  and  interesting  in  conversation,  not  easily  irritated,  but  extremely 
obstinate  in  maintaining  his  opinions. 

t J.  W.  Robinson  to  Frost  Thorn,  November  3,  1835:  MS. 


14 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


cher,  William  H.  Wharton,  and  Stephen  F.  Austin,  were  duly 
chosen  commissioners  to  the  United  States.  Messrs.  A.  Hus- 
ton, Daniel  Parker,  Jesse  Grimes,  A.  G.  Perry,  D.  C.  Barrett, 
Henry  Millard,  Martin  Parmer,  J.  D.  Clements,  R.  R.  Royal, 
W.  P.  Harris,  E.  Waller,  and  W.  Hanks,  were  the  council 
elected  out  of  the  consultation,  to  remain  and  co-operate  with 
Governor  Smith  in  carrying  out  the  organic  law.* 

In  addition  to  other  important  matters,  it  was  provided  that 
“ there  should  be  a regular  army  created  for  the  protection  of 
Texas  during  the  present  war.”  To  give  aid  and  assistance 
in  organizing  this  army,  in  adopting  rules  for  its  government, 
and  in  providing  the  personnel  and  materiel , General  Houston 
remained  in  attendance  on  the  governor  and  council  until  the 
16th  of  December,  when  he  was  ordered  to  remove  his  head- 
quarters to  Washington. 

To  return  to  the  Texan  army  at  Concepcion.  The  entire 
Texan  force  at  this  point  was  at  least  a thousand  men.  After 
remaining  at  Concepcion  until  the  2d  of  November,  the  army 
marched,  by  way  of  the  powder-house,  on  the  slope  of  a gentle 
ridge,  east  of  the  San  Antonio  river,  near  to  its  head,  and 
camped  on  the  east  bank.  Here  they  remained  for  four  or  five 
days,  keeping  up  a constant  patrol  around  the  town.  From 
intelligence  received,  it  was  supposed  that  General  Cos  would 
surrender  upon  demand.  Although  the  information  was  not 
very  reliable,  yet,  as  he  had  been  greatly  straitened  by  the 
siege,  and  his  supplies  were  cut  off,  it  was  deemed  of  sufficient 
importance  to  make  the  attempt.  Accordingly,  the  Texan 
army  was  marched  to  the  west  side  and  down  the  San  Antonio 
river,  and  the  entire  force  displayed  on  an  eminence,  some 


* The  members  of  the  council  were  constantly  changing.  On  the  first  day 
of  the  meeting,  we  find  the  municipalities  of  Jefferson  and  Victoria,  for  the  first 
time,  represented. 


CITY  OF  SAN  ANTONIO. 


15 


fifteen  hundred  yards  from  the  public  square.  The  demand 
for  a surrender  was  then  made,  and  promptly  refused.  The 
Texans  thereupon  took  position  at  the  “ Old  Mill,”  a half-mile 
or  more  north  of  the  public  square,  on  the  west  bank  of  the 
San  Antonio  river. 

The  city  of  San  Antonio  is  situated  on  the  San  Antonio  river 
and  San  Pedro  creek.  These  streams  at  the  city  are  about 
six  hundred  and  fifty  yards  apart ; but,  on  the  east  side  of  the 
place,  there  is  a remarkable  bend  in  the  river,  enclosing  about 
twenty-five  acres,  into  which  the  town  also  extends.  Opposite 
this  bend,  on  the  east  bank  of  the  river,  is  the  ancient  mission 
of  the  Alamo.  The  country  around  San  Antonio  is  generally 
a level  prairie,  more  undulating,  however,  on  the  west  than  on 
the  east  side  of  the  river.  There  is  an  eminence  west  of  the 
town,  toward  the  Alazan ; and  another  above  the  old  mill,  but 
not  sufficiently  near  or  elevated  to  command  the  town,  except 
with  twelve  or  eighteen  pounders.  The  river,  about  sixty  feet 
wide;  is  in  most  places  fordable.  It  seldom  rises  or  falls,  but 
sends  forth  a constant  stream  of  the  purest  water.  The  low- 
ness of  its  banks  and  the  levelness  of  the  grounds  offer  great 
facilities  for  irrigation ; hence  the  ditches,  running  down  on 
both  sides  of  the  river,  and  between  the  two  streams,  not  only 
answer  the  purpose  of  fertilizing  the  land,  but  also  for  defence. 
As  no  advantage  could  be  gained  by  either  party  in  location, 
the  chief  benefit  must  result  to  the  besieged  from  the  buildings 
and  ditches.  The  houses,  of  thick  stone  walls,  were  very  strong. 
The  public  square  of  San  Antonio  is  divided  by  the  church  and 
some  other  buildings  into  two ; or,  rather,  the  original  square, 
or  military  plaza , was  first  laid  off  and  improved  in  1716,  hav- 
ing on  its  east  side  the  church,  and  the  offices  of  priests  and 
officers.  In  1731,  was  laid  off  the  main  square,  or  Plaza  of 
the  Constitution.  Along  the  north  side  of  these  squares,  runs 


16 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


through  the  centre  of  the  city  the  main  street,  which  is  pro- 
longed east  of  the  river  to  the  Garita , or  Look-out,  used  also 
as  a powder-house,  about  one  and  a quarter  miles  from  the 
town.  At  the  crossing  of  the  river  by  this  street  was  a bridge, 
the  only  one  then  on  the  river. 

While  the  Texan  army  was  hanging  about  the  town,  Cos 
was  not  idle.  Ugartachea  was  despatched  to  Matamoras  for 
reinforcements ; breastworks  were  thrown  up  at  the  entrance 
of  every  street  into  the  square ; and,  on  an  open  lot,  on  the 
north  side  of  the  military  plaza,  was  erected  a redoubt.  The 
venerable  church  was  also  brought  into  the  service,  and  artil- 
lery mounted  behind  the  parapet  on  its  roof.  The  Mexican 
force  in  the  place  was  at  this  time  about  eight  hundred  men, 
with  sufficient  artillery  to  defend  the  different  points  fortified. 
The  Texans  had  but  five  pieces,  of  small  calibre.  Previous  to 
the  departure  of  the  Texan  army  from  Concepcion,  a council 
of  war  had  been  called  by  Austin,  to  consider  the  propriety  of 
an  immediate  assault  upon  the  town.  It  was  concluded  that 
it  could  be  made,  and  the  place  taken,  but  at  a greater  sacri- 
fice of  men  than  the  Texans  could  afford  to  bear ; hence  a reg- 
ular siege  was  ordered. 

“ I am  afraid,”  says  Austin,  writing  to  Captain  Dimit,  on 
the  2d  of  November,  “ that  our  future  operations  will  be  tedi- 
ous and  prolonged,  owing  to  the  strength  of  the  fortifications 
at  this  place,  of  which  we  have  certain  information.  Whether 
the  army  can  be  kept  together  long  enough  to  await  the  arrival 
of  reinforcements,  and  the  necessary  supply  of  heavy  battering- 
cannon  and  ammunition,  I am  sorry  to  say,  is  somewhat  uncer- 
tain.” 

Various  attempts  were  made  to  entice  the  enemy  beyond  his 
walls.  On  one  occasion,  a detachment  of  one  hundred  and 
ninety  Texans  marched  up  within  the  range  of  the  Mexican 


SIEGE  OF  SAN  ANTONIO. 


17 


six-pounders  ; on  another,  Colonel  Thomas  J.  Husk,  at  the 
head  of  forty  cavalry,  took  a position  within  three  hundred 
yards  of  their  walls,  and  remained  there  twenty  minutes : still 
they  could  not  be  drawn  from  their  works.*  It  was  the  opin- 
ion of  Austin,  on  the  14th  of  November,  that  the  enemy  could 
not  long  hold  out.f  To  lessen  their  consumption  of  provis- 
ions, the  Mexicans  sent  off  three  hundred  of  their  horses  to 
Laredo ; but  they  were  overtaken  and  captured,  about  forty 
miles  from  San  Antonio,  by  a detachment  under  Travis.  J The 
poor  condition  of  these  horses  indicated  the  wants  of  the  be- 
sieged. But  Cos,  awaiting  his  reinforcements,  still  held  out. 
Occasional  conflicts  between  the  outposts  and  scouts  of  the  two 
armies  constituted  the  only  subjects  of  interest  in  camp  for  sev- 
eral days.  Volunteers,  always  impatient  while  inactive,  had 
manifested  this  feeling  in  the  camp  before  Bexar.  They  found 
amusement  and  interest  in  catching  the  exhausted  cannon-balls 
of  the  enemy,  and  throwing  them  back ; they  also  derived  some 
pleasure  from  scouting-excursions  of  two  or  three  days’  contin- 
uance. But,  in  spite  of  all  this,  the  besieging  force  was  con- 
tinually decreasing ; so  that,  by  the  14th  of  November,  they 
did  not  number  six  hundred  men. 

One  of  these  scouting-parties,  that  had  been  down  on  the 
Medina,  returned  about  ten  o’clock  on  the  morning  of  the  26th 
of  November,  leaving  “ Deaf  Smith”  behind.  It  was  known 
that  Ugartachea  was  expected  in  Bexar,  and  this  scout  had 
been  on  the  look-out  for  him.  It  happened  that  on  that  morn- 
ing, General  Cos  had  sent  out  a party  of  over  a hundred  men 
on  the  old  Presidio  road,  to  cut  grass  for  the  horses.  Having 
supplied  themselves  with  forage,  they  were  on  their  way  back, 
and  about  five  miles  from  town,  when  Deaf  Smith  discovered 

* Rusk  to  Houston,  November  14,  1835:  MS. 

f Austin  to  Houston,  November  14,  1835:  MS.  $ Foote,  vol.  il,  p.  126. 

VOL.  II.— 2 


18 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


them.  About  two  o’clock  in  the  evening  he  reached  the  Texan 
camp,  and  reported  what  he  supposed  to  be  Ugartachea,  with 
a guard,  bringing  funds  to  pay  off  the  Mexican  army — for  it 
was  understood  in  the  Texan  camp  that  such  was  his  mission. 
Immediately  the  cry  of  “ Ugartachea !”  resounded  along  the 
lines  ; and  all  who  could,  prepared  to  go  in  pursuit  of  him.  It 
may  be  proper  to  state  here  that  on  the  25th  (the  day  before), 
Austin,  having  received  news  of  his  appointment  as  commis- 
sioner to  the  United  States,  resigned  his  command  of  the  army, 
and  Colonel  Edward  Burleson  had  just  been  elected  to  succeed 
him.  Colonel  James  Bowie,  with  about  a hundred  mounted 
men,  set  out  in  a gallop,  m advance.  Shortly  after,  the  re- 
mainder of  the  army,  with  the  exception  of  a suitable  guard, 
followed.  They  met  the  enemy  about  a mile  from  the  town, 
on  their  return.  Bowie,  with  the  advance,  charged  upon  them, 
when  they  took  a position  in  the  bed  of  a dry  branch.  The 
movement  of  the  Texans  had  been  seen  from  the  town,  and  the 
besieged  marched  out  to  defend  the  foraging-party,  bringing 
with  them  two  pieces  of  artillery.  Just  as  Bowie  charged  the 
right  of  the  foraging-party,  the  besieged  came  up  on  the  left. 
Bowie  now  turned  his  attention  to  the  latter,  and  for  a short 
time  the  battle  was  well  sustained.  The  enemy,  however,  re- 
treated as  they  fought.  The  main  body  of  the  Texan  force 
coming  up  meanwhile,  charged  on  the  foraging-party,  drove 
them  from  the  bed  of  the  dry  branch,  and  took  position  in  it. 
After  the  last  charge,  the  enemy  retreated  yet  more  rapidly  — 
still,  however,  continuing  the  fight  until  they  reached  the  town, 
when  the  Texans  formed  in  a ravine,  but  shortly  afterward  re- 
turned to  their  camp.  The  Mexican  loss  in  this  confused,  run- 
ning fight,  was  about  fifty  killed  and  several  wounded.  The 
Texans  had  none  killed,  two  wounded,  and  one  missing.  The 
enemy  lost  about  seventy  head  of  horses,  taken  by  the  victors. 


REINFORCEMENT  OF  GOLIAD. 


19 


The  history  of  this  affair,  known  as  the  “ Grass-Fight,”  has 
been  greatly  confused.  The  official  account  is  hardly  intelli- 
gible. Kennedy  has  confounded  it  with  another  occurrence, 
of  the  8th  of  the  same  month,  which  happened  on  this  wise : 
A party  of  thirty-two  men,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Wil- 
liam Austin  (a  cousin  of  Stephen  F.),  went  out,  on  the  day  in 
question,  in  search  of  Ugartachea.  When  arrived  at  the  place 
where  the  “ Grass-Fight”  afterward  occurred,  one  of  their 
number,  House,  was  accidentally  killed.  The  party  went  on, 
sending  back  Lynch  for  another  party,  to  bring  in  House’s 
body.  Fifty  men  were  accordingly  despatched  for  that  pur- 
pose. As  they  were  returning  with  the  body,  they  were  at- 
tacked by  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  mounted  Mexicans. 
The  Texans  took  post  in  a gulley,  and  continued  the  fight  suc- 
cessfully, till  they  were  reinforced  from  their  main  camp,  when 
the  enemy  were  driven  in,  with  a loss  of  some  fifteen  or  twenty 
killed  and  wounded.  The  Texans  lost  none.* 

After  the  capture  of  Goliad  by  Collingsworth,  General  Aus- 
tin directed  that  it  should  be  retained  and  defended.  A de- 
tachment from  Bay  Prairie,  and  also  another  from  the  Nueces, 
were  sent  to  reinforce  the  place,  making  the  number  of  its  de- 
fenders, under  the  command  of  Captain  Philip  Dimit,  upward 
of  eighty  effective  men.  This  reinforcement  enabled  Captain 
Dimit  to  despatch  thirty-six  men,  under  Captain  Westover,  to 
the  attack  of  the  Mexican  force  at  Lipantitlan,  a small  place 
above  San  Patricio,  on  the  Nueces.  The  Mexican  force,  con- 
sisting of  twenty-one  men,  with  two  pieces  of  artillery,  surren- 
dered without  a contest  on  the  3d  of  November ; and,  upon 
agreement  that  they  would  not  bear  arms  against  Texas  during 

* Kennedy,  vol.  ii.,  p.  133.  Report  of  General  Burleson  to  the  Provisional 
Government,  November  27,  1835.  The  accounts  given  of  the  “Grass-Fight,” 
and  of  the  affair  of  the  8th,  are  derived  from  statements  of  those  engaged  in 
them,  and  are  considered  reliable. 


20 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


the  war,  the  prisoners  were  set  at  liberty.  The  Texans  re- 
mained at  Lipantitlan  until  the  next  evening,  when  they  set 
out  on  their  return  to  Goliad.  As  they  were  crossing  the 
Nueces,  and  when  about  half  of  them  had  passed  the  river, 
they  were  attacked  by  about  seventy  of  the  enemy.  After  a 
severe  contest  of  half  an  hour,  in  which  some  twenty  of  the 
Mexicans  were  killed  and  wounded,  they  retreated,  leaving 
the  Texans  masters  of  the  field,  the  latter  having  only  one  man 
wounded.* 

The  news  of  these  successes  spread  over  the  country  through 
the  agency  of  the  committees  of  safety,  and  cheered  the  Tex- 
ans in  their  struggle.  The  same  intelligence,  reaching  the 
United  States,  kindled  a flame  of  sympathy  everywhere.  At 
New  York,  Cincinnati,  Louisville,  Nashville,  Macon,  Hunts- 
ville, Natchitoches,  Mobile,  New  Orleans,  and  other  places, 
funds  were  raised,  and  emigrants  fitted  out  in  squads,  compa- 
nies, and  battalions.  True,  there  were,  in  all  these  places,  icy 
spirits,  who  had  no  sympathy,  and  who  condemned  Texas  for 
not  submitting  to  Santa  Anna.  Such  men,  if  they  really  knew 
the  wrongs  inflicted  on  Texas,  and  those  greater  wrongs  with 
which  she  was  threatened — had  they  lived  in  the  time  of  the 
American  Revolution,  would  have  opposed  it  also.  It  ill  be- 
came a country  like  the  United  States,  still  red  with  the  blood 
of  her  rebellion  against  George  III.,  to  blame  Texas  for  going 
into  the  contest  with  Mexican  despotism.  The  former  revolt- 
ed because  of  taxation  without  representation . The  wrongs  of 
Texas  were  so  much  greater,  that  she  did  not  even  complain 
of  the  absence  of  that  right ! Mexico  complained  to  the  Uni- 
ted States  that  the  revolted  Texans  “ were  daily  obtaining  from 
New  Orleans  assistance  of  all  kinds,  in  men,  munitions,  and 
arms,  in  silver  and  soldiers,  who  publicly  enlist  in  that  city, 

* Journal  of  the  Council,  pp.  8,  84;  Kennedy,  vol.  ii,  p.  132. 


PROJECTED  ENTERPRISE  AGAINST  MATAMORAS. 


21 


and  carry  with  them  arms  against  a friendly  nation.”*  There 
was  no  law  in  the  United  States  to  prevent  public  meetings, 
or  to  prohibit  the  transmission  of  funds  or  arms  to  other  coun- 
tries ; nor  was  there  any  law  to  prevent  persons  from  leaving 
the  United  States,  provided  they  did  not  organize  and  array 
their  forces  within  her  limits.  President  Jackson  was  not  the 
man  to  shrink  from  any  official  duty,  however  painful ; but,  as 
an  individual,  he  could  not  but  feel  an  interest  in  a struggle 
like  that  in  which  Texas  was  engaged : and  what  he  thought, 
he  spoke.  It  can  not  be  denied  that  in  some  instances  the  law 
was  violated,  and  that  organized  bodies  of  men  did  leave  the 
United  States : but  the  sympathy  for  the  cause  of  the  Texans 
was  almost  universal,  and  no  one  made  it  his  business  to  ad- 
vise prosecuting  officers  of  these  movements.  They  came  — 
they  aided  Texas ; she  gave  them  a home,  and  many  of  them 
remained  within  her  limits.  The  Lafayettes,  the  Pulaskis,  and 
the  Kosciuskos  of  Texas,  will  be  kindly  remembered,  not  only 
throughout  her  borders,  but  wherever  liberty  has  friends. 

After  the  departure  of  General  Austin,  the  besieging  army 
before  San  Antonio  came  very  near  being  broken  up.  This 
threatened  dissolution  originated  from  a projected  enterprise 
against  Matamoras,  with  the  hope  of  obtaining  the  co-operation 
of  a large  force  of  Mexican  liberals.  Dr.  James  Grant,  an 
Englishman,  some  time  before  domiciliated  about  Monclova, 
and  one  of  the  legislators  dispersed  by  General  Cos,  was  the 
cause  of  this  movement.  He  published  an  account  of  the  sup- 
posed condition  of  the  interior  of  Mexico — representing  that 
Alvarez  was  active  in  the  south,  and  had  taken  Acapulco ; that 
Guzman  and  Montenegro  had  an  army  of  twenty-one  hundred 
liberals  in  the  state  of  Guadalaxara;  that  Puebla,  with  the 

* Monasterio,  Mexican  Minister  of  Foreign  Relations,  to  the  Secretary  of  State 
of  the  United  States,  November  19,  1836. 


22 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


governor  at  its  head,  had  refused  to  publish  the  centralizing 
decree  of  the  3d  of  October,  and  the  people  were  rising  en 
masse  to  defend  their  liberties  ; that  Valladolid  had  protested 
in  the  strongest  terms,  and  was  raising  her  civic  militia ; that 
Oajaca  had  made  a like  protest,  and  was  also  preparing  for 
defence ; that  Zacatecas  was  ready  to  take  the  first  opportu- 
nity to  avenge  her  wrongs ; so  also  was  Durango ; and  that 
Tamaulipas  and  New  Leon  would  rise  the  moment  an  attack 
was  made  on  Matamoras , and  San  Luis  Potosi  would  instantly 
follow.  These,  with  the  further  representations — made,  no 
doubt,  honestly  by  Grant — that  Santa  Anna  was  sadly  dis- 
tressed for  want  of  funds  to  carry  on  his  despotic  plans,  and 
that  his  army  was  scattered  and  could  not  be  safely  united,* 
served  to  turn  the  heads  of  many  of  the  leading  men  of  Texas. 
It  was  supposed  that  they  had  only  to  show  themselves  on  the 
right  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande,  when  the  whole  of  Mexico  would 
rally  around  them ! They  never  reflected  that,  since  1832, 
the  Texans  had  become  a by-word  of  reproach  in  Mexico,  and 
that  all  parties  there  denounced  them  as  “ perfidious,  ungrate- 
ful disturbers.”  As  this  first  thought  of  a campaign  against 
Matamoras  was  the  cause  of  great  confusion,  and  some  bloody 
tragedies,  its  progress,  maturity,  and  final  catastrophe,  will 
deserve  a more  especial  notice ; but  such  notice  will  appear 
more  properly  in  a subsequent  page. 

Mention  has  already  been  made  of  the  New  Orleans  Grays , 
two  notable  companies,  afterward  so  distinguished  for  their 
valor  and  sacrifices  in  the  cause  of  Texas.  The  first  news  of 
the  Texan  Revolution  was  received  in  New  Orleans  on  the  13th 
of  October,  1835.  The  same  evening  a meeting  was  held  at 
Bank’s  Arcade.  William  Christy,  a noble  and  valuable  friend 
to  Texas,  presided.  Ample  funds  were  raised.  Just  as  the 

* Letter  of  James  Grant,  November  13,  1835. 


NEW  ORLEANS  VOLUNTEERS. 


23 


meeting  adjourned,  Adolphus  Sterne,  of  Nacogdoches,  stepped 
on  the  platform,  and  made  known  that  Texas  wanted  men  as 
well  as  money ; and  that,  as  a Texan  agent,  he  had  that  day 
purchased  fifty  muskets,  which  would  be  distributed  to  those 
who  would  go  with  him  to  Texas.  On  the  suggestion,  names 
were  called  for,  and  two  companies  immediately  raised,  the  one 
commanded  by  Captain  Robert  C.  Morris,  and  the  other  by 
Captain  Breese.  The  Texan  committee  dressed  them  in  gray 
uniforms,  and  they  departed  for  the  theatre  of  war — the  first- 
named  by  way  of  the  gulf,  the  other  by  way  of  Natchitoches. 
The  appearance  of  Breese’s  company  at  Nacogdoches  had  a 
fine  effect  on  the  Cherokee  Indians,  a large  number  of  whom 
were  then  in  town.  Their  fine  uniform  caps  and  coats  attract- 
ed the  notice  of  the  chief  Bolles.  He  inquired  if  they  were 
Jackson’s  men.  “ Certainly  they  are,”  said  Sterne.  “Are 
there  more  coming?”  — “Yes,”  was  the  reply.  “How  many 
more  ?”  asked  Bolles.  Sterne  told  him  to  count  the  hairs  on 
his  head,  and  he  would  know.  In  twenty  minutes  the  Indians 
had  all  left  the  town  !*  The  “ Grays”  reached  San  Antonio 
in  time  to  participate  in  its  capture.  Morris,  of  the  first  Grays, 
was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  major,  and  William  G.  Cooke  ap- 
pointed to  his  place  as  captain. 

On  the  29th  of  November,  Major  Morris  informed  General 
Houston  that  two  hundred  and  twenty-five  men,  nearly  all  from 
the  United  States,  had  determined  to  set  out  the  next  morning 
from  Bexar,  for  Matamoras,  and  thence  into  the  interior ; that 
their  accounts  from  Mexico  were  of  the  most  encouraging  char- 
acter ; that  they  expected  to  be  joined  by  a hundred  or  a hun- 
dred and  fifty  more*  then  on  their  way  from  the  United  States ; 
and  that  they  expected  in  the  end  to  be  joined  by  from  five  to 
eight  thousand  men,  who  were  awaiting  them.  He  further 

* Statement  of  the  late  Adolphus  Sterne. 


24 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


stated  that  those  who  would  leave  Bexar  with  him,  if  disap* 
pointed  in  marching  on  Matamoras,  would  immediately  return 
to  the  United  States.  Such  was  the  hopeless  state  of  things, 
on  the  last  days  of  November,  before  Bexar.  But,  about  that 
time,  the  idea  of  storming  the  place  had  got  a hold  in  camp. 
The  Texan  force  was  then  not  more  than  eight  hundred,  inclu- 
ding the  Grays,  Captain  Peacock’s  company  from  Mississippi, 
and  Captain  English’s  company  from  eastern  Texas  — so  much 
had  the  forces  of  the  besiegers  diminished  by  the  impatience 
of  the  volunteers.  The  hope  of  active  operations,  however, 
detained  the  troops  for  some  days. 

On  the  morning  of  the  3d  of  December,  1835,  Messrs.  Smith, 
Holmes,  and  Maverick,  who  had  been  detained  under  surveil- 
lance in  Bexar  since  the  affair  at  Gonzales,  made  their  escape, 
and  reached  the  Texan  camp.  From  information  given  by 
them  as  to  the  strength  of  the  place,  a call  was  made  for  vol- 
unteers to  attack  it  at  four  o’clock  the  next  morning.  The 
plan  of  assault  proposed  that  three  hundred  volunteers  should 
be  led  into  the  town  in  three  divisions : the  first,  under  Colonel 
Jack,  to  take  and  occupy  the  house  of  Jose  Angel  Navarro ; 
the  second,  under  Lieutenant  Sommervell,  to  take  and  occupy 
the  house  of  Antonio  de  la  Garza ; and  the  third,  under  Major 
Morris,  to  take  and  occupy  the  house  of  Veramendi.  Deaf 
Smith,  John  W.  Smith,  and  Hendrick  Arnold,  were  to  act  as 
guides  to  the  respective  divisions. 

During  that  day  and  night,  all  was  preparation  and  impa- 
tience for  the  hour  to  march.  A serious  conference  was  in 
session  in  General  Burleson’s  quarters,  which  closed  by  a proc- 
lamation that  the  descent  on  the  town  was  postponed ! The 
burst  of  disappointment  and  indignation  which  followed  this 
announcement  can  be  better  imagined  than  described.  A gen- 
eral parade  was  ordered  for  ten  o’clock  on  the  morning  of  the 


PREPARATIONS  TO  ATTACK  SAN  ANTONIO. 


25 


4th.  Many  of  the  companies  refused  to  turn  out.  The  causes 
assigned  for  postponing  the  attack  were,  the  absence  of  Arnold, 
one  of  the  guides,  together  with  an  opinion  that  the  besieged 
had  received  notice  of  the  intended  assault. 

About  two  o’clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the  4th  of  December, 
an  order  was  issued  to  raise  the  siege,  and  to  set  out  for  La 
Bahia  at  seven  o’clock  that  evening.  “ It  was  then,”  says  an 
eye-witness,  “ that  the  scene  was  wholly  indescribable,  and  se- 
rious apprehensions  were  entertained  that  our  camp  would 
become  the  theatre  of  blood.”  But,  in  the  meantime,  Arnold, 
the  absent  guide,  had  returned  ; and  Lieutenant  Yuavis,  of  the 
Mexican  army,  who  had  deserted  the  night  before,  came  up. 
The  latter  was  conducted  forthwith  to  headquarters,  and  un- 
derwent a strict  examination.  He  stated  that  the  garrison 
was  in  a tumult,  and  much  dissatisfied ; and,  further,  that  the 
enemy  had  no  suspicion  of  the  intended  descent  that  morning. 
He  also  stated  that  the  strength  of  the  place  had  been  exag- 
gerated. On  receipt  of  this  information  late  in  the  evening  of 
the  4th,  Colonel  Benjamin  R.  Milam,  at  the  suggestion  of  some 
persons,  cried  aloud,  “ Who  will  go  with  old  Ben  Milam  into 
San  Antonio  ?”  The  reply  was  a shout  from  the  officers  and 
men  then  assembled  around  the  quarters  of  General  Burleson. 
They  were  ordered  to  fall  into  line,  and,  after  a partial  organi- 
zation, Milam  was  promptly  elected  to  the  command,  and  noti- 
fied the  men  to  meet  him,  early  after  dark,  at  the  old  mill  — 
there  to  complete  their  arrangements.  All  this  transpired  in 
the  presence  of  General  Burleson,  and  with  his  approbation. 
They  met  at  the  old  mill,  and  formed  the  attacking  party  in 
two  divisions  : the  first  under  the  immediate  command  of  Colo- 
nel Milam,  assisted  by  Colonel  Nidland  Franks  of  the  artillery 
and  Major  R.  C.  Morris  of  the  Grays,  with  Messrs.  Maverick, 
Cooke,  and  Arnold,  as  guides  ; the  second  under  the  command 


26 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


of  Colonel  Frank  W.  Johnson,  assisted  by  Colonels  James 
Grant  and  William  T.  Austin,  with  Deaf  Smith  and  John  W. 
Smith  as  guides.  General  Burleson  was  waited  on,  and  re- 
quested to  hold  his  position  till  the  result  of  the  attack  on  the 
town  was  known,  which  he  cheerfully  agreed  to  do.  Colonel 
J.  C.  Neill  was  directed  to  make  a feint  on  the  Alamo,  to  di- 
vert the  enemy’s  attention  while  Milam  was  marching  into  the 
place.  There  were  three  hundred  and  one  men  that  made  the 
descent,  composed  mostly  of  parts  of  the  companies  of  Captains 
York,  Patton,  Dickinson,  English,  and  Ward,  in  the  first  divis- 
ion, under  Milam,  and  of  the  companies  of  Cook,  Breese,  Pea- 
cock, Swisher,  and  Edwards,  in  the  second  division,  under 
Johnson. 

On  the  morning  of  the  5th  of  December,  about  twenty  min- 
utes before  daylight,  the  assault  was  made  on  the  town.  Colo- 
nel Neill,  making  an  earlier  start,  had  crossed  the  river,  de- 
scended toward  the  Alamo,  and  opened  a fire  upon  it,  com- 
pletely diverting  the  enemy’s  attention.  This  he  continued  till 
he  heard  the  report  of  the  guns  in  the  town,  when  he  withdrew 
to  the  camp.  The  division  of  Milam  marched  in  a direction  a 
little  south  of  west  to  the  entrance  of  Acequia  street  (so  named 
from  the  ditch  running  on  its  west  side)  ; while,  at  the  same 
time,  that  of  Johnson  advanced  to  the  entrance  of  Soledad 
street.  These  two  streets  from  their  entrance  run  south  for  a 
thousand  varas  to  the  main  plaza — the  first  entering  the  square 
on  the  northwest  and  the  other  on  the  northeast  corner.  At 
these  points  of  entrance  into  the  square  the  enemy  had  erected 
breastworks  and  batteries,  so  as  to  command  them.  Milam’s 
division  took  possession  of  the  house  of  De  la  Garza,  and  John- 
son that  of  Veramendi.  These  houses  were  nearly  opposite, 
on  the  east  side  of  each  of  the  two  streets,  and  about  a hundred 
yards  from  the  main  square.  In  approaching  the  Yeramendi 


I AM  AMTiMil®  * ITS  ENVIRONS 


Taken  from  actual  Survev.  lllustrat  i 


og  the  storming  of  the  Town  hy  the  Texans  under 

Col.  M i Lam . 


ATTACK  ON  SAN  ANTONIO. 


27 


house,  a sentinel  fired  upon  the  column,  which  was  returned 
with  effect  by  Deaf  Smith.  This  aroused  the  Mexicans  in  the 
town.  The  fire  from  the  town  and  the  Alamo  soon  became  tre- 
mendous. The  Texans  had  taken  with  them  two  pieces  of 
artillery,  a twelve  and  a six  pounder.  The  former  was  dis- 
mounted, and,  for  want  of  a cover  for  the  other  piece,  it  was 
but  little  used.  So  well  directed  was  the  enemy’s  fire,  that, 
for  a time,  the  Texans  could  not  cover  their  lines,  or  keep  up 
a safe  communication  between  the  two  divisions.  They  relied, 
however,  upon  their  rifles,  with  which  they  slackened  the  ene- 
my’s fire,  and  silenced  the  artillery  within  range  of  their  pieces. 
During  the  5th,  the  Texans  had  one  killed,  and  two  colonels, 
one  lieutenant-colonel,  and  twelve  privates,  wounded.*  These 
were  sent  back  to  the  camp. 

The  night  of  the  5th  was  occupied  by  the  Texans  in  strength- 
ening their  works,  and  opening  a communication  between  the 
two  divisions.  The  enemy  kept  up  a constant  fire  during  the 
night,  which  slackened  somewhat  toward  daylight.  They  were 
also  engaged  in  placing  armed  men  on  the  tops  of  the  surround- 
ing houses,  and  in  strengthening  their  defences.  The  Texans 
at  length  succeeded  in  opening  a safe  communication  between 
their  two  divisions.  This  they  did  under  a raking  fire  from 
the  enemy’s  battery  at  the  entrance  of  Soledad  street. 

At  daylight,  on  the  morning  of  the  6th  of  December,  the 
enemy  were  discovered  to  have  occupied  the  tops  of  the  houses 
between  the  Texans  and  the  plaza , and  to  have  cut  loopholes 
in  the  parapet-walls  crowning  the  buildings.  From  these  points 


* Among  the  wounded  were  Lieutenant  John  L.  Hall,  of  the  first  Grays,  and 
Deaf  Smith.  These  wounds  were  received  on  top  of  the  Yeramendi  house, 
whither  some  ten  or  fifteen  had  ascended  to  get  a view  of  the  enemy.  Finding 
their  position  untenable,  they  descended  through  the  roof.  A writer  in  the 
‘Texas  Gazette’  of  September  8,  1849,  says  Lieutenant  Hall  was  not  of  the 
party.  That  officer  himself  states  that  he  was. 


28 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


they  opened  and  kept  up  during  the  day  a brisk  fire  of  small- 
arms  ; at  the  same  time  a steady  fire  of  artillery  was  maintained 
from  the  town  and  the  Alamo.  The  greatest  danger  to  the 
Texans  was  in  passing  from  one  building  to  another.  A de- 
tachment of  Captain  Crane’s  company,  under  Lieutenant  Wil- 
liam M‘Donald,  with  others,  advanced  under  a severe  fire  and 
took  possession  of  the  house  to  the  right  and  somewhat  in  ad- 
vance of  the  Garza  house.  This  extended  the  Texan  line  west- 
ward, and  toward  the  military  plaza.  At  the  same  time,  the 
assailants  were  strengthening  their  works,  and  returning  the 
fire  of  the  enemy.  They  also  succeeded  in  mounting  their  can- 
non, with  which  they  did  some  execution.  The  communication 
between  the  two  divisions  of  the  assailants  was  strengthened. 
During  this,  the  second  day  of  the  attack,  the  Texans  had  five 
wounded.  The  night  of  the  6th  was  occupied  by  the  enemy  in 
keeping  up  a languishing  fire,  in  opening  a trench  on  the  Alar 
mo  side  of  the  river,  and  in  strengthening  their  batteries  on 
Main  street,  leading  from  the  plaza  to  the  Alamo.  The  Tex- 
ans were  engaged  in  strengthening  their  lines. 

On  the  morning  of  the  7th,  the  enemy  opened  a brisk  fire 
from  the  trench  constructed  the  night  before  ; also  of  artillery 
and  small-arms  from  other  positions.  By  eleven  o’clock  that 
day,  the  deadly  fire  of  the  Texan  rifles  had  silenced  that  from 
the  trench,  and  also  from  some  of  the  Mexican  artillery.  The 
only  house  between  the  Garza  house  and  the  buildings  on  the 
plaza  was  about  midway,  but  back  from  the  street.  About 
noon,  the  gallant  Karnes  advanced  with  a crowbar,  under  a 
heavy  fire  from  the  enemy,  and  forced  an  entrance.  Captain 
York’s  company  followed,  and  held  the  position.  In  the  even- 
ing the  fire  of  the  Mexicans  became  active  from  all  their  works. 
Colonel  Milam,  in  passing  from  his  position  to  that  of  Johnson 
at  the  Yeramendi  house,  was  instantly  killed  by  a rifle-shot  in 


DEATH  OF  COLONEL  MILAM. 


29 


the  head.  He  fell  just  as  he  entered  the  yard.  In  his  death, 
Texas  lost  a commander  and  a soldier  whose  place  could  not 
be  easily  supplied.*  The  Texans,  however,  felt  a new  incen- 
tive to  avenge  his  death.  They  immediately  set  on  foot  a 
party  to  take  possession  of  the  house  of  Antonio  Navarro,  situ- 
ated on  the  north  side  of  Main  street,  one  block  west  of  the 
main  plaza,  but  commanding  a portion  of  the  military  plaza, 
and  the  Mexican  redoubt  on  the  second  block  west  of  the  main 
square.  The  party  consisted  of  portions  of  the  companies  of 
Captains  Llewyllen,  English,  Crane,  and  York.  They  ad- 
vanced from  the  house  taken  by  Karnes,  and  forced  an  en- 
trance. The  enemy  endeavored  to  retake  it  by  firing  through 
loopholes  made  in  the  roof ; but  the  Texans  returned  the  fire 
through  the  same  loopholes,  and  drove  them  off. 

Immediately  north  of  and  adjoining  the  Navarro  house,  front- 
ing on  Flores  street,  stood  a row  of  buildings  known  as  the 
“ Zambrano  Row.”  The  taking  of  these  buildings  was  part 
of  the  work  of  the  8th  of  December.  The  morning  was  cold 
and  wet,  and  but  little  was  done.  About  nine  o’clock,  how- 
ever, the  same  party  who  had  taken  the  Navarro  house,  being 
reinforced  by  the  Grays,  commenced  the  attack.  The  row  con- 
sisted of  a series  of  rooms,  separated  by  thick  partition-walls. 
These  walls  were  pierced,  and  thus  the  Texans  advanced  from 
room  to  room.  The  enemy  disputed  every  inch  of  the  ground, 
and  kept  up  a tremendous  fire  of  artillery  during  the  day.  At 
last,  however,  they  were  forced  to  abandon  the  row.  During 
this  time,  a small  reinforcement,  under  Lieutenant  Gill,  came 
in  from  the  camp  of  General  Burleson.  The  Mexicans,  in  or- 
der to  produce  a diversion,  sent  out  a party  of  about  fifty  men 
from  the  Alamo  toward  the  Texan  camp,  but  they  were  quickly 
driven  back  by  the  fire  of  a six-pounder.  After  dark,  on  the 

* Milam  was  buried  where  he  fell. 


30 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


8th,  the  occupants  of  the  Zambrano  row  were  reinforced  by 
the  companies  of  Captains  Swisher,  Alley,  Edwards,  and  Dun- 
can. Thus  the  Texans  had,  in  fact,  the  command  of  the  north- 
west portion  of  the  enemy’s  main  defences. 

On  the  night  of  the  8th,  a further  advance  was  made.  On 
the  north  side,  and  opposite  the  centre  of  the  main  plaza,  stood 
a strong  building  known  as  the  “ Priest’s  House.”  It  com- 
manded the  plaza,  and  its  capture  was  considered  the  crown- 
ing work  of  the  assault.  Just  before  midnight,  a party  of 
about  a hundred  men,  destined  to  attack  this  place,  set  out 
from  the  Garza  house.  In  passing  an  out-building  connected 
with  the  wall  around  the  yard  of  the  priest’s  house,  they  were 
exposed  to  a heavy  fire  from  the  Mexicans  occupying  that  out- 
building ; but  by  a rapid  movement  the  assailants  reached  the 
wall,  broke  it  down,  drove  the  enemy  from  his  position,  entered 
the  priest’s  house,  secured  and  strengthened  the  doors  and 
windows,  and  commenced  cutting  loopholes.  The  fire  of  the 
enemy  had  by  this  time  become  general,  and  was  kept  up  with 
artillery  and  small-arms  until  nearly  daylight.  Finding  the 
Texans  unpleasantly  near  them,  they  did  not  wait  for  daybreak 
to  see  the  effect  of  their  rifles  from  the  loopholes  in  the  priest’s 
house  upon  the  main  plaza,  but  retreated  to  the  Alamo.  At 
half-past  six  o’clock,  on  the  morning  of  the  9th,  General  Cos 
sent  in  a flag  of  truce,  expressing  a wish  to  capitulate. 

General  Burleson,  having  received  notice  of  the  flag,  pro- 
ceeded to  the  town  ; and  by  two  o’clock,  on  the  morning  of  the 
10th,  the  articles  of  capitulation  were  concluded.  Cos  and 
his  officers  were  permitted  to  retire  with  their  arms  and  pri- 
vate property,  upon  their  word  of  honor  that  they  would  not 
in  any  way  oppose  the  re-establishment  of  the  constitution  of 
1824 ; the  Mexican  convict-soldiers  were  to  be  taken  beyond 
the  Rio  Grande ; all  public  property  belonged  to  the  victors ; 


CAPITULATION  OF  SAN  ANTONIO. 


31 


such  of  the  troops  as  wished  to  remain,  or  leave  the  Mexican 
army,  had  the  liberty  of  doing  so.  Commissioners  were  ap- 
pointed to  carry  the  articles  into  effect. 

It  is  proper  here  to  state  that  during  the  attack,  notwith- 
standing General  Burleson  had  out  a constant  patrol,  Ugarta- 
chea  made  his  way  into  San  Antonio  with  five  hundred  con- 
victs, guarded  by  a hundred  regular  infantry.  This  force, 
added  to  the  eight  hundred  previously  there,  made  an  aggre- 
gate of  fourteen  hundred.  The  number  of  the  enemy  killed 
has  been  variously  estimated : it  probably  did  not  exceed  a 
hundred  and  fifty.  The  Texan  loss  was  trifling,  though  they 
had  several  wounded. 

Among  the  occurrences  of  the  assault,  it  may  be  stated  that 
on  the  same  evening  of  the  death  of  Milam,  the  officers  assem- 
bled and  conferred  the  command  on  Colonel  Frank  W.  John- 
son, who  had  the  high  honor  of  raising  the  flag  of  victory  over 
the  walls  of  Bexar.  The  reinforcement  of  convicts  brought  in 
by  Ugartachea  were  conducted  in  chains,  and  their  fetters  were 
only  taken  off  when  they  were  introduced  within  the  lines. 
Such  men  added  nothing  to  the  Mexican  strength,  but  served 
only  to  hasten  the  consumption  of  the  scanty  provisions  of  the 
besieged.  After  the  occupation  of  the  priest’s  house  by  the 
Texans,  the  town  was  fairly  in  their  possession.  The}  were 
in  a position,  as  soon  as  daylight  appeared,  to  clear  every  bat- 
tery on  the  plaza.  The  terms  of  the  capitulation  were,  then, 
humane.  It  is  true  the  enemy  could  have  held  out  for  some 
time  in  the  Alamo,  but  they  had  no  provisions.  The  Texans 
agreed  to  furnish  them  with  a supply  at  a fair  price,  and  their 
sick  and  wounded  were  permitted  to  remain  behind,  and  were 
duly  cared  for.  Thus  the  humanity  loliowing  the  victory  was 
more  glorious  than  the  victory  itself,  and  was  a noble  lesson 
of  moderation  in  the  hour  of  triumph,  which  the  enemy  failed 


32 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


to  learn.*  Twenty-one  pieces  of  artillery,  five  hundred  mus- 
kets, together  with  ammunition,  clothing,  &c.,  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  victors. 

On  the  14th,  General  Cos  left  the  town  with  eleven  hundred 
and  five  troops,  the  remainder  having  abandoned  his  flag.  He 
encamped  that  night  at  the  mission  of  San  Jose.  The  next 
day  he  set  out  for  the  Rio  Grande,  to  report  to  Santa  Anna, 
his  distinguished  relative  and  superior,  the  rebellious  charac- 
ter of  the  Texans,  and  their  obstinacy  in  battle.  General 
Burleson,  who,  although  opposed  to  the  attack,  when  it  was 
begun  did  all  he  could  to  contribute  to  its  success,  on  the  15th 
retired  to  his  home,  leaving  Colonel  Johnson  in  command  at 
the  Alamo,  with  a sufficient  force  to  maintain  it.  The  remain- 
der of  the  army  dispersed.  Thus  was  Texas  again  free  from 
the  footsteps  of  the  enemy. 

We  will  now  return  to  the  stirring  events  in  the  civil  depart- 
ment of  government,  following  the  adjournment  of  the  consul- 
tation. Governor  Smith,  with  the  council,  his  advisers,  had 
much  to  do,  and  with  but  slender  means.  Texas  was  poor ; 
and  the  truth  of  history  is  only  vindicated  in  saying  that,  but 
for  the  means  supplied  by  the  generosity  of  individuals  in  the 
United  States,  she  could  hardly  have  sustained  herself  against 
the  power  of  Mexico.  True,  her  own  people  were  heroes,  and 
able  and  willing  to  do  all  that  men  ever  did  or  could  do ; yet 
they  must  have  food  and  raiment,  arms  and  munitions-.  The 
ravages  of  war  had  called  them  from  their  fields  and  shops, 
and  they  were  producing  nothing.  What  her  wealthier  citi- 
zens could  give,  was  given  freely.  The  people  of  San  Augus- 

* The  account  of  the  storming  of  San  Antonio  is  taken  from  the  official  reports 
of  General  Burleson,  of  the  14th  of  December,  1835 ; of  Colonel  Francis  W.  John- 
son, of  the  same  date;  from  the  “Emigrant’s  Guide”  of  January  16,  1836;  the 
“State  Gazette”  of  September  1,  8,  and  15,  1849;  and  from  the  statements  of 
several  of  those  engaged  in  the  contest 


CONTRIBUTIONS  — GOVERNOR’S  MESSAGE. 


33 


tine  and  Nacogdoches  subscribed  several  thousand  dollars  in 
money,  besides  provisions,  horses,  clothing,  and  whatever  else 
they  had.  D.  H.  Vail,  treasurer  of  the  people  of  Natchitoches, 
sent  on  in  wagons  the  large  subscriptions  of  that  place.  Such 
was  the  enthusiasm  there,  that  the  Mexican  consul  tore  down 
his  sign,  placed  his  foot  upon  it,  and  declared  for  Texas.  Mo- 
bile sent  at  one  time  two  thousand  dollars.  The  committee  at 
New  Orleans  were  also  sending  forward  repeated  supplies. 
The  receivers  of  public  moneys  in  Texas  promptly  delivered 
over  the  funds  to  the  provisional  government.* 

On  the  15th  of  November,  Governor  Smith  sent  in  to  the 
council  his  message.  He  talked  very  plainly  to  the  members 
of  that  body.  He  told  them  to  commence  by  summoning  to 
their  assistance  moral  courage,  and  to  throw  around  them  the 
shield  of  honesty.  He  advised  them  to  adopt  the  most  prompt 
and  energetic  measures  in  behalf  of  the  army ; to  furnish  the 
necessary  provisions ; to  provide  for  fortifying  the  unprotected 
seaport  and  frontier  towns,  to  which  end  he  recommended  the 
formation  of  a corps  of  engineers.  He  also  advised  the  grant- 
ing of  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal,  to  blockade  the  ports  of 
the  enemy : this  he  believed  could  be  done  with  foreign  capital 
and  enterprise.  He  recommended  the  raising  of  a company 
of  rangers,  to  overawe  the  Indians,  and  prevent  them  from  be- 
coming the  allies  of  the  Mexicans ; also  the  protection  of  the 
civilized  Indians  in  the  “just  and  equitable  title”  which  they 
were  generally  understood  to  have  in  their  lands ; he  recom- 
mended the  appointment  of  foreign  agents,  to  be  clothed  with 
special  powers  to  procure  aid  for  Texas ; also  the  establish- 
ment of  a tariff,  and  the  appointment  of  revenue-officers ; also 
the  regulation  of  the  postoffice,  and  approving  the  appointment 
of  John  Rice  Jones  as  postmaster-general,  made  by  the  council 

* Journal  of  the  Council,  p.  9,  et  aeq. 


VOL.  H. — 3 


34 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


previous  to  the  meeting  of  the  consultation ; also  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  militia  ; the  appointment  of  a treasurer ; and.  finally, 
the  location  of  the  seat  of  government.* 

The  council  proceeded  to  distribute  their  labors  by  the  ap- 
pointment of  committees  on  the  army,  navy,  finances,  Indian 
and  state  affairs.  They  appointed  Charles  B.  Stewart  secre- 
tary to  the  governor,  John  W.  Moore  army-contractor,  and 
Thomas  F.  M‘Kinney  special  agent  to  borrow  one  hundred  thou- 
sand dollars  on  account  of  Texas.  In  this  last  act  of  the  coun- 
cil, of  the  24th  of  November,  appeared  the  first  germ  of  dis- 
cord between  Governor  Smith  and  that  body.  It  will  be  re- 
membered that  the  consultation,  previous  to  its  adjournment, 
had  appointed  Messrs.  S.  F.  Austin,  W.  H.  Wharton,  and  B. 
T.  Archer,  agents  of  Texas  to  proceed  to  the  United  States, 
and  transact  such  business  in  her  behalf  as  might  be  deemed 
necessary.  These  agents  were  shortly  to  set  out  on  their  mis- 
sion. Governor  Smith  deemed  it  improper  in  the  council  to 
anticipate  the  action  of  these  agents  by  the  appointment  of  a 
special  agent  to  do  in  part  what  they  could  better  effect.  Nev- 
ertheless, the  council  unanimously  passed  the  act  over  his  ex- 
cellency’s veto.f 

For  the  further  organization  of  the  government,  the  council 
elected  two  judges  for  each  municipality,  and  also  commission- 
ers to  organize  the  militia.  J It  likewise  elected  Joshua  Fletcher 
treasurer.  On  the  26th  of  November,  P.  B.  Dexter,  the  secre- 
tary of  the  council,  resigned,  and  that  body  chose  E.  M.  Pease 
his  successor.il 


* Journal  of  the  Council,  p.  13.  f lb.,  p.  50.  \ lb.,  p.  67. 

| Elisha  M.  Pease,  the  present  worthy  governor  of  Texas,  wa9  from  Con- 
necticut He  had  some  time  previously  settled  at  Bastrop,  and  took  an  active 
part  in  the  first  revolutionary  meetings  there.  He  was  quite  young,  but  such 
wa6  his  conduct  and  solid  worth,  that  he  soon  attracted  the  attention  of  the 
public. 


SOURCES  OF  REVENUE. 


35 


On  the  27th  of  November,  the  financial  committee  made  an 
able  report,  exhibiting  the  resources  of  Texas.  They  saw 
plainly  enough  that  money,  as  well  as  patriotism,  was  neces- 
sary to  sustain  the  war.  They  estimated  the  territory  of  the 
province  at  a quarter  of  a million  of  square  miles,  and  the  pop- 
ulation at  fifty  thousand  souls.  They  stated  that  only  ten  mil- 
lions of  acres  of  this  vast  domain  was  appropriated.  They 
recommended  a tax  on  this  land ; also  a tax  of  one  dollar  per 
head  on  slaves.  As  a more  speedy  and  available  source  of 
revenue,  they  recommended  a duty  on  foreign  tonnage.  The 
export  of  cotton  was  estimated  at  sixty  thousand  bales : the 
tonnage,  they  supposed,  would  amount  to  the  same.  They 
proposed  a duty  of  two  and  one  eighth  dollars  per  ton ; also 
an  export  duty  on  cotton  of  one  quarter  of  a cent  per  pound. 
They  also  recommended  a duty  of  fifteen  to  thirty  per  centum 
on  imports.  These  sources  of  revenue  would,  in  due  time,  have 
answered  every  legitimate  want.  But,  at  that  moment,  the 
wants  of  Texas  were  pressing,  and  could  not  be  postponed : 
hence  a loan  presented  the  most  obvious,  nay,  the  only  plan 
of  relief.* 

Stephen  F.  Austin  reached  San  Felipe  on  the  29th  of  No- 
vember. On  the  following  day  he  presented  his  respects  to 
the  governor  and  council,  and  awaited  only  his  instructions  to 
depart  for  the  United  States.  The  subject  of  his  instructions 
had  some  time  before  been  brought  to  the  notice  of  the  council 
by  Governor  Smith,  but  still  they  were  not  prepared.  On  the 
4th  of  December,  he  again  reminded  them  that  everything  de- 
pended on  the  despatch  of  these  agents,  and  urged  them  to 
suspend  other  business  till  the  instructions  were  made  out.  At 
length,  on  the  6th  of  December,  the  council,  by  an  ordinance, 
authorized  the  governor  to  give  the  necessary  instructions.  In 

* Journal  of  the  Council,  p.  63. 


36 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


the  meantime,  William  H.  Wharton  declined  the  appointment 
of  commissioner,  preferring  a position  in  the  army ; but  his 
services  as  an  agent  were  deemed  too  important,  and  he  was 
finally  induced  to  go.*  The  commissioners  shortly  afterward 
set  out  for  the  United  States.  Before  leaving,  however,  they 
made  an  application  to  General  Houston  to  appoint  two  agents 
to  proceed  to  New  Orleans,  to  procure  provisions,  ammunition, 
&c. ; they  being  subject  to  the  direction  of  the  commissioners. 
They  recommended  the  names  of  A.  Huston  and  John  A. 
Wharton  for  this  trust.  Accordingly,  on  the  8th  of  December, 
General  Houston  appointed  the  agents  named. f 

About  this  time  the  Texans  received  the  news  of  the  unfor- 
tunate result  of  an  expedition  fitted  out  at  New  Orleans  against 
Tampico.  It  was  gotten  up  under  the  auspices  of  General 
Mexia,  one  of  the  republican  officers  in  Mexico,  who  abandoned 
Santa  Anna  when  the  latter  declared  for  the  centralists.  Mexia 
advised  the  expedition,  and  declared  the  capture  of  Tampico 
the  most  fatal  blow  that  could  be  given  to  the  operations  of 
Santa  Anna  against  Texas.  Some  liberal  contributions  had 
been  given  to  the  cause  by  persons  in  New  Orleans ; the  schooner 
“Mary  Jane”  was  chartered,  and  on  the  6th  of  November, 
1835,  she  sailed  for  Tampico,  having  on  board  some  one  hun- 
dred and  thirty  men.  Two  thirds  of  these  were  Americans, 
the  others  mostly  French  and  Germans.  There  is  little  doubt 
that  most  of  the  men  were  deceived  as  to  their  destination,  but 
supposed  they  were  sailing  to  Texas  as  emigrants.  The  ves- 
sel proceeded  on  her  voyage  until  the  12th,  when  it  was  made 
known  to  those  not  in  the  secret  that  there  was  on  board  the 
craft  a general  with  his  staff,  whose  design  was  to  act  in  con- 

* Journal  of  the  Council,  p.  108. 

f Austin  and  Archer  to  Houston,  December  7,  1885.  Orders  to  A.  Huston 
and  John  A.  Wharton,  December  8,  1885:  MSS. 


MEXIA’S  TAMPICO  EXPEDITION. 


37 


cert  with  the  Texans,  and  he  desired  them  to  join  him.  The 
land  being  then  in  sight,  and  the  vessel  standing  in,  it  was  an- 
nounced that  they  were  before  Tampico.  Through  the  instru- 
mentality of  Captain  Hawkins,*  an  aid  to  Mexia,  some  were 
induced  to  join  him.  The  schooner  was  taken  in  tow  by  a 
steamboat,  but  they  soon  ran  aground,  when,  night  coming  on, 
they  found  the  water  breaking  over  the  vessel.  They  succeed- 
ed, however,  in  getting  to  the  shore,  on  which  they  all  safely 
landed  that  night  and  the  following  morning.  The  fort  at  the 
bar,  after  a slight  conflict,  surrendered  to  Mexia,  and  his  com- 
mand were  then  occupied  in  drying  their  clothing.  On  Sun- 
day evening,  the  15th,  arms  were  placed  in  the  hands  of  the 
passengers.  It  was  expected  that  the  Mexicans  would  rally 
in  large  numbers  around  the  standard  of  Mexia,  but  in  this 
they  were  greatly  deceived.  The  cry  of  “ Viva  Santa  Anna , 
y mueron  los  e stranger  os !”  was  alone  heard  in  the  streets. 
Their  main  dependence  was  upon  this  expected  native  force ; 
but  only  fifty  Mexicans  joined  them.  So,  being  thus  disap- 
pointed, they  failed  in  their  enterprise.  General  Mexia  and  a 
portion  of  his  small  force  escaped  in  a vessel  to  the  Brasos. 
Thirty-one  were  captured,  of  whom  three  died  in  the  hospital ; 
the  remaining  twenty-eight  were  condemned  by  a court-martial, 
and  shot  at  Tampico,  on  the  14th  of  December  following.! 

* Charles  Hawkins,  at  an  early  age,  went  into  the  United  States  navy,  where 
he  was  appointed  midshipman,  and  then  lieutenant  Resigning  his  commission 
during  the  Mexican  Revolution,  he  entered  the  naval  service  of  that  country, 
and  became  a terror  to  the  Spanish  shipping  in  the  West  Indies.  After  the 
treaty  of  Cordova,  in  1821,  he  resigned  his  commission  in  the  Mexican  service, 
and  became  captain  of  a steamboat  on  the  Chattahooohie  river.  When  the 
Texan  war  broke  out,  he  came  to  New  Orleans  and  joined  General  Mexia.  Af- 
ter the  disastrous  Tampico  expedition,  he  came  with  Mexia  to  Texas,  bringing 
the  torn  Tampico  flag,  and  joined  the  army  before  San  Antonio  just  after  the 
surrender  of  Cos.  This  same  torn  flag  was  afterward  displayed  while  the  Texan 
army  was  at  Groce’s,  but  was  soon  removed,  as  ominous  — Telegraph , September 
8,  1838. 

f Edward,  p.  262,  et  seq. ; Kennedy,  vol.  il,  p.  164. 


38 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


Among  the  Mexican  population  of  Texas  there  was  a want 
of  union.  The  most  of  them  were  in  favor  of  the  constitution 
of  1824,  but  a difference  of  race  and  treatment  induced  many 
of  them  to  side  with  the  enemy.  John  N.  Seguin,  of  an  an- 
cient Mexican  family  residing  on  the  river,  a few  miles  below 
San  Antonio,  at  the  head  of  a company  of  rancheros , joined 
the  Texan  standard  in  October,  1835 ; and  was  of  much  ser- 
vice, especially  in  giving  notice  of  the  designs  of  the  enemy. 
Colonel  Jose  Maria  Gonzales,  a Mexican  of  distinction  and 
influence,  and  formerly  of  the  army  of  Mexico,  applied  for  leave 
to  enter  the  Texan  service,  with  a number  of  his  countrymen. 
The  permission  was  granted,  and  an  outfit  of  five  hundred  dol- 
lars was  voted  him  from  the  humble  treasury  of  the  republic. 
He  issued  a stirring  address  to  his  people,  which  had  the  good 
effect  of  drawing  out  some,  and  neutralizing  others.*  Colonel 
Sandoval,  who  had  been  so  handsomely  captured  at  Goliad  by 
Collingsworth,  also  applied  for  permission  to  join  the  Texan 
army ; but  the  council,  deeming  him  too  recent  a convert  to  be 
intrusted  with  arms  in  their  ranks,  ordered  that  he  and  those 
captured  with  him  should  be  sent  to  San  Augustine  for  safe 
keeping : for  want  of  means,  however,  they  were  not  sent. 

As  early  as  the  month  of  November,  the  enemy  had  upon  the 
Texan  coast  the  “ Bravo”  and  “ Montezuma,”  two  small  vessels- 
of-war,  charged  with  the  importation  of  recruits  and  stores  for 
Texas.  These  vessels  were  quite  annoying  to  the  revolution- 
ists, and  efforts  were  made  to  fit  out  like  armed  vessels  to  repel 
them.  On  one  occasion,  the  schooner  “ Hannah  Elizabeth,” 

* Address  of  Gonzales,  December  10,  1835:  “ Mejicanos”  says  he,  “la  voz  de 
Libertad  salio  de  entre  las  ruinas  en  que  la  perfidia  mas  maudita  sepultara  la 
constitution  de  nuestra  patria.  En  Tejas  se  ha  tremolado  el  estandarte  de  la  fed- 
eration, y los  hijos  de  Mejico  no  pueden  ser  indeferentes  d tan  augusto  reclamo” 
It  would  have  been  well  had  Gonzales  sustained  this  sentiment.  We  shall  hear 
of  him  again  in  the  federal  campaign  of  1839. 


ADVENTURE  OF  THE  HANNAH  ELIZABETH. 


39 


freighted  with  cannon,  arms,  and  ammunition,  intended  for  the 
Texan  service,  and  an  adventure  of  goods  and  provisions  be- 
longing in  part  to  Peter  Kerr,  sailed  from  New  Orleans  for 
Matagorda.  Kerr  wras  himself  on  board,  as  were  likewise  Jose 
M.  J.  Carbajal  and  Fernando  de  Leon,  the  latter  two  having 
charge  of  the  other  freight.  She  was  discovered,  pursued,  and 
run  aground,  at  Pass  Cavallo,  by  the  Bravo.  In  the  chase  she 
had  thrown  overboard  her  cannon  and  ammunition.  She  was 
boarded  by  a prize-crew,  consisting  of  Lieutenant  Mateo  and 
eleven  men,  from  the  Bravo ; and  Carbajal,  De  Leon,  and  some 
others,  were  transferred  as  prisoners  to  that  vessel.  Shortly 
after,  the  Bravo  was  driven  off  by  a norther.  In  a day  or  two 
afterward,  the  citizens  of  Matagorda,  having  received  notice  of 
the  wreck,  purchased  and  armed  the  schooner  “ William  Rob- 
bins,” placed  her  under  the  command  of  Captain  Hurd,  and, 
with  a small  force  on  board,  commanded  by  Captain  S.  Rhoads 
Fisher,  retook  the  stranded  vessel,  and  made  the  prize-crew 
prisoners.  This  was  all  very  well ; but  they  went  further,  and 
appropriated  to  themselves  the  goods  and  provisions,  allowing 
Kerr  to  retain  his  part  on  payment  of  half  their  value  ! But 
Kerr,  being  unable  to  do  this,  got  none.*  Governor  Smith, 
being  duly  advised  of  these  proceedings,  took  occasion,  in  a 
special  message,  to  reprehend  them  severely. 

* Fisher’s  statement,  December  17,  1835.  Poor  Kerr!  this  was  but  the  be- 
ginning of  his  troubles.  He  was  shortly  afterward,  greatly  against  his  will, 
made  to  play  a conspicuous  part  in  the  Texan  Revolution,  as  we  shall  see.  It 
is  only  a short  time  since  he  received  from  the  United  States  treasury,  under 
the  award  of  the  “mixed  commission,”  some  remuneration  for  his  adventure  on 
the  “ Hannah  Elizabeth.” 


40 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


CHAPTER  II. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  Texan  Revolution,  the  country  was 
unusually  well  represented  by  men  of  talents.  In  proportion 
to  the  population,  few  countries  ever  equalled  it.  The  stirring 
events  in  prospect,  offering  a fine  field  for  ambition  and  adven- 
ture, had  drawn  many  hither.  Soon  after  the  organization  of 
the  provisional  government,  and  even  during  the  sitting  of  the 
consultation  at  San  Felipe,  some  discontent  was  manifested  by 
those  who  did  not  obtain  what  they  claimed  as  their  share  in 
the  distribution  of  offices.  To  such  a height  did  this  feeling 
rise,  that  an  open  rupture  was  threatened.  On  one  occasion, 
a desperado  entered  the  council-hall,  while  the  council  was  in 
session,  and  ordered  the  members  to  dissolve  and  go  home. 
But,  on  the  19th  of  December,  a more  serious  movement  was 
made.  A meeting  was  called  at  San  Felipe,  at  which  Wylie 
Martin  presided.  Mosely  Baker  introduced  a series  of  resolu- 
tions, declaring  the  existing  authorities  not  equal  to  the  crisis  ; 
that  the  officers  and  the  members  of  the  council  were  worthless 
and  imbecile  ; and  that  it  was  necessary  forthwith  to  reorgan- 
ize the  government  and  give  it  a more  energetic  administration, 
in  order  to  save  the  country  from  ruin.  This  was  the  substance 
of  the  resolutions,  which  were  supported  by  the  mover  in  an 
eloquent  speech  of  an  hour — for  he  was  one  of  the  most  able 
as  well  as  restless  and  ambitious  men  in  Texas.  The  effect  of 


ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  ARMY. 


41 


the  speech  was  manifest : the  concourse  wavered,  and  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  government  seemed  doubtful. 

Sam  Houston  replied  to  Baker,  and  answered  his  objections 
to  the  existing  government.  He  said  he  was  astonished  to 
hear  such  a manifestation  of  discontent  at  a time  when  the 
least  division  in  their  ranks  would  be  fatal  to  their  cause  and 
the  cause  of  liberty ; that  it  was  true  their  temporary  system 
of  government  was  not  perfect  in  all  its  parts,  yet  it  would  an- 
swer the  present  emergency ; and  he  could  not  but  denounce 
as  a fratricide  and  miscreant  any  one  who,  at  a period  so  criti- 
cal, would  interpose  an  obstacle  to  the  authorities  then  in 
power.  This  was  followed  by  strong  personal  allusions.  At 
the  close  of  the  discussion,  the  mover  of  the  resolutions  tore 
them  up,  declaring  that  he  washed  his  hands  of  the  whole 
matter.* 

General  Houston  had  remained  at  San  Felipe,  to  give  aid 
and  advice  in  organizing  the  army,  and  in  framing  such  meas- 
ures as  were  intimately  connected  therewith.  Among  these 
were — an  ordinance  to  establish  a corps  of  rangers;  an  ordi- 
nance to  raise  a regular  army  ;f  an  ordinance  to  regulate  the 
militia ; an  ordinance  appointing  a commissary  and  ordi- 
nances to  purchase  munitions,  provisions,  clothing,  &c.,  for  the 
army  and  the  defence  of  the  coast.  ||  The  regular  army  was  to 
consist  of  eleven  hundred  and  twenty  men,  to  be  enlisted  for 
two  years,  or  during  the  war.  After  the  passage  of  this  law, 
and  the  appointment  of  the  necessary  officers,  the  commander- 
in-chief  despatched  the  latter  on  recruiting-service  to  the  differ- 
ent points ; notifying  them  that  each  enlisted  soldier  should  be 
entitled,  in  addition  to  the  pay  and  rations  allowed  by  the  Uni- 
ted States,  to  a bounty  of  six  hundred  and  forty  acres  of  land. 

* Statement  of  Dr.  B.  B.  Goodrich  : MS.  “Emigrant’s  Guide,”  Jan.  2,  1836. 

f Order  and  Decree,  p.  20,  et  seq.  % lb.,  p.  32.  ||  lb.,  p.  34,  et  seq. 


42 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


The  recruiting-officers  were  to  report  at  headquarters  by  the 
25th  of  February  following.*  General  Houston  then  issued  a 
proclamation,  calling  for  aid,  and  reciting  the  past  events  and 
the  then  present  condition  of  Texas  and  her  wants. f Gov- 
ernor Smith,  on  the  16th  of  December,  ordered  him,  as  soon 
as  circumstances  would  permit,  to  establish  his  headquarters 
at  Washington,  on  the  Brasos,  until  further  orders,  and  to  ex- 
ert his  efforts  to  organize  the  army ; but  circumstances  pre- 
vented his  departure  until  the  25th  of  December. 

The  news  of  the  first  successes  at  San  Antonio,  and  a call 
for  immediate  supplies  of  men  and  munitions,  was  met  by  the 
governor  and  council  with  a corresponding  spirit.  Thomas  J. 
Rusk  and  J.  W.  Fannin  were  appointed  — the  first  to  proceed 
east,  the  other  west  of  the  Trinity — to  collect  reinforcements, 
to  purchase  and  procure  ammunition,  provisions,  and  other 
necessaries,  with  power  to  press  such  articles  as  were  needed 
by  the  besiegers. These  agents  immediately  set  out  in  the 
discharge  of  their  duties,  but  victory  anticipated  them  ; though 
the  fruit  of  their  labors  was  still  necessary  for  the  army. 

On  the  return  of  General  Mexia  from  his  unfortunate  expe- 
dition to  Tampico,  he  applied  to  the  provisional  government  to 
assist  him  in  an  expedition  to  the  interior  of  Mexico,  with  the 
view  of  carrying  the  war  into  the  enemy’s  country.  The  coun- 
cil passed  an  ordinance,  directing  William  Pettus,  contractor 
for  the  volunteer  army,  with  the  advice  of  Thomas  F.  McKin- 
ney, to  make  the  necessary  provisions  for  General  Mexia,  and 
that  the  latter  report  his  plan  to  the  provisional  government.  || 
The  governor  vetoed  the  resolution  informing  the  council  that 
he  had  no  confidence  whatever  in  the  co-operation  of  General 

* S.  Houston  to  Captain  A.  Turner,  December  5,  1835 : MS. 

\ Appendix  No.  I. — Document  5. 

\ Resolution  of  December  10,  1835. 

!|  Ordinances  of  Council,  December  6,  1835,  p.  67. 


THE  LAST  OF  GENERAL  MEXIA. 


43 


Mexia : that  lie  had  no  doubt  of  his  intention  to  make  a de- 
scent on  the  seaports  west  of  Texas,  for  the  purpose  of  robbing, 
in  order  to  recruit  his  own  desperate  fortunes,  but  he  could 
see  no  possible  good  that  would  -result  therefrom  to  Texas ; 
that  it  would  be  unwise  to  incur  the  expense  of  fitting  him  out, 
without  any  guaranty,  or  control  over  his  conduct,  or  even 
knowing  his  plans : in  short,  the  governor  thought  it  bad  pol- 
icy to  fit  out  or  trust  Mexicans  in  any  matter  connected  with 
the  interests  of  Texas ; for,  in  the  end,  he  was  satisfied  they 
would  prove  inimical  and  treacherous.*  The  council,  however, 
passed  the  ordinance,  notwithstanding  the  veto,  and  a copy 
was  despatched  to  General  Mexia.  But  in  a short  time  after- 
ward they  passed  a resolution  requesting  his  co-operation  with 
the  army  before  Bexar,  and  sent  him  notice  thereof.  He  was 
then  at  Columbia,  and  declined  joining  the  Texans  before  Bex- 
ar— stating  that  he  could  not  risk  his  military  character  by 
taking  a command  under  the  provisional  government  of  Texas, 
as  Yiesca  was  not  governor.  He  stated  that  his  plan  was  to 
go  to  Copano,  and  join  to  his  force  two  hundred  Mexicans  then 
at  Palo  Blanco ; and  thence  take  Matamoras,  if  possible.  This 
response  served  much  to  moderate  the  ardor  of  the  council, 
and  they  gently  withdrew  their  aid  from  General  Mexia. f 
Thus  Texas  was  finally  rid  of  a man  of  more  pretension  than 
worth,  and  whose  indecision  might  have  endangered  her  high 
purposes. 

A difference  between  the  governor  and  council  has  already 
been  intimated.  The  origin  and  progress  of  this  difference,  so 
painful  and  destructive  in  its  consequences,  require  a special 
notice.  Dr.  James  Grant,  it  will  be  remembered,  originated 
the  project  of  an  expedition  to  Matamoras.  His  domicil  was 
in  Coahuila,  where  he  had  a splendid  estate.  He  had  never 

* Journal  of  the  Council,  p.  132.  f lb.,  pp.  174,  195. 


44 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


resided  in  Texas ; it  was  not  his  home.  His  feelings,  his  in- 
terests, and  his  efforts,  were  all  in  favor  of  the  old  union  of 
Coahuila  and  Texas.  True,  he  was  at  the  siege  of  San  Anto- 
nio, and  fought  gallantly  there,  and  was  severely  wounded  on 
the  first  day ; but  he  fought  against  Cos,  who  had  driven  him 
from  the  legislative  hall  of  Monclova,  and  not  for  the  cause 
and  right  of  Texas.  He  therefore  had  a motive  in  carrying 
the  war  to  Matamoras,  and  thence  into  the  interior  of  Mexico, 
that  he  might  return  to  his  princely  domains  at  Parras.  Among 
the  volunteers  and  adventurers  at  San  Antonio  he  was  inces- 
santly painting  in  lively  colors  the  rich  spoils  of  Tamaulipas, 
New  Leon,  Coahuila,  and  San  Luis  Potosi,  the  facility  of  the 
descent,  the  cowardly  nature  of  the  inhabitants,  and  the  charm- 
ing beauties  of  the  valleys  of  the  San  Juan,  the  Sabinas,  and 
the  Santander. 

This  was  enough : the  bold  and  fiery  spirits  who  had  just 
driven  twice  their  number  from  the  strong  walls  of  Bexar  and 
the  Alamo,  were  ready  to  go.  They  wanted  but  a leader  and 
a cause.  The  authority  of  Texas  was  invoked.*  The  gov- 
ernor was  prudent,  and  preferred  to  follow  the  landmarks  laid 
down  by  the  consultation.  The  council  was  otherwise.  This 
body,  changing  almost  daily,  contained  but  few  of  the  original 
members,  and  the  change  had  not  been  for  the  better,  in  either 
wisdom  or  integrity.  They  had  ceased  to  feel  any  responsi- 
bility for  their  official  conduct. 

The  council  had  created  the  office  of  judge-advocate-general, 
and  had  elected  D.  C.  Barrett,  one  of  their  own  body,  to  fill  it. 
They  had  also  chosen  Edward  Gritton  to  the  office  of  collector 
of  revenue  for  the  important  port  of  Copan o.  Governor  Smith 
refused  to  ratify  these  appointments,  and,  in  his  message  of 
the  17th  of  December,  gave  his  reasons.  In  regard  to  Gritton, 

* Appendix  No.  I.  — Document  No.  16. 


DIFFERENCES  OF  GOVERNOR  AND  COUNCIL. 


45 


he  said  it  was  well  known  that  he  first  made  his  appearance  in 
Texas  as  the  secretary  and  travelling-companion  of  Colonel 
Almonte,  who  was  an  avowed  spy,  sent  to  Texas  by  Santa 
Anna ; that  Gritton  was  an  Englishman,  and  by  adoption  and 
long  residence  a Mexican,  allied  to  the  enemy  by  affinity  and 
commerce ; that  he  had  never  joined  the  Texan  army,  and  the 
governor  had  ever  considered  him  a spy,  and  hoped  the  coun- 
cil would  make  a better  selection.  As  to  D.  C.  Barrett,  he 
was  infinitely  more  severe.  He  alleged  that  he  had  forged  an 
attorney’s  license,  in  North  Carolina ; that  he  had  taken  fees 
on  both  sides  of  a cause  as  an  attorney ; that  he  had  passed 
counterfeit  money  knowingly ; that  he  had  embezzled  the  funds 
furnished  himself  and  Gritton  as  an  outfit,  when  sent  on  an 
embassy  to  Cos,  the  previous  summer,  without  going  to  their 
intended  destination,  or  reporting  their  proceedings.  These 
were  some  of  the  caustic  charges  preferred  by  his  excellency 
against  one  of  the  leading  members  of  the  council.  They  were 
scandalous  if  true,  and  more  so  if  false.  He  not  only  gave 
them  as  reasons  for  refusing  to  commission  the  nominee,  but 
asked  the  council  to  fix  a day  for  the  proof  of  the  charges,  and 
it  should  be  made,  in  order  to  expel  the  obnoxious  member.* 
The  council  sustained  their  member : they  declared  that  the 
governor  had  no  right  to  object  to  their  appointments ; that 
the  charges  against  Barrett  were  partly  beyond  their  jurisdic- 
tion— the  others  they  denounced  as  untrue  ; and  required  the 
governor  forthwith  to  issue  commissions  to  the  two  nominees. 

Thus  the  contest  became  personal ; and  the  council,  already 
enthusiastic  on  the  subject  of  the  Matamoras  expedition,  began 
to  devise  ways  and  means  to  carry  it  on  without  the  concur- 

* I have  before  me  the  original  message,  endorsed  by  the  secretary,  “read  in 
secret  session,  December  20,  1836,  and  ordered  to  be  placed  on  file,  and  not  en- 
tered on  the  journals  of  the  house.  December  26,  1836.”  See  Journal  of  the 
Council,  pp.  206,  206. 


46 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


rence  or  aid  of  the  governor.  Two  members  of  the  military 
committee  engaged  in  a correspondence  with  the  most  adven- 
turous spirits  at  Bexar,  to  start  the  enterprise  there.*  This, 
added  to  the  influence  and  eloquence  of  Dr.  Grant,  soon  re- 
sulted in  an  organized  plan. 

After  the  capture  of  Bexar,  the  troops,  having  nothing  to 
do,  became  restless  ; and  it  -was  deemed  necessary,  in  order  to 
retain  the  volunteers,  that  they  should  be  engaged  in  some  en- 
terprise. On  the  20th  of  December,  there  were  about  four  hun- 
dred men  at  Bexar,  seventy  at  Washington,  eighty  at  Goliad, 
and  two  hundred  at  Velasco,  making  a total  of  seven  hundred 
and  fifty  men — besides  several  companies  who  were  on  their 
march  to  the  different  places  of  rendezvous.! 

Before  detailing  further  the  movements  in  Texas,  we  will 
refer  to  those  of  the  enemy.  General  Cos  retreated  to  Laredo, 
where  he  was  shortly  afterward  joined  by  General  Sesma  with 
a thousand  infantry  and  five  hundred  cavalry.  Another  army 
was  concentrating  at  San  Luis  Potosi,  to  be  commanded  by 
Santa  Anna  in  person.  The  news  of  the  fall  of  Bexar  had  as- 
tonished and  united  Mexico.  All  parties  became  eager  to  wipe 
from  the  Mexican  eagle  the  stain  inflicted  by  the  surrender  of 
Cos.  The  letter  of  Grant,  of  the  13th  of  November,  had  al- 
ready reached  the  country  of  the  enemy,  and  preparations  were 
making  at  Matamoras,  under  the  command  of  General  Urrea, 
not  only  to  defend  that  place,  but  to  advance  upon  Goliad.  The 
Texans  were,  however,  unadvised  of  these  preparations. 

On  the  17th  of  December,  Governor  Smith  directed  the  com- 
mander-in-chief to  make  a demonstration  upon  Matamoras ; or 
at  least  to  secure  Copano,  and  harass  the  enemy  in  that  direc- 
tion. Houston,  on  the  same  day,  issued  an  order  to  Colonel 
James  Bowie,  then  at  Goliad,  to  proceed  to  raise,  if  possible, 

* Appendix  No.  L — Document  No.  16.  f Journal  of  the  Council,  p.  203. 


PROJECTED  EXPEDITION  AGAINST  MATAMORAS. 


47 


a sufficient  force,  and  march  upon  Matamoras  ; but,  if  he  could 
not  succeed  in  that  enterprise,  at  least  to  secure  and  hold  the 
most  eligible  point  on  the  frontier,  and  use  all  the  means  in  his 
power  to  annoy  the  enemy.  Bowie  was  selected  for  this  expe- 
dition because  of  his  distinguished  valor  and  prudence,  his  ac- 
curate knowledge  of  the  country,  and  also  of  the  people  among 
whom  he  was  to  march ; but,  as  it  happened,  the  order  did  not 
reach  Colonel  Bowie,  as  he  left  Goliad  for  Bexar  a short  time 
before  it  arrived  at  the  former  place.* 

The  intended  expedition  against  Matamoras  was  based  en- 
tirely upon  the  expected  co-operation  of  the  Mexicans ; and 
their  support  at  least  depended  upon  Texas  remaining  true  to 
the  constitution  of  1824.  This  was  impossible  : the  scenes  of 
Concepcion  and  San  Antonio  had  entirely  destroyed  the  last 
feeling  of  regard  for  that  celebrated  document.  The  cry  of 
“ Independence !”  had  already  made  itself  heard  in  the  settle- 
ments, and  every  day  its  voice  grew  stronger.  It  was  idle  to 
suppose  for  a moment  that  the  Mexicans  in  the  interior  of  the 
confederacy  would  assist  Texas  in  breaking  the  shackles  that 
bound  her  to  them. 

Captain  Philip  Dimit,  in  command  at  Goliad,  on  the  2d  of 
December  wrote  a strong  letter  in  favor  of  the  expedition  to 
Matamoras,  promising  the  co-operation  of  the  republicans  of 
Tamaulipas : yet,  so  sudden  was  the  change  of  feeling,  that  on 
the  20th  of  that  month  the  troops  and  people  of  Goliad,  with 
Captain  Dimit  at  their  head,  affirmed  their  independence,  and 
published  a solemn  declaration  to  that  effect ! In  that  racy 
and  spirited  document  they  disclaim  all  hope  of  co-operation 
from  any  portion  of  the  Mexicans,  and  fully  exhibit  the  tone 
of  the  Texans  at  that  time.  “We  have  indulged  sympathy,” 
say  they,  “ for  the  condition  of  many  whom  we  vainly  flattered 

* Appendix  No.  I. — Documents  Nos.  8 and  16.  See  also  Appendix  No.  II. 


48 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


ourselves  were  opposed,  in  common  with  their  adopted  breth- 
ren, to  the  extension  of  military  domination  to  the  domain  of 
Texas.  But  the  siege  of  Bexar  has  dissolved  the  illusion. 
Nearly  all  their  physical  force  was  in  the  line  of  the  enemy, 
and  armed  with  rifles.  Seventy  days’  occupation  of  Goliad 
has  also  abundantly  demonstrated  the  general  diffusion  among 
the  creole  population  of  a like  attachment  to  the  institutions 
of  their  ancient  tyrants.  Intellectually  enthralled,  and  stran- 
gers to  the  blessings  of  regulated  liberty,  the  only  philanthropic 
service  which  we  can  ever  force  on  their  acceptance  is  that  of 
example.  In  doing  this,  we  need  not  expect  or  even  hope  for 
their  co-operation .” 

They  despatched  their  declaration  to  every  municipality  in 
Texas,  and  also  to  the  council  at  San  Felipe.  In  the  latter 
body  it  was  referred  to  the  committee  on  the  judiciary  and 
affairs  of  state,  who  reported  (and  the  report  was  adopted  by 
the  council)  that  the  declaration  was  premature ; that  it  jeop- 
arded the  community,  and  tended  to  destroy  the  government.* 
The  council  succeeded  in  having  its  further  circulation  sup- 
pressed. Thus  they  endeavored  to  restrain  the  feeling  of  in- 
dependence that  had  already  occupied  the  public  mind. 

During  the  stay  of  the  commander-in-chief  at  San  Felipe,  and 
while  waiting  for  certain  documents  relative  to  the  organization 
of  the  army,  he  was  engaged  in  placing  troops  and  provisions, 
at  proper  points.  Colonel  A.  Huston,  the  quartermaster-gen- 
eral, having  been  despatched  to  New  Orleans,  he  appointed 
Lieutenant  William  Eaton  assistant  quartermaster-general,  and 
directed  him  to  take  post  at  Yelasco,  and  notify  all  troops  ar- 
riving at  the  mouth  of  the  Brasos,  if  they  came  in  armed  ves- 
sels, to  proceed  to  Copano,  and  take  position  at  Refugio ; if 
the  vessels  should  not  be  armed,  then  to  land  at  Matagorda, 

* Journal  of  the  Council,  p.  259. 


ORDERS  OF  THE  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. 


49 


and  proceed  by  land  to  Goliad.*  He  addressed  like  instruc- 
tions to  the  Texan  military  agents  at  New  Orleans  in  regard 
to  the  shipment  of  provisions.!  Thus  he  was  concentrating 
his  forces  on  the  frontier  at  Refugio  and  Goliad,  and  storing 
provisions  and  munitions  at  Copano  and  Matagorda.  At  the 
same  time,  A.  G.  Kellogg,  assistant  quartermaster-general,  was 
stationed  at  Gaines’s  ferry,  on  the  Sabine,  with  directions  to 
furnish  supplies'  to  volunteers  coming  by  land. if  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  James  C.  Neill  was  ordered  to  take  command  of  the 
town  and  district  of  Bexar,  and  to  superintend  the  recruiting- 
service  at  that  station.  ||  Colonel  William  B.  Travis,  of  the 
first  regiment  of  infantry,  was  ordered  to  San  Felipe,  to  re- 
cruit; and  Colonel  J.  W.  Fannin  was  ordered  to  Velasco  for  a 
like  purpose,  and  also  to  take  the  command  there. 

On  the  25th  of  December,  the  commander-in-chief  removed 
his  headquarters  to  Washington.  Here  he  met  Colonel  Wyatt 
with  two  companies  of  volunteers,  numbering  eighty  men,  from 
the  state  of  Alabama.  About  the  same  time  arrived  at  San 
Felipe  Major  William  Ward,  of  the  state  of  Georgia,  with  three 
companies,  comprising  a hundred  and  twelve  men.  They  were 
ordered  to  the  west.§  Captain  Ira  Westover  was  ordered  to 
Goliad,  to  relieve  Captain  Dimit. 

On  the  80th  of  December,  General  Houston  wrote  to  Colo- 
nel Fannin,  imforming  him  that  all  volunteers  were  ordered  to 
Copano,  there  to  remain  until  they  had  orders  to  advance ; and 
directing  that  no  campaign  be  undertaken  without  orders  ; that 
he  would  be  there  by  the  earliest  moment  at  which  the  cam- 

* Houston  to  Eaton,  December  21,  1835  : MS. 

f Same  to  D.  B.  M‘Comb,  A.  Houston,  and  John  A.  Wharton,  December  18, 
1835:  MS. 

^ Same  to  Kellogg,  December  21,  1835:  MS. 

H Same  to  Neill,  December  21,  1835:  MS. 

§ Governor  Smith  to  Houston,  December  31,  1836:  MS.  Captain  Irwine  to 
same,  December  23,  1835:  MS. 

Vol.  II.— 4 


50 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


paign  should  open ; and  at  the  same  time  he  requested  Colonel 
Fannin,  if  possible,  to  report  in  person  at  headquarters  as  soon 
as  practicable.  These  despatches  were  sent  by  Captain  G.  W. 
Foe,  of  the  general’s  staff,  who  was  directed,  while  at  Velasco, 
to  ascertain  the  exact  number  and  description  of  the  forces  and 
of  the  munitions  and  provisions  there,  and  report  the  same  to 
headquarters.* 

These  were  the  dispositions  made,  with  a view  to  meet  the 
enemy  early  in  the  spring.  In  fact,  the  news  of  the  contem- 
plated attack  upon  Matamoras  having  reached  Mexico,  that 
point  was  already  well  guarded  by  the  enemy,  and  reports  were 
constantly  received  in  Texas  of  their  advance  east  of  the  Rio 
Grande. 

We  will  now  return  to  the  council.  On  the  25th  of  Decem- 
ber, Mr.  Hanks,  from  the  military  committee,  made  a report, 
recommending  that  Colonel  Fannin  be  ordered  to  proceed  forth- 
with to  the  west  and  take  command  of  the  regular  and  auxiliary 
troops ; and  that  Colonel  Travis  be  ordered  to  the  same  desti- 
nation, with  all  the  troops  he  could  bring  into  the  field  ;f  also 
that  the  commander-in-chief  be  requested  to  concentrate  the 
forces  at  Goliad  or  Copano.  This  report  was  laid  upon  the 
table.  It,  however,  showed  the  disposition  of  the  military 
committee  to  substitute  themselves  as  commanders-in-chief  of 
the  army.  On  the  next  day  the  council  appointed  Sam  Hous- 
ton, John  Forbes,  and  John  Cameron,  commissioners  to  treat 

* The  writer  has  before  him  the  original  orders  to  Colonel  Fannin.  They  are 
each  endorsed  by  some  one  — “Left  in  my  hands  by  Fannin.”  Extract  from 
these  orders:  “ It  is  ordered  that  the  volunteers  remain  in  possession  of  the  sta- 
tion [Copano]  until  such  time  as  they  will  receive  orders  to  advance,  which  will 
be  at  the  earliest  possible  day  — at  the  same  time  consulting  the  comfort  of  the 
troops,  and  the  successful  issue  of  a campaign.  Let  no  campaign  be  undertaken 
without  orders.”  — Houston  to  Fannin , December  30,  1835. 

“ If  possible,  I wish  you  to  report  in  person  at  headquarters,  as  soon  as  prac- 
ticable after  the  receipt  of  this  order.”  — Same  to  same,  December  30,  1835. 

f Journal  of  the  Council,  p.  202. 


ACTION  OF  THE  COUNCIL. 


51 


with  the  Cherokee  Indians  and  their  associate  bands,  and  au- 
thorized the  governor  to  give  the  commissioners  detailed  in- 
structions. 

On  the  3d  day  of  January,  1836,  the  council  received  and 
referred  a communication  from  Colonel  Francis  W.  Johnson, 
for  himself  and  others,  for  authority  to  proceed  to  Matamoras.* 
This  application  was  based  on  a movement  begun  at  San  An- 
tonio ; for,  on  the  evening  of  the  30th  of  December,  Dr.  Grant, 
with  some  two  hundred  volunteers,  without  any  authority  or 
command,  after  pressing  the  property  of  the  citizens  of  Bexar, 
and  helping  themselves  to  such  munitions,  &c.,  at  that  town,  as 
they  desired,  set  out  on  the  march  to  Matamoras.  The  com- 
mittee on  military  affairs  reported  in  favor  of  the  expedition, 
and,  among  other  reasons  for  its  adoption,  they  said  the  taking 
of  Matamoras  would  deprive  the  enemy  of  the  revenue  of  that 
place,  estimated  pretty  highly ; that  it  would  give  employment 
to  the  volunteers  until  a regular  army,  sufficient  for  the  protec- 
tion of  the  country,  could  be  raised  and  organized ; and  that  it 
was  necessary  to  sustain  the  volunteers,  who  had  already  set 
out  under  Grant,  for,  if  they  were  defeated,  the  result  might 
be  fatal  to  Texas. f As  these  contemplated  movements  re- 
quired some  supply  of  provisions,  the  council  appointed  com- 
missioners to  examine  two  small  schooners,  the  “ William  Rob- 
bins” and  the  “ Invincible,”  belonging  to  Messrs.  M‘Kinney 
and  Williams,  with  a view  to  purchase  them,  and  use  them  as 
vessels-of-war,  to  protect  the  transfer  of  provisions  by  water 
along  the  western  coast  of  Texas. 

On  the  5th  of  January,  a select  committee  of  two  — Messrs. 
Barrett  and  Clements — were  appointed  to  wait  on  Colonels 
Fannin  and  Johnson  with  the  resolutions  respecting  the  expe- 
dition to  Matamoras,  and  learn  their  views  on  the  subject. 

* Journal  of  the  Council,  p.  247.  f lb.,  p.  250. 


52 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


The  latter  having  concurred  in  the  resolutions,*  they  were 
taken  up  for  consideration ; but,  for  want  of  a quorum,  they 
were  not  immediately  acted  on.  In  the  meantime,  Colonel 
James  Bowie  exhibited  to  the  council  his  orders  of  the  17th 
of  December,  1835,  and  took  leave  of  them.  This  body  imme- 
diately appointed  a committee  to  wait  on  him,  and  obtain  a 
copy  of  his  orders,  which  copy  was  obtained  and  filed. f 
At  length,  on  the  7th  of  January,  1836,  Colonel  F.  W.  John- 
son having  declined  to  participate  in  the  Matamoras  expedi- 
tion, the  council  unanimously  adopted  resolutions  appointing 
J.  W.  Fannin  agent  to  raise,  collect,  and  concentrate,  at  or  as 
near  the  port  of  Copano  as  convenience  and  safety  would  ad- 
mit, all  volunteer  troops  willing  to  enter  into  an  expedition 
against  Matamoras,  wherever  they  might  be  found,  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Brasos,  city  of  Bexar,  or  elsewhere — whether  in  Texas, 
or  arriving  in  Texas ; and,  when  thus  collected  and  concen- 
trated, to  report  either  to  the  commanding  general,  or  to  the 
governor,  or  council , as  he  might  prefer ! He  was  further  em- 
powered to  call  upon  any  public  agent  for  provisions,  stores, 
Ac. ; also  to  borrow  not  exceeding  three  thousand  dollars,  at 
a rate  of  interest  not  above  ten  per  cent. ; and  also,  on  the  con- 
centration of  said  forces,  to  hold  an  election  for  a commander 
and  other  officers ; that,  when  all  this  should  be  done,  the  said 
agent,  if  he  deemed  it  practicable  to  take  said  place,  should 
make  a descent  upon  Matamoras  or  such  other  place  as  he 
might  deem  proper.  To  carry  these  powers  into  execution, 
J.  W.  Fannin  was  authorized  at  pleasure  to  appoint  special 
agents  under  him,  and  give  them  such  power  as  he  might  think 
proper,  not  exceeding  his  own4 

* Journal  of  the  Council,  pp.  262,  263. 

f lb.,  p.  266.  Appendix  No.  I. — Document  No.  8. 

\ Journal  of  the  Council,  p.  273. 


USURPATION  — GOVERNOR  AND  COUNCIL. 


53 


The  second  article  of  the  organic  law  of  the  13th  of  Novem- 
ber, under  the  military  head,  declared  that  the  major-general 
should  be  commander-in-chief  of  all  the  forces  called  into  pub- 
lic service  during  the  war ; he  to  be  subject  to  the  orders  of 
the  governor  and  council.  The  ordinance  thus  appointing 
Colonel  Fannin  to  this  agency  was  therefore  a clear  violation 
of  the  organic  law.  It  excluded  the  commander-in-chief  and 
also  the  governor  from  the  command  or  control  of  this  expedi- 
tion. Calling  him  an  agent , did  not  alter  his  functions ; and 
authorizing  him  to  report  alone  to  the  council,  was  a virtual 
usurpation  of  the  authority  given  to  the  governor  and  the  com- 
mander-in-chief. And  the  further  authority  given  to  Colonel 
Fannin,  to  delegate  his  powers  to  other  agents,  was  a consum- 
mation of  folly.  The  fruits  of  such  an  expedition,  raised  under 
such  auspices,  might  be  foreseen.  The  council  was  aware  of 
the  governor’s  opposition  to  its  views,  and  endeavored  to  carry 
them  out  without  his  consent.  To  obtain  the  “ Invincible,” 
and  get  his  sanction  to  the  ordinance  for  that  purpose,  the 
council  represented  that  the  Mexican-  vessel,  the  “ Montezuma,” 
was  in  Galveston  bay,  and  required  the  immediate  use  of  that 
ship  to  drive  it  out  or  take  it. 

At  length,  the  governor  received  a communication  from  Colo- 
nel Neill,  commandant  at  Bexar,  informing  him  of  the  defence- 
less and  destitute  condition  of  that  place,  caused  by  the  action 
of  Dr.  Grant  and  his  followers  before  their  departure  for  Mat- 
amoras.  He  despatched  a message  to  the  council,  on  the  9th 
of  January,  full  of  bitterness  and  reproaches.  He  charged 
that  body  with  acting  in  bad  faith,  and  some  of  the  members 
with  positive  corruption  and  dishonesty.  “ Look  around  upon 
your  flock,”  said  his  excellency,  with  more  feeling  than  good 
taste ; “ your  discernment  will  easily  detect  the  scoundrels.  . . 

. . . . Let  the  honest  and  indignant  part  of  your  council  drive 


54 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


the  wolves  out  of  the  fold.”  With  such  epithets  as  these  did 
lie  regale  them,  and  concluded  his  message  by  assuring  them 
that,  unless  they  publicly  retracted  their  error,’ all  intercourse 
between  them  would  cease  at  twelve  o’clock  the  next  day.* 

The  governor  was  very  deliberate  in  sending  this  message. 
He  notified  the  council  beforehand,  and  requested  that  it  might 
be  read  in  secret  session.  As  soon  as  the  message  was  read, 
a committee  of  five  was  appointed  to  take  that  document  into 
consideration  ; and  Lieutenant-Governor  Robinson  was  deputed 
to  confer  with  the  governor,  and  endeavor  to  produce  a recon- 
ciliation. No  agreement  having  taken  place,  the  committee 
reported  strongly  on  the  11th,  and  their  report  and  resolutions 
were  unanimously  adopted.  They  resolved  that  the  governor 
be  forthwith  ordered  to  cease  the  functions  of  his  office,  and  be 
held  to  answer  to  the  general  council  upon  certain  charges,  a 
copy  of  which  was  to  be  furnished  him  in  twenty-four  hours ; 
that  all  public  functionaries  be  notified  of  his  deposition ; and, 
in  short,  that  his  message  be  returned  to  him,  with  a copy  of 
their  proceedings  thereon.  Thus  was  brought  to  a crisis  the 
quarrel  between  the  governor  and  his  council.  The  council 
was  guilty  of  usurpation,  and  the  governor  of  great  imprudence. 
The  disagreement  was  not  only  ruinous  to  Texas  in  her  then 
critical  condition,  but  was  well  calculated  to  bring  her  into 
public  scandal  and  reproach  among  civilized  nations. 

On  the  6th  of  January,  Governor  Smith  ordered  the  com- 
mander-in-chief “ to  repair  to  Bexar,  or  such  other  point  on 
the  frontier  as  he  might  deem  most  eligible,  and  establish  his 
headquarters ; also  to  establish  such  subordination,  and  place 
the  army  in  such  situation,  as  to  commence  active  operations 
by  the  earliest  day  possible ; and,  in  the  meantime,  to  annoy 
and  injure  the  enemy  as  much  as  circumstances  would  permit.” 


* Journal  of  the  Council,  p.  291. 


GOVERNOR  AND  COUNCIL  — TWO  PARTIES. 


55 


In  pursuance  of  this  command,  Houston  on  the  same  day  issued 
an  order,  directing  all  the  troops  on  the  frontier  to  hold  them- 
selves in  readiness  to  march  against  the  enemy  at  the  earliest 
notice ; at  the  same  time  the  requisite  supplies  were  ordered 
to  Copano.  After  appointing  Colonel  Travis  superintendent 
of  the  recruiting-service,  and  requesting  the  attendance  of  Colo- 
nels Thomas  J.  Rusk,  J.  K.  Allen,  and  A.  Horton,  at  head- 
quarters, the  commander-in-chief  set  out  for  the  west  on  the 
8th  of  January. 

The  quarrel  between  the  governor  and  his  council  gave  rise 
to  two  parties,  and  other  questions  that  came  up  in  the  affairs 
of  the  country  were  seized  upon  and  made  instrumental  to  party 
views.  The  council  had  called  a meeting  of  the  convention,  to 
assemble  at  Washington,  on  the  1st  day  of  March  ;*  and  had 
fixed  the  1st  of  February  as  the  time  for  the  election  of  dele- 
gates thereto.  The  anticipated  action  of  the  convention  was 
a subject  of  warm  discussion  between  the  citizens  and  the  can- 
didates. Those  who  favored  the  Matamoras  campaign,  natu- 
rally fell  into  the  opposition  to  a declaration  of  independence, 
as  that  step  would  cut  off  all  hope  of  co-operation  on  the  part 
of  the  Mexicans  west  of  the  Rio  Grande.  General  Houston, 
previous  to  his  departure  for  the  western  frontier,  expressed 
himself  fully  on  that  point.  “ I now  feel  confident,”  says  he, 
“ that  no  further  experiment  need  be  made,  to  convince  us  that 
there  is  but  one  course  left  for  Texas  to  pursue,  and  that  is,  an 
unequivocal  declaration  of  independence,  and  the  formation  of 
a constitution,  to  be  submitted  to  the  people  for  their  rejection 
or  ratification.”! 

It  is,  however,  proper  to  state  that  other  gentlemen  of  high 
respectability  and  influence  in  Texas  took  a different  view  of 

* Orders  and  Decrees,  p.  76. 

f Sam  Houston  to  John  Forbes,  January  7,  1836. 


56 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


the  subject.  The  idea  of  a great  republic,  composed  of  the 
eastern  Mexican  provinces,  had  got  a hold  on  the  minds  of  a 
large  number.  This  scheme  had  taken  deep  root  among  many 
at  Nacogdoches,  and  throughout  eastern  Texas.  “When  I 
arrived  here,”  says  Colonel  Henry  Millard,  in  a letter  dated 
Nacogdoches,  January  14,  1836,  “ they  were  in  a fine  state  of 
successful  experiment,  as  they  imagined,  and,  by  the  arrival 
of  Dr.  Cameron  and  some  others  from  the  west,  new  prospects 
and  new  views  seemed  to  be  opened  to  them,  or  at  least  were 
publicly  expressed.  Some  of  those  persons  represented  that 
Colonel  F.  W.  Johnson  had  marched  to  Matamoras  at  the  head 
of  three  hundred  men,  who  had  declared  for  the  constitution 
of  1824,  and  were  determined  not  to  unite  with  or  be  under 
the  command  of  any  officer  appointed  by  the  provisional  gov- 
ernment, unless  they  chose  to  do  so ; and  that  they  had  an 
understanding  with  officers  and  influential  men  in  three  or  four 
of  the  adjoining  Mexican  states,  who  were  to  meet  them  with 
men  and  money  to  prosecute  the  war : and  that  those  states 
were  to  form  a single  grand  state  separate  from  the  Mexican 
government.  This  plan  suited  well  the  great  land-speculators.” 
These  were  the  sentiments  of  many  leading  men  in  Texas, 
and  thus  did  they  connect  their  views  with  the  Matamoras  ex- 
pedition. General  Houston  met  on  the  route  a letter  from 
Colonel  Bowie,  dated  the  10th  of  January,  informing  him  that 
Dr.  Grant  had  arrived  some  days  before  at  Goliad,  and  would 
leave  the  next  morning  (the  11th)  for  Matamoras.  The  delay 
of  Dr.  Grant  appears  to  have  been  caused  by  the  absence  of 
Colonel  F.  W.  Johnson,  who  had  come  by  way  of  San  Felipe, 
to  have  the  expedition  legalized.  He  declined  going  in  with 
Fannin,  probably  because  he  desired  a more  independent  com- 
mand. At  all  events,  his  forces  and  those  of  Grant  wanted 
more  privileges  than  the  law  allowed  them.  After  some  hesi- 


DISSATISFACTION  AMONG  THE  VOLUNTEERS. 


57 


tation,  the  council  gave  him  a sort  of  carte  blanche ,*  and  he 
proceeded  to  join  Dr.  Grant. 

At  this  time  much  dissatisfaction  existed  among  the  volun- 
teers. Major  Wyatt  refused  to  have  anything  to  do  with  the 
expedition  without  orders  from  headquarters.  Captain  Dimit, 
the  commandant  at  Goliad,  was  on  bad  terms  with  the  volun- 
teers from  Bexar,  and  for  a good  reason : Dr.  Grant,  without 
law  or  order,  had  seized  his  caballada  of  horses.  The  vol- 
unteers left  at  Bexar  held  a mass  meeting  on  the  day  after  Dr. 
Grant’s  departure,  somewhat  denunciatory  of  his  course  in 
jeoparding  the  safety  of  the  place  by  taking  from  it  two  thirds 
of  its  defenders,  and  also  the  clothing,  ammunition,  and  provis- 
ions, intended  for  the  winter  supply  of  the  garrison. f Colonel 
Gonzales,  a former  Mexican  officer,  but  now  fighting  under 
Texan  colors,  had  left  Bexar  about  the  25th  of  December,  with 
some  one  hundred  men,  and  had  not  since  been  heard  from.$ 

* Journal  of  the  Council,  p.  315;  also  Appendix  No.  I. — Document  No.  16. 
Extract  of  a letter  from  Lieutenant-Governor  Robinson,  dated  January  8,  1836  : 
“This  moment  a letter  has  been  received  from  General  S.  F.  Austin,  from  Ve- 
lasco, from  which  point  he  has  at  last  sailed.  This  is  a long  letter.  He  advises, 
among  other  things,  that  we  form  a state  government  upon  the  basis  of  the  dec- 
laration of  the  7th  November  last,  as  one  of  the  Mexican  states;  and  also  that 
the  headquarters  of  our  army  ought  to  be  at  Goliad  ; and  that  we  form  an  aux- 
iliary corps  to  the  Mexican  army  under  General  Mexia.”  General  Austin  doubt- 
less had  not  then  been  informed  of  the  position  of  Texan  affairs  and  the  charac- 
ter of  Mexia.  On  the  17 th  of  January,  he  wrote  to  D.  C.  Barrett:  “The  last 
news  from  Vera  Cruz  and  Tampico  is,  that  ‘the  federal  party  have  united  with 
Santa  Anna  against  Texas.’  This  leaves  us  but  one  course,  which  is,  an  abso- 
lute declaration  of  independence.  Such  a measure  is  expected  and  called  for 
by  the  people  of  the  United  States,  from  one  end  of  the  Union  to  the  other.” — 
Written  from  New  Orleans.  And,  ten  days  before  that,  in  a postscript  to  a let- 
ter to  General  Houston,  after  stating  that,  from  the  last  accounts  from  Vera 
Cruz,  he  had  learned  that  the  federal  party  had  united  with  Santa  Anna  to  in- 
vade Texas,  he  says,  “This,  of  course,  leaves  us  no  remedy  but  one,  winch  is  an 
immediate  declaration  of  independence."  — Austin  to  Houston , January  7,  1836. 

\ Telegraph  and  Texas  Register,  January  23,  1836. 

\ James  Bowie  to  Sam  Houston,  January  10,  1836  : “Some  dark  scheme  has 
been  set  on  foot  to  disgrace  our  noble  cause.  I shall  leave  with  Captain  Blount 


58  HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 

In  addition  to  this  desertion  of  Bexar,  the  sick  and  wounded 
there  were  left  naked  and  hungry. 

General  Houston,  having  reached  Goliad  on  the  16th  of  Jan* 
uary,  ordered  the  command  of  Major  R.  C.  Morris  to  take  up 
the  line  of  march  for  the  mission  of  Refugio  on  the  next  day 
at  ten  o’clock.  On  the  17th,  he  despatched  Colonel  Bowie, 
with  thirty  men,  to  Bexar,  with  a letter  to  Colonel  Neill,  desi- 
ring him  to  demolish  the  fortifications  at  that  place  and  bring 
off  the  artillery,  as  it  would  be  impossible  to  hold  the  town 
with  the  force  there.*  “ In  an  hour,”  says  Houston,  in  a let- 
ter to  Governor  Smith  of  the  17th  of  January,  “ I will  take  up 
the  line  of  march  for  Refugio  mission,  with  a force  of  about 
two  hundred  effective  men,  where  I will  await  orders  from  your 
excellency.  I do  not  believe  that  an  army  of  such  small  force 
should  advance  upon  Matamoras,  with  a hope  or  belief  that  the 
Mexicans  will  co-operate  with  us.  I have  no  confidence  in 
them.  The  disaster  of  Tampico  should  teach  us  a lesson  to  be 

noted  in  our  future  operations I would  myself  have 

marched  to  Bexar,  but  the  4 Matamoras  fever’  rages  so  high, 
that  I must  see  Colonel  Ward’s  men.  You  can  have  no  idea 
of  the  difficulties  I have  encountered.  Patton  has  told  you  of 
the  men  that  make  the  trouble.  Better  materials  never  were 
in  ranks.  The  government  and  all  its  officers  had  been  mis- 
represented to  the  army.” 

It  may  be  proper  to  state  that  the  order  to  Colonel  Neill  to 
demolish  the  Alamo,  and  retire  with  the  artillery,  was  induced 
by  the  information  received  from  that  officer  on  the  17th,  ad- 
vising of  the  approach  of  one  thousand  of  the  enemy  to  reduce 
the  place.  The  commander-in-chief  not  only  despatched  Bowie 

in  an  hour,  and  shall  reach  Goliad  by  daylight,  and  put  a stop  to  Grant’s  move- 
ments.” So  wrote  Bowie. 

* Older  to  Bowie,  January  17,  1836. 


WANT  OP  FUNDS. 


59 


to  that  point,  but  relieved  Captain  Dimit  from  the  command  at 
Goliad,  and  ordered  him  to  raise  a hundred  men,  if  practica- 
ble, and  repair  to  San  Antonio.  Captain  Wyatt  was  left  in 
command  at  Goliad  until  he  could  be  relieved  by  the  regulars, 
when  he  was  ordered  to  proceed  to  headquarters  with  the  force 
under  him. 

The  letter  to  Colonel  Neill  was  duly  received  by  that  officer  ; 
and,  in  reply,  he  stated  that  he  could  not  remove  the  artillery 
for  want  of  teams,  and  therefore  did  not  demolish  the  fortifica- 
tions of  the  place.  The  volunteers  at  Bexar  had  been  prom- 
ised their  pay  monthly,  which  not  receiving,  they  gradually 
abandoned  the  service,  until  there  were  but  eighty  troops  left. 
Governor  Smith,  on  being  informed  of  this  fact,  removed  Colo- 
nel Travis  from  his  position  as  superintendent  of  the  recruiting- 
service,  and  despatched  him,  with  a small  force,  to  Bexar. 
Shortly  after  his  arrival,  Colonel  Neill  retired  to  his  home. 
Colonel  Travis  called  for  five  hundred  more  troops,  “ mostly 
regulars.”  — “Militia  and  volunteers,”  said  he,  “are  but  ill 
suited  to  garrison  a town.”  He  also  asked  for  money,  provis- 
ions, and  clothing.  “ Enthusiasm,”  he  justly  remarked,  “ may 
keep  up  an  army  for  a few  days,  but  money , and  money  alone, 
will  support  an  army  for  regular  warfare.”*  None  of  these 
things  had  the  commander-in-chief  to  give.  The  council  had 
authorized  Colonel  Fannin  to  borrow  money  for  his  expedition  : 
they  had  not  applied  the  first  dollar  to  the  recruiting-service. 
The  letters  from  the  recruiting-officers  all  complain  that  they 
can  not  succeed  without  funds.  Colonel  Travis  had  been  im- 
providently  removed  from  its  superintendence,  thus  destroying 
all  hope  of  filling  the  ranks  of  the  regular  army.  The  council 
had  also,  by  its  conduct,  commended  Dr.  Grant  in  stripping 
the  sick  and  wounded  at  Bexar  of  the  blankets  needed  to  cover 

* Travis  to  Houston,  January  17,  1836:  MS. 


60 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


them,  and,  according  to  the  account  of  Surgeon  Pollard,  of  the 
medicines  requisite  for  their  recovery  ! 

On  the  8th  of  January — the  day  on  which  the  commander- 
in-chief  set  out  for  the  west — Colonel  Fannin  issued  a procla- 
mation, calling  upon  the  volunteers  from  “ Bexar,  Goliad,  Ve- 
lasco, and  elsewhere,”  and  ordering  them  to  rendezvous  at  San 
Patricio  between  the  24th  and  27th  of  that  month,  and  report 
to  the  officer  in  command.  He  himself  proposed  to  sail  with 
the  fleet  from  Velasco  on  the  18th,  and  invited  all  to  go  on 
board  who  desired  to  keep  the  war  out  of  Texas.  On  the  10th, 
Colonel  Johnson  issued  a like  proclamation,  calling  his  the 
federal  volunteer  army,  marching  for  the  country  west  of  the 
Rio  Grande,  under  the  flag  of  1824.* 

The  country  between  the  Texan  settlements  and  the  Rio 
Grande  is  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  wide,  extending  in 
length  from  the  coast  to  the  great  mountains  in  the  direction 
of  Santa  Fe.  It  is  an  undulating  prairie,  almost  entirely  des- 
titute of  timber.  The  Nueces  and  Rio  Frio  furnish  the  only 
permanent  supply  of  water  throughout  this  wide  waste.  This 
“ Zahara ” formed  a sort  of  natural  barrier  between  the  Texan 
settlements  and  those  of  Mexico  on  the  Rio  Grande.  The 
town  of  Matamoras,  situated  on  the  right  bank  of  that  river, 
a few  miles  above  its  mouth,  was  the  fruit  of  a commerce  that 
had  sprung  up  between  the  United  States  and  the  northeastern 
provinces  of  Mexico  subsequent  to  the  Mexican  Revolution. 
The  only  Mexican  town  on  the  left  bank  of  the  river  was  La- 
redo, situated  about  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  above  Mata- 
moras. It  sprang  into  existence  in  1805,  as  being  the  crossing 
and  resting  place  of  Governor  Herrera,  when  he  brought  on 
his  contingent  from  New  Leon  to  aid  in  driving  General  Wil- 
kinson from  the  left  bank  of  the  Sabine. 

* See  both  proclamations  in  Foote,  vol.  ii.,  p.  185. 


MOVEMENTS  OF  GENERAL  HOUSTON. 


61 


The  Irish  colony  at  San  Patricio  had  pushed  the  Texan  set- 
tlements along  the  coast  to  the  banks  of  the  Nueces.  This 
was.  the  nearest  point  to  Matamoras.  But  San  Patricio  was 
poor,  and  unable  to  furnish  anything  for  the  subsistence  of  an 
army.  To  carry  on  offensive  operations  against  Mexico  from 
Texas,  would  require  a considerable  capital  invested  in  provis- 
ions, clothing,  munitions,  and  means  of  transportation.  To 
transport  these  articles  by  sea  would  have  been  quite  uncer- 
tain, as  the  navigation  was  dangerous,  and  the  intercourse  be- 
tween the  two  arms  of  attack  would  be  rare.  Looking  at  all 
these  difficulties  — added  to  the  fact,  then  fully  ascertained, 
that  Texas  had  no  friends  in  Mexico — it  was  madness  to  per- 
severe in  the  expedition. 

General  Houston,  having  reached  Refugio,  ascertained  that 
there  were  no  breadstuffs  either  there  or  at  Copano,  as  he  had 
directed  in  his  orders  of  December  30th  and  January  6th.  He 
remained  at  Refugio  to  await  the  arrival  of  Major  Ward  and 
Captain  Wyatt — the  latter  being  relieved  at  Goliad  by  Lieu- 
tenant Thornton  and  twenty-nine  regulars.  On  the  evening 
of  the  20th  of  January,  Colonel  F.  W.  Johnson  arrived  at  Re- 
fugio. On  the  21st,  and  previous  to  receiving  notice  of  his 
arrival,  the  general-in-chief  issued  an  order  to  organize  the 
forces  as  they  reached  Refugio,  agreeably  to  the  “ ordinance 
for  raising  an  auxiliary  corps’’  to  the  army.  Colonel  Johnson 
then  called  upon  him,  and  made  known  to  him  the  resolution 
of  the  council  of  the  14th  of  January.  So  soon  as  he  was 
made  acquainted  with  the  mission  of  Colonel  Johnson,  and  also 
with  the  powers  granted  to  Colonel  Fannin,  he  could  not  be 
mistaken  as  to  the  object  of  the  council,  which  was,  to  super- 
sede him.  He  also  received  an  intimation  that  that  body  had 
deposed  Governor  Smith.  Under  these  circumstances,  General 
Houston  had  but  one  course  to  pursue  : the  management  of  the 


62 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


expedition  being  thus  taken  out  of  his  hands  by  the  council,  he 
returned  to  Goliad,  and  thence  to  Washington,  where  he  made 
a full  report  of  what  had  occurred  to  Governor  Smith.*  As 
the  consultation  had  created  an  executive  and  a council,  to  act 
until  the  new  convention  assembled,  he  did  not  see  that  either 
had  the  power  to  destroy  the  other.  His  reports  were  accord- 
ingly made  to  Governor  Smith. 

The  Texan  commissioners  to  the  United  States  concluded  a 
loan  on  the  11th  day  of  January,  1836,  of  two  hundred  thou- 
sand dollars,  payable  ten  per  cent,  in  cash,  and  the  balance  in 
instalments.  On  the  18th  of  January,  they  negotiated  another 
loan  of  fifty  thousand  dollars,  entirely  in  cash.  For  these  suc- 
cesses they  were  indebted  to  Colonel  William  Christy,  of  New 
Orleans,  to  whom,  above  all  other  men  out,  of  Texas,  is  she 
indebted  for  the  favorable  prosecution  of  the  war  of  indepen- 
dence. These  funds  enabled  the  Texan  agents  to  throw  into 
the  country,  at  a critical  moment,  such  supplies  as  kept  the 
army  together.! 

The  consultation,  on  the  13th  day  of  November,  1835,  en- 
tered into  a solemn  declaration,  to  which  each  member  signed 
his  name,  setting  forth  that  the  Cherokee  Indians  and  their 
twelve  associate  bands  had  derived  their  just  claims  from  the 
government  of  Mexico  to  the  lands  lying  north  of  the  San  An- 
tonio road  and  the  Neches,  and  west  of  the  Angelina  and  Sa- 
bine rivers ; that  the  governor  and  council,  immediately  on  its 
organization,  should  appoint  commissioners  to  treat  with  said 
Indians,  and  establish  the  definite  boundary  of  their  territory, 
and  secure  their  confidence  and  friendship ; that  they  would 
guaranty  to  the  Indians  the  peaceable  enjoyment  of  their  rights 


* Appendix  No.  I. — Document  16.  Report  of  January  30,  1836. 
f Copy  of  contract  of  loan,  Januuary  11,  1836.  Letter  of  Colonel  Christy, 
January  18,  1836. 


INDIAN  TREATY  — MEXICAN  POPULATION. 


63 


to  their  lands ; that  all  surveys,  grants,  and  locations,  made 
within  those  limits  after  the  settlement  of  the  Indians,  are  and 
of  right  ought  to  be  utterly  null  and  void.*  These  were  among 
the  solemn  pledges  made  by  the  delegates  of  all  Texas  to  tha 
Indians  ; and  in  pursuance  of  which,  as  we  have  seen,  the  gov- 
ernor and  council  appointed  Messrs.  Houston,  Forbes,  and  Cam- 
eron, to  treat  with  them.  Moreover,  this  became  the  more 
necessary,  as  the  emissaries  of  Mexico  were  already  among 
these  Indians,  striving  to  obtain  their  aid  in  the  contest  with 
her  revolted  province. 

On  the  return  of  Houston  from  Refugio,  he  received  from  the 
governor  a furlough  till  the  1st  of  March.  In  the  paper  (dated 
January  28)  granting  this,  the  latter  says:  “ Your  absence  is 
permitted  in  part  by  the  illegal  acts  of  the  council,  in  superes- 
ding  you,  by  the  unauthorized  appointment  of  agents  to  organ- 
ize and  control  the  army,  contrary  to  the  organic  law,  and  the 
ordinances  of  their  own  body.  In  the  meantime,  you  will  con- 
form to  your  instructions,  and  treat  with  the  Indians.”  In 
pursuance  of  the  commission  and  instructions  of  the  governor, 
Messrs.  Houston  and  Forbes  proceeded  to  Bowles’s  village,  and 
on  the  23d  day  of  February,  1836,  entered  into  a treaty  with 
the  Indians,  in  accordance  with  the  solemn  declaration  of  the 
consultation  of  the  13th  of  November,  1835. f 

At  the  beginning  of  the  year  1836,  Mexico  contained  eight 
millions  of  inhabitants.  Of  these,  four  millions  were  Indians  ; 
two  millions  were  mestizos , or  a mixture  of  Indians  and  Span- 
iards ; one  million  two  hundred  thousand  were  creoles  of  pure 
Spanish  blood ; six  hundred  thousand  were  mulattoes,  and  a 
mixture  of  Indians  and  negroes ; one  hundred  thousand  were 

* Journal  of  Consultation,  p.  61. 

f See  the  treaty,  and  other  valuable  documents  connected  therewith,  in  “Doc- 
uments on  Indian  Affairs,  submitted  to  the  Texan  Congress  by  the  President," 
November  15,  1838. 


04 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


negroes  ; ten  thousand  were  natives  of  Spain  ; and  the  remain- 
der were  foreigners  of  different  countries.  From  this  it  will 
be  seen  that  Indians  and  mestizos  form  the  bulk  of  the  popula- 
tion. The  Indians,  however,  have  not  increased  in  number  for 
three  centuries.  Were  it  not  for  her  bad  government,  Mexico 
would  be  one  of  the  most  productive  countries  in  the  world. 
Sugar,  coffee,  cotton,  wheat,  maize,  and,  in  fact,  all  the  pro- 
ductions of  the  temperate  and  equatorial  zones,  would  grow 
there  in  luxuriance.  Horses,  cattle,  sheep,  Ac.,  of  excellent 
quality,  can  be  raised  there  at  a trifling  expense.  Common 
laborers  could  be  procured  at  twenty-five  cents  per  day  ; me- 
chanics, however,  received  much  higher  wages.  The  pay  of 
the  infantry  soldier  was  one  dollar  and  twenty-five  cents  per 
day  ; of  the  cavalry,  two  dollars  : but  out  of  this  they  purchased 
their  own  food  and  clothing,  the  government  furnishing  only 
arms  and  ammunition.  As  the  government  sold  to  them  their 
rations  and  clothes,  the  soldiers  were  generally  in  debt ; and, 
as  their  supply  of  provisions  was  often  deficient,  they  were  as 
frequently  compelled  to  make  it  up  by  robbery.  Hence  the 
march  of  Mexican  troops,  even  in  their  own  country,  was  an- 
ticipated with  horror  by  the  people  along  the  route.  Such 
were  the  people,  who,  guided  and  stimulated  by  Santa  Anna, 
were  about  to  bring  forth  all  their  power  against  the  fifty  thou- 
sand colonists  who,  since  1821,  had  been  filling  the  extensive 
territory  of  Texas. 

General  Santa  Anna,  the  Mexican  president,  having  deter- 
mined to  lead  the  invading  army  in  person,  reached  Saltillo  in 
January,  where  for  a time  he  made  his  headquarters.  On  the 
first  of  February,  he  set  out  for  the  Rio  Grande,  by  way  of 
Monclova,  with  a force  of  six  thousand  men.  He  reached  the 
river  on  the  12th,  where  he  halted  till  the  16th,  waiting  for 
the  troops  to  come  up,  and  to  make  suitable  preparations  for 


SANTA  ANNA’S  TEXAN  POLICY. 


65 


crossing  the  uninhabited  prairies  which  lay  between  him  and 
Bexar.  While  tarrying  at  Guerrero,  he  was  engaged  in  dic- 
tating to  the  central  government  his  views  as  to  the  policy  to 
be  pursued  toward  Texas  when  it  should  be  reduced.  His 
plan  was  as  follows : to  drive  from  the  province  all  who  had 
taken  part  in  the  revolution,  together  with  all  foreigners  who 
lived  near  the  seacoast  or  the  borders  of  the  United  States ; 
to  remove  far  into  the  interior  those  who  had  not  taken  part 
in  the  war ; to  vacate  all  sales  and  grants  of  land  owned  by 
non-residents ; to  remove  from  Texas  all  who  had  come  to  the 
province,  and  were  not  entered  as  colonists  under  Mexican 
rules ; to  divide  among  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  Mexican 
army  the  best  lands,  provided  they  would  occupy  them ; to 
permit  no  Anglo-American  to  settle  in  Texas ; to  sell  the  re- 
maining vacant  lands  at  one  dollar  per  acre — allowing  the 
French  to  buy  only  five  millions  of  acres,  the  English  the  same, 
the  Germans  somewhat  more,  and  to  those  speaking  the  Span- 
ish language  without  limit ; to  satisfy  the  claims  of  the  civilized 
Indians  ; to  make  the  Texans  pay  the  expenses  of  the  war ; and 
to  liberate  and  declare  free  the  negroes  introduced  into  the 
province.* 

General  Jose  Urrea,  late  governor  of  the  state  of  Durango, 
who  had  joined  Santa  Anna  at  Saltillo,  was  ordered  to  advance 
from  that  point  to  Matamoras,  where  he  united  his  forces  with 
others  there  awaiting  him.  He  reached  the  latter  place  on 
the  1st  of  February,  and  remained  there  till  the  18th.  Learn- 
ing that  Grant  and  Johnson  were  at  San  Patricio,  with  a force 
of  two  or  three  hundred  men,  Urrea  set  out  with  three  hun- 
dred and  twenty  infantry,  three  hundred  and  thirty  cavalry, 
and  one  four-pounder,  in  pursuit  of  them.  After  a severe 

* Santa  Anna  to  Tornel,  Minister  of  War  and  Marine;  headquarters,  Guer- 
rero, February  16,  1836. 

Yol.  II.— 5 


66 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


march,  during  which  he  lost  six  of  his  men,  who  perished  with 
the  cold  and  rain,  he  arrived  at  San  Patricio  on  the  27th  of 
February,  at  three  o’clock  in  the  morning.* 

The  army  raised  by  Santa  Anna  was  not  brought  together 
without  difficulty.  The  number  of  mules  and  horses  for  pur- 
poses of  transport,  and  the  great  amount  of  baggage,  were  ex- 
traordinary. In  addition  to  this,  a great  number  of  women 
followed  the  camp ; but  for  what  purpose  they  were  permit- 
ted, unless  to  take  care  of  the  plunder,  we  are  not  informed. 
Every  means  was  resorted  to  in  order  to  supply  the  army. 
According  to  a letter  of  Major  Morris,  an  inventory  of  each 
person’s  property  was  taken,  upon  which  one  per  cent,  was  de- 
manded every  twenty  days  !f 

The  next  in  command  to  Santa  Anna  was  General  Vicente 
Filisola,  by  birth  an  Italian,  but  for  many  years  a citizen  of 
Mexico  ; and,  in  addition,  were  Generals  Sesma,  Gaona,  Tolsa, 
Andrade,  Woll,  and  Cos,  all  of  whom  were  ordered  to  concen- 
trate with  their  commands  before  San  Antonio.  At  noon,  on 
the  23d  of  February,  the  invading  army  reached  the  height 
north  of  the  Alazan  — the  place  where,  twenty-three  years  be- 
fore, the  republicans  under  Gutierres  had  gained  a signal  vic- 
tory over  the  adherents  of  Spain. 

To  return  to  the  Texans,  and  the  steps  they  were  taking  to 
resist  this  well-appointed  army.  At  the  beginning  of  the  war 
in  1835,  they  had  shown  remarkable  zeal  and  activity  in  pro- 
viding for  their  defence ; but,  having  driven  the  enemy  utterly 
out  of  Texas,  they  returned  to  their  homes  and  private  affairs. 
The  news  of  the  fresh  invasion  had  spread  over  the  country ; 
the  officers  of  the  army,  the  governor,  and  the  council,  had  re- 


* Diario  Militar  del  General  Jose  Urrea,  durante  la  Primera  Campana  de 
Tejas.  Durango:  1838. 
f Kennedy,  yol.  ii.,  p.  179. 


GOVERNOR  AND  COUNCIL  — QUARREL. 


67 


spectively  issued  their  proclamations,  and  sent  forth  their  hand- 
bills ; but  a lethargy  had  come  over  the  people.  They  seemed 
to  disregard  all  the  warnings  and  invitations  to  fly  to  the  field. 
Among  the  causes  to  which  their  apathy  may  be  attributed, 
were  — an  exaggerated  report  of  the  number  of  volunteers  that 
had  already  come  and  were  on  the  way  from  the  United  States  ; 
incredulity  as  to  the  fact  of  the  invading  army ; exhaustion 
from  the  toils  and  privations  of  the  previous  year ; and,  finally, 
the  paralyzing  effect  of  the  quarrel  between  Governor  Smith 
and  his  council. 

After  the  governor’s  suspension  by  that  refractory  body,  an 
effort  was  made  to  force  from  him  the  executive  records ; but 
he  stoutly  resisted,  and  retained  possession  of  them.  He  did 
what  he  could  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties ; the  council  did 
likewise ; but  there  was  no  official  intercourse  between  them. 
They  proceeded  against  his  secretary  for  contempt.  The  lat- 
ter appeared  before  them,  and  alleged  in  his  justification  that 
the  office  of  governor  was  created  by  the  consultation,  as  was 
likewise  the  council,  and  that  therefore  he  could  not  recognise 
any  other  government.*  The  defence,  however,  was  of  no 
avail : they  fined  him  twenty-five  hundred  dollars  ! In  answer 
to  their  mandate  for  the  papers,  Governor  Smith  declared  that 
he  would  defend  them  with  force ; and,  in  retaliation,  sent  a 
writ  to  the  lieutenant-governor,  Robinson,  for  certain  papers 
which  he  held.f 

The  two  parties  almost  daily  inflicted  upon  the  public  some 
explanation  or  handbill ; but  the  people,  soon  apprehending  the 
true  state  of  the  case,  began  to  conclude,  with  Secretary  Stew- 
art, that  both  being  creatures  of  the  consultation,  neither  had 
the  right  to  dismiss  the  other.  The  council,  seeing  this,  began 
to  leave,  one  by  one  ; and,  from  the  18th  of  January,  they  never 


* Journal  of  the  Council,  p.  338. 


f lb.,  p.  351. 


68 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


had  a quorum,  until,  by  the  meeting  of  the  convention  in  March, 
they  were  removed  from  a natural  death. 

But  the  fruit  of  this  quarrel  was  fast  ripening,  and  gallant 
men,  who  had  come  hundreds  of  miles  to  hold  up  the  arms  of 
Texas  against  a powerful  enemy,  were  compelled  first  to  par- 
take of  it.  As  one  among  many  instances  of  confusion  pro- 
duced by  this  discord,  John  A.  Wharton,  one  of  the  military 
agents,  despatched  to  New  Orleans  for  provisions,  having  ar- 
rived at  Yelasco  on  the  last  of  January  with  a supply,  was 
ordered  by  Colonel  Fannin  to  proceed  with  them  to  Copano, 
while  the  commander-in-chief  had  directed  them  elsewhere ! 
“ I shall  await  with  them,”  writes  Wharton,  “ at  Matagorda. 
I do  this  because  I believe  that,  to  execute  your  previous  or- 
ders, and  proceed  to  Copano,  would  not  meet  your  present 

wishes I enclose  an  original  copy  of  Colonel  Fannin’s 

orders  for  them.  I perceive  that  there  are  more  commanders- 
in-chief  than  one.”  Thus  matters  stood,  and  for  which  there 
could  be  no  relief  until  the  meeting  of  the  convention  on  the 
first  of  March. 

The  consultation  had  provided  that  the  council  should  pass 
no  laws,  except  such,  as  in  their  opinion,  the  emergency  of  the 
country  required.*  Besides  the  decree  to  raise  a regular 
army,  they  passed  another  to  organize  a corps  of  rangers,  which 
was  much  needed,  especially  on  the  northwestern  frontier,  to 
protect  the  country  from  the  Camanche  and  other  Indian  tribes ; 
also  another,  authorizing  the  commander-in-chief  to  accept  the 
services  of  five  thousand  auxiliary  volunteers  ; and  yet  another 
important  act,  authorizing  and  commissioning  Thomas  J.  Cham- 
bers to  raise  an  army  of  reserve.  This  law,  accompanied  by 
an  advance,  on  the  part  of  General  Chambers,  of  ten  thousand 
dollars  in  behalf  of  Texas,  was  very  essential.  Besides  these 

* Journal  of  Consultation,  p.  43. 


DECREES  OF  COUNCIL. 


69 


provisions,  they  made  others  organizing  the  courts,  the  treas- 
ury, and  the  navy  ; and  still  others  in  regard  to  the  municipal 
affairs  of  the  state — thus  laying  the  foundation  upon  which 
subsequent  legislative  bodies  have  built  up  what  is  called  the 
“ Texas  System.”  Taking  these  measures  as  a whole,  and 
looking  to  the  circumstances  under  which  they  were  framed,  the 
rule  of  civil  polity  was  good.  The  most  important  duties  of 
the  governor  and  council  were,  to  provide  ways  and  means  for 
the  support  of  the  army.  Had  they  attended  more  to  these, 
instead  of  interfering  with  the  command  and  movement  of  the 
troops,  of  which  they  were  ignorant,  the  country  would  perhaps 
have  suffered  less,  and  not  been  witness  to  fields  of  slaughter. 


70 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


CHAPTER  III. 

We  have  seen  the  preparations  of  the  contending  forces,  and 
have  followed  Santa  Anna,  with  a well-appointed  army,  to  the 
walls  of  Bexar,  and  Urrea  to  San  Patricio.  We  have  seen 
Travis,  with  some  thirty  men,  sent  by  Governor  Smith  to  the 
former  place,  and  Bowie  despatched  by  Houston  with  a like 
number  from  Goliad.  One  other  worthy  is  yet  lacking  to  take 
part  in  the  death-struggle  at  the  Alamo.  David  Crockett  was 
a Tennesseean.  His  education,  which  consisted  mostly  in  the 
fearless  use  of  the  rifle,  he  had  himself  acquired  in  the  then 
unsettled  forests  of  West  Tennessee.  Having  strong  natural 
powers  of  mind,  he  was  elected  to  the  state  legislature,  and 
subsequently  as  representative  to  Congress.  But  he  did  not 
comprehend  the  machinery  of  the  federal  government.  The 
rules  of  Jefferson’s  manual  were  to  him  as  mysterious  as  the 
Delphian  oracle.  Hence  his  efforts  in  the  house  of  represen- 
tatives were  abortive,  and  so  notoriously  so,  that  he  was  not 
returned.  The  struggle  then  pending  in  Texas  was  more  to 
his  taste,  and  he  came  to  take  part  in  it. 

Don  Augustine  Yiesca  and  his  secretary,  Don  Irala,  having 
made  their  escape  from  Mexico,  sought  an  asylum  in  Nacog- 
doches. They  were  received  by  the  citizens  with  open  arms, 
not  only  because  of  their  adherence  to  republican  principles, 
but  because  of  the  high  offices  they  held  in  the  late  government 


DAVID  CROCKETT  — DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  71 

of  Coahuila  and  Texas.  A sumptuous  table  was  spread  for 
them  in  the  large  hall  of  Major  Nixon,  and  they  had  sat  down, 
with  the  citizens,  on  the  5th  of  January,  1836,  to  partake  of 
it.  It  was  then  announced  that  David  Crockett  had  arrived 
in  town,  on  his  way  to  the  Texan  army.  A committee  was 
forthwith  despatched  to  wait  on  him  and  bring  him  to  the 
feast.  His  appearance  in  the  hall  was  greeted  with  three 
hearty  cheers.  He  added  greatly  to  the  pleasure  of  the  com- 
pany by  his  numerous  and  quaint  stories.*  Having  declared 
his  intention  to  become  a citizen  of  Texas,  he  proceeded  to  the 
office  of  Judge  Forbes,  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance.  He  re- 
fused, however,  to  subscribe  to  it,  until  that  clause  requiring 
him  to  “ bear  true  allegiance  to  the  provisional  government  of 
Texas,  or  any  future  government  that  might  be  thereafter  de- 
clared,” was  so  interlined  as  to  make  it  read  “ any  future 
republican  government. ”f  Having  settled  these  points,  he  set 
out  with  a few  companions  for  the  seat  of  war,  and  reached 
the  Alamo  in  time  to  reap  a rich  harvest  of  its  glory  and  blood. 

Before  proceeding  to  narrate  the  stirring  military  events  in 
the  west,  it  is  proper  that  we  should  witness  the  birth  of  the 
new  republic  : for,  up  to  the  2d  day  of  March,  1836,  every  offi- 
cer was  bound  by  his  oath,  and  both  officers  and  citizens  by 
allegiance,  to  the  Mexican  federal  constitution  of  1824. 

The  Texan  convention  met  on  Tuesday,  the  1st  day  of  March, 
at  Washington,  on  the  Brasos,  and  organized  by  electing  Rich- 
ard Ellis  president,  and  H.  S.  Kimball  secretary.  On  the  fol- 
lowing day  the  delegates  solemnly  declared  the  political  con- 
nection of  Texas  with  Mexico  for  ever  at  an  end,  and,  as  the 
representatives  of  the  people  of  Texas,  constituted  her  a free, 
sovereign,  and  Independent  Republic,  fully  invested  with  all 
the  rights  and  attributes  which  properly  belong  to  independent 
* “Emigrant’s  Guide,”  January  16,  1836.  f Kennedy,  vol.  il,  p.  192. 


72 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


nations.  The  causes  set  forth  in  that  document,  as  producing 
the  separation,  were  truthful  enough,  and  such  as  would  justify 
any  nation,  under  like  circumstances,  in  taking  a similar  step.* 
The  convention  wisely  took  no  time  to  look  into  the  merits  of 
the  controversy  between  Governor  Smith  and  his  council,  but 
passed  it  by,  and  proceeded  to  divide  out  the  work  of  framing  a 
constitution  for  the  new  republic.  Other  matters,  however, 
claimed  immediate  attention.  The  threatening  attitude  of 
Santa  Anna  required  that  Texas  should  not  only  have  an  army 
to  oppose  him,  but  that  such  army  should  have  a commander- 
in-chief.  Accordingly,  on  the  4th  of  March,  on  motion  of  James 
Collingsworth,  Sam  Houston  was  unanimously  chosen  to  that 
responsible  office,  his  authority  extending  over  the  regulars, 
volunteers,  and  militia,  in  the  field.  On  the  6th,  he  received 
his  instructions,  submitting  the  point  of  his  headquarters  to  his 
own  judgment.!  The  more  energetic  organization  of  the  mili- 
tia also  required  attention.  The  convention  made  all  able- 
bodied  males,  between  seventeen  and  fifty  years  of  age,  subject 
to  military  duty.  One  individual  was  appointed  for  each  mu- 
nicipality, to  form  a list  of  all  such  within  his  boundary.  The 
names  were  to  be  drawn  until  the  number,  at  any  time  called 
for,  was  obtained ; and  those  so  drawn  were  bound  to  serve, 

* For  a list  of  the  delegates,  see  Appendix  No.  III.  “Notwithstanding  the 
cold  weather,  the  members  of  the  convention  met  to-day  [Tuesday,  March  1],  in 
an  unfinished  building,  without  doors  or  windows.  In  lieu  of  glass,  cotton  cloth 
was  stretched  across  the  wiudows,  which  partially  excluded  the  cold  wind.  . . . 
On  motion  of  George  C.  Childress,  a committee,  consisting  of  Messrs.  George  C. 
Childress,  Colin  M ‘Kinney,  Edward  Conrad,  James  Gaines,  and  Bailey  Hardiman, 
were  appointed  to  prepare  and  report  a Declaration  of  Independence,  with  di- 
rections to  report  as  speedily  as  possible.”  — Note*  of  Colonel  William  F.  Gray. 

“Wednesday,  March  2,  1836. — The  convention  met  pursuant  to  adjournment. 
Mr.  Childress,  from  the  committee,  reported  a Declaration  of  Independence, 
which  he  read  in  his  place.  It  was  received  by  the  house,  committed  to  a com- 
mittee of  the  whole,  reported  without  amendment,  and  unanimously  adopted,  in 
less  than  one  hour  from  its  first  and  only  reading.” — lb. 

f Collingsworth  and  Ellis  to  Houston,  March  6,  1836. 


FORMATION  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION. 


73 


under  the  severest  penalties — for  a term,  however,  not  exceed- 
ing six  months.* * * §  To  increase  the  number  of  volunteers,  and 
encourage  those  already  in  the  service,  lands  were  promised. 
To  all  such  then  in  the  service,  and  who  should  so  continue 
during  the  war,  were  granted  twelve  hundred  and  eighty  acres ; 
for  six  months’  service,  six  hundred  and  forty  acres  ; for  three 
months’  service,  three  hundred  and  twenty  acres ; and  for  all 
who  should  thereafter  enter  the  service,  and  continue  in  it  six 
months,  and  during  the  war,  nine  hundred  and  sixty  acres.f 
Such  were  the  inducements  offered. 

The  convention,  through  its  president,  sent  forth  to  the  peo- 
ple of  the  United  States  a stirring  address,  appealing  for  sym- 
pathy and  aid.f 

The  constitution  was  adopted  by  the  convention  on  the  16th, 
but  was  not  signed  till  the  following  day.  It  was  thoroughly 
republican.  Its  provisions  were  a combination  of  the  princi- 
ples in  the  federal  and  state  constitutions  of  the  Union.  It 
provided  for  a president,  vice-president,  and  a Congress  of  two 
houses  ; and,  for  immediate  purposes,  it  established  a govern- 
ment ad  interim . This  was  the  more  necessary,  as  the  consti- 
tution was  to  be  submitted  to  the  popular  vote.  The  form  of 
the  temporary  government  was  in  accordance  with  the  constitu- 
tion. This  labor  being  concluded,  the  convention  proceeded, 
on  the  16th  of  March,  to  elect  the  several  officers  provided  for 
in  the  temporary  arrangement.  ||  David  G.  Burnet§  was  chosen 


* Ordinance  of  the  Convention  of  March  12,  1836. 

f lb.,  March  17,  1836.  % lb.,  March  16,  1836. 

||  Journal  of  the  Convention,  March  16,  1836:  MS. 

§ “David  G.  Burnet,  the  provisional  president,”  says  Kennedy,  an  impartial 
writer,  “was  the  son  of  a physician  in  Newark,  New  Jersey,  who,  in  1775,  aban- 
doned his  profession,  and  devoted  himself  to  the  cause  of  the  American  Revolu- 
tion. . . . Mr.  Burnet  was  educated  for  the  legal  profession ; and  a writer  in  a 
respectable  American  periodical  states  that  he  was  long  a resident  of  Ohio, 
where  he  is  remembered  as  a man  of  unblemished  reputation,  oourteous  man- 


74 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


president,  Lorenzo  de  Zavala  vice-president,  Samuel  P.  Carson 
secretary  of  state,  Bailey  Hardiman  secretary  of  the  treasury, 
Thomas  J.  Rusk  secretary  of  war,  Robert  Potter  secretary  of 
the  navy,  and  David  Thomas  attorney-general.  The  oath  of 
office  was  immediately  administered  to  these  persons,  and  they 
entered  upon  their  several  duties.  On  the  following  day  the 
convention  adjourned. 

Among  the  provisions  of  the  constitution  of  the  republic  was 
one  introducing  the  common  law  as  the  rule  of  decision  in  crimi- 
nal cases  ; and  requiring  its  introduction,  with  modifications,  in 
civil  proceedings.  Another  provision  introduced  the  political 
division  of  the  state  into  convenient  counties.*  These,  with 
the  establishment  of  well-known  common-law  offices,  removed 
almost  every  vestige  of  former  dynasties  ; so  that  one  afterward 
immigrating  into  Texas,  with  the  exception  of  occasional  jar- 
ring from  the  limited  partnership  between  husband  and  wife, 
and  forced  heirship,  would  feel  as  free  and  familiar  with  the 
institutions  of  his  new  home  as  he  did  in  the  state  of  his  origin, 
in  the  American  Union. 

General  Houston  was  present  at  the  convention,  having  been 
returned  as  a delegate  from  Refugio  ; and,  deeming  his  author- 
ity in  fact  superseded  by  the  action  of  the  council,  he  had 
ceased  to  act  as  commander-in-chief  of  the  army.  The  Decla- 
ration of  Independence  required  a new  appointment,  for  his 

ners,  and  intellectual  attainments.  My  own  short  acquaintance  with  Mr.  Bur- 
net gave  me  a very  favorable  impression  of  his  character.  In  the  affairs  of 
Texas  he  has  always  been  distinguished  by  calmness  and  moderation,  and  has 
not  unfrequently  been  exposed  to  censure  for  declining  to  keep  pace  with  popu- 
lar impatience.  This  prudence  and  forbearance,  united  with  firmness  and  per- 
severance, well  qualified,  him  to  fill  the  difficult  post  to  which  he  had  been  called 
by  the  convention.”  — Yol.  ii.,  p.  195.  President  Burnet,  in  entering  upon  the 
duties  of  his  office,  delivered,  in  his  usual  happy  style,  an  inaugural  address,  re- 
plete with  good  advice  and  cheering  hopes.  He  was  elected  over  Samuel  P. 
Carson  by  a majority  of  seven  votes.  Zavala  had  no  opposition. 

* Constitution  of  the  Republic  of  Texas,  Article  IV.,  Sections  11,  13. 


THE  CONSTITUTIONAL  CONVENTION.  75 

former  oatli  of  office  was  under  the  constitution  of  1824,  and 
in  obedience  thereto. 

During  the  sitting  of  the  convention,  the  country  was  greatly 
excited  and  filled  with  gloomy  apprehensions.  Every  effort 
was  made  to  hasten  troops  to  the  west,  to  relieve  Travis  and 
Fannin  from  their  supposed  perilous  position,  but  with  little 
avail.  Some  one  or  two  hundred  effective  men  hung  about  the 
hall  of  the  convention,  and  no  inducement  could  start  them 
toward  the  west  till  the  adjournment  of  that  body.  On  the 
day  before  General  Houston  received  his  final  instructions,  a 
member  introduced  a resolution  requesting  that  he  would  im- 
mediately set  out  for  the  army,  or  resign.  Houston,  in  reply, 
stated  that  if  the  gentleman  would  withdraw  the  resolution,  he 
would  say  that  “ he  purposed  to  set  out  for  the  army  on  the 
next  morning,  and  would  gladly  have  his  company. ” The 
resolution  was  withdrawn,  but  the  mover  did  not  go  to  the 
army.*'  Accordingly,  on  the  6th  of  March,  the  commander-in- 
chief, after  placing  Colonel  Collingsworth  in  command  of  the 
forces  at  Washington,  set  out  for  the  west,  accompanied  only 
by  Colonel  George  W.  Hockly,  of  his  staff,  and  one  or  two 
others. 

It  is  proper  that  we  now  return  to  the  operations  of  the 
enemy.  It  will  be  remembered  that  Santa  Anna  reached  the 
Alazan  at  noon,  on  the  23d  day  of  February ; and  Urrea  ar- 
rived at  San  Patricio  before  dawn  on  the  morning  of  the  27th. 
At  two  o’clock  in  the  afternoon,  Santa  Anna  marched  into  San 
Antonio. f The  Texan  guard  in  the  town  retired  in  good  or- 
der to  the  Alamo.  Colonel  Travis,  in  anticipation  of  an  attack, 
had  done  what  he  could  to  strengthen  the  walls,  and  provide 
means  for  defence.  The  Alamo,  though  strong,  was  built  for 
a mission,  and  not  for  a fortress.  The  walls  are  thick,  but  of 


* Statement  of  Dr.  B.  B.  Goodrich:  MS. 


f Almontes  Journal. 


76 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


plain  stone-work,  and  without  a redoubt  or  bastion  to  command 
the  lines  of  the  fort.  The  main  wall  is  a rectangle,  one  hun- 
dred and  ninety  feet  long,  and  one  hundred  and  twenty-two 
feet  wide.  On  the  southeast  corner  was  attached  the  old 
church,  a large  building,  and  containing  the  magazine  and  sol- 
diers’ quarters.  Adjoining  this  on  the  east  side  was  the  stone 
cuartel  for  horses.  About  midway  of  the  east  side  of  the  main 
wall,  but  within  it,  was  a two-story  stone  building ; the  upper 
story  being  used  for  a hospital,  and  the  lower  one  for  an  ar- 
mory, soldiers’  quarters,  &c.  There  were  four  pieces  of  artil- 
lery mounted  on  the  side  toward  the  town,  and  a like  number 
facing  the  north ; two  on  the  side  of  the  church,  and  four  to 
defend  the  gate  which  looked  toward  the  bridge  across  the 
San  Antonio  river.  The  place  was  supplied  with  water  from 
two  aqueducts  running  on  either  side  of  the  walls.*  But  Tra- 
vis was  greatly  deficient  in  men,  provisions,  and  ammunition. 

Santa  Anna  immediately  demanded  a surrender  of  the  Ala- 
mo and  its  defenders,  without  terms.  The  demand  was  an- 
swered by  a shot  from  the  fort.  The  enemy  then  hoisted  a 
blood-red  flag  in  the  town,  and  commenced  an  attack.  It  was 
intended  to  be  by  slow  approaches,  for  at  first  the  bombard- 
ment was  harmless.  Travis  sent  off  an  express  with  a strong 
appeal  for  aid,  declaring  that  he  would  never  retreat .f  Early 

* Letter  of  G.  B.  Jameson,  with  plot  and  description  of  the  Alamo,  January- 
18,  1836. 

t “ Commandancy  of  thk  Alamo,  Bexar,  February  24,  1836. 

“ Fellow-Citizen9  and  Compatriots  : I am  besieged  by  a thousand  or  more 
of  the  Mexicans  under  Santa  Anna.  I have  sustained  a continued  bombardment 
for  twenty-four  hours,  and  have  not  lost  a man.  The  enemy  have  demanded  a 
surrender  at  discretion ; otherwise  the  garrison  is  to  be  put  to  the  sword,  if  the 
place  is  taken.  I have  answered  the  summons  with  a cannon-shot,  and  our  flag 
still  waves  proudly  from  the  walls.  I shall  never  surrender  or  retreat.  Then  I 
call  on  you  in  the  name  of  liberty,  of  patriotism,  and  of  everything  dear  to  the 
American  character,  to  come  to  our  aid  with  all  despatch.  The  enemy  are  re- 
ceiving reinforcements  daily,  and  will  no  doubt  increase  to  three  or  four  thou- 
sand in  four  or  five  days.  Though  this  call  may  be  neglected,  I am  determined 


BOMBARDMENT  OF  THE  ALAMO. 


77 


on  the  25th,  Santa  Anna  in  person  crossed  the  river  with  the 
battalion  de  Cazadores  of  Matamoras,  with  a view  of  erecting 
a battery  in  front  of  the  gate  of  the  Alamo.  Travis  made  a 
strong  resistance,  and  the  Mexicans  were  reinforced  by  the 
battalion  of  Ximines.  The  enemy,  according  to  their  own  ac- 
count, lost  in  this  action,  which  continued  until  the  afternoon, 
eight  in  killed  and  wounded.*  They,  however,  succeeded  that 
night  in  erecting  their  battery,  being  protected  by  some  old 
houses  between  the  gate  of  the  Alamo  and  the  bridge.  It  was 
three  hundred  yards  south  of  the  place.  They  also  erected 
another,  the  same  night,  near  the  powder-house,  or  Garita , a 
thousand  yards  to  the  southeast ; and  posted  their  cavalry  at 
the  old  Casa  Mata  on  the  Gonzales  road,  toward  the  east.  At 
night,  Travis  burnt  the  straw  and  wooden  houses  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  fort. 

Early  in  the  morning  of  the  26th,  there  was  a slight  skir- 
mish between  a portion  of  the  Texans  and  the  enemy’s  cavalry 
stationed  east  of  the  fort.  A norther  having  sprung  up  on  the 
previous  night,  the  thermometer  fell  to  thirty-nine  degrees  above 
zero.  Meanwhile,  Santa  Anna  had  received  reinforcements,  and 
now  enlarged  his  guard,  the  sentinels  being  placed  nearer  the 
fort.  The  Texans  sallied  out  for  wood  and  water  without  loss ; 
and  at  night  they  succeeded  in  burning  some  old  houses  north- 
east from  the  fort,  and  near  a battery  erected  by  the  enemy  on 
the  Alamo  ditch,  about  eight  hundred  yards  distant. f 

to  sustain  myself  as  long  as  possible,  and  die  like  a soldier  who  never  forgets 
what  is  due  to  his  own  honor  and  that  of  his  country.  Victory  or  death! 

“W.  Barret  Travis,  Lieutenant- Colonel  commanding. 

“P.  S. — The  Lord  is  on  our  side.  When  the  enemy  appeared  in  sight,  we 
had  not  three  bushels  of  corn.  We  have  since  found,  in  deserted  houses,  eighty 
or  ninety  bushels,  and  got  into  the  walls  twenty  or  thirty  head  of  beeves. 

II  'p  U 

* Almonte’s  Journal.  Travis’s  account  of  this  action,  directed  to  General 
Houston,  seems  to  have  been  lost,  or  cut  off  by  the  enemy. 

•j-  Almonte’s  Journal.  Travis  to  President  of  the  Convention,  March  3,  1836. 


78 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS* 


During  all  this  time  the  Mexicans  kept  up  a constant  firing, 
but  with  little  effect.  On  the  28th,  they  erected  another  bat- 
tery at  the  old  mill,  eight  hundred  yards  north,  and  attempted 
to  cut  off  the  water  from  the  fort.  The  Texans  were  engaged 
in  strengthening  their  works,  by  throwing  up  earth  on  the  in- 
side of  the  walls. 

It  is  proper  here  to  state  that  Travis  wrote  on  the  23d  to 
Colonel  Fannin,  then  at  Goliad,  making  known  his  position, 
and  requesting  him  to  march  to  his  relief.  The  letter  reached 
Goliad  on  the  25th.  Fannin  set  out  on  his  march  for  Bexar 
on  the  28th,  with  three  hundred  men  and  four  pieces  of  artil- 
lery, leaving  Captain  Westover  in  command  at  Goliad,  with 
about  a hundred  men.  But  he  had  only  proceeded  two  hun- 
dred yards,  when  one  of  his  wagons  broke  down,  and,  having, 
but  one  yoke  of  oxen  to  each  piece  of  artillery,  he  was  com- 
pelled to  double  his  teams  in  order  to  get  them,  one  at  a time, 
across  the  river.  Besides,  his  only  provisions  consisted  of  a 
tierce  of  rice  and  a little  dried  beef.  A council  of  war  was 
therefore  held,  when  it  was  determined  to  return  to  Goliad,* 
which  was  accordingly  done. 

The  intelligence  of  Fannin’s  departure  for  Bexar  was  re- 
ceived by  the  enemy  at  the  latter  place  the  same  day  on  which 
he  started ; and,  before  the  council  of  war,  above  alluded  to, 
was  closed,  on  the  29th,  General  Sesma,  with  detachments  of 
cavalry  and  infantry,  was  on  his  march  to  meet  him. 

On  the  morning  of  the  1st  of  March,  thirty-two  gallant  men 
from  Gonzales  were  safely  conducted  by  Captain  John  W. 
Smith  into  the  Alamo,  making  the  effective  force  under  Travis 
one  hundred  and  eighty-eiglit  men.  The  bombardment  of  the 
fort  still  continued.  The  Texans,  being  short  of  ammunition, 
fired  but  seldom.  In  the  evening,  however,  they  struck  the 

* Fannin  to  Lieutenant-Governor  Robinson,  February  29,  1836. 


BOMBARDMENT  OF  THE  ALAMO  — COUNCIL  OF  WAR.  T9 

house  occupied  by  Santa  Anna  in  Bexar  with  a twelve-pound 
shot.  On  the  2d,  the  attack  was  still  maintained.  The  Tex- 
ans continued  the  fight  as  their  means  and  strength  would 
allow.  On  the  3d,  the  enemy  erected  a battery  on  the  north 
of  the  fort,  and  within  musket-shot.  Travis  addressed  a last 
appeal  to  the  president  of  the  convention,  setting  forth  fully 
his  position  and  determination.  He  stated  that  the  “ blood- 
red  banners  which  waved  on  the  church  at  Bexar,  and  in  the 
camp  above  him,  were  tokens  that  the  war  was  one  of  ven- 
geance against  rebels.”  Perhaps  by  the  same  courier  he  sent 
the  aftecting  note  to  his  friend  in  Washington  county : “ Take 
care  of  my  little  boy.  If  the  country  should  be  saved,  I may 
make  him  a splendid  fortune;  but  if  the  country  should  be 
lost,  and  I should  perish,  he  will  have  nothing  but  the  proud 
recollection  that  he  is  the  son  of  a man  who  died  for  his  coun- 
try.”* On  that  day,  J.  B.  Bonham,  who  had  gone  as  express 
to  Fannin  for  aid,  returned  and  made  his  way  safely  into  the 
fort  at  eleven  o’clock  in  the  morning.  At  night  the  Texans 
made  a sally,  and  had  a skirmish  with  the  Mexican  advance. 

The  enemy  continued  the  fire  on  the  4th  ; but  few  shots  were 
returned  from  the  fort.  In  the  afternoon,  Santa  Anna  called 
a council  of  war,  to  advise  on  the  question  of  assaulting  the 
place.  After  much  discussion,  “ Cos,  Castrillon,  and  others, 
were  of  opinion  that  the  Alamo  should  be  assaulted  after  the 
arrival  of  the  two  twelve-pounders  expected  on  the  7th.  The 
president,  General  Ramirez,  Sesma,  and  Almonte,  were  of 

* In  a letter  of  Travis,  dated  the  3d  of  March,  and  furnished  me  by  Jesse 
Grimes,  Esq.,  he  says:  “I  am  still  here,  in  fine  spirits,  and  well  to  do.  With 
one  hundred  and  forty-five  men,  I have  held  this  place  ten  days  against  a force 
variously  estimated  from  fifteen  hundred  to  six  thousand ; and  I shall  continue 
to  hold  it  till  I get  relief  from  my  countrymen,  or  I will  perish  in  its  defence. 
We  have  had  a shower  of  bombs  and  cannon-balls  continually  falling  among  us 
the  whole  time,  yet  none  of  us  have  fallen.  We  have  been  miraculously  pre- 
served.” 


80 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


opinion  that  the  twelve-pounders  should  not  be  waited  for,  but 
the  assault  made.”*  Santa  Anna,  without  making  a public 
decision,  determined  upon  an  assault,  and  made  his  prepara- 
tions accordingly.  His  troops  then  in  Bexar  exceeded  four 
thousand  in  number,  the  most  of  whom  had  been  refreshed 
during  the  time  they  had  spent  there.  The  Texans,  on  the 
contrary,  were  worn  down  by  incessant  watching  and  labor 
within  their  walls. 

On  Sunday  morning,  the  6th  of  March,  a little  after  mid- 
night, the  Alamo  was  surrounded  by  the  entire  Mexican  army. 
The  cavalry  were  placed  without  the  infantry,  to  cut  them 
down  if  they  offered  to  give  way.  The  latter  were  provided 
with  scaling-ladders.  The  enemy,  thus  forming  a circle  facing 
the  fort,  advanced  rapidly  under  a tremendous  fire  from  the 
Texan  rifles  and  artillery.  Just  at  daylight  the  ladders  were 
placed  against  the  walls,  and  an  attempt  made  by  the  enemy 
to  enter  the  fort,  but  they  were  driven  back  by  the  stern  de- 
fenders within.  Again  the  charge  was  sounded,  and  a second 
effort  made  to  reach  the  top  of  the  walls,  but  again  the  assail- 
ants were  repulsed.  For  a few  minutes  there  was  a pause. 
By  the  presence,  threats,  and  promises,  of  Santa  Anna,  a third 
assault  was  made,  and  with  more  fatal  success.  The  enemy, 
reaching  the  tops  of  the  ladders,  wavered  and  fell ; but  their 
places  were  supplied  by  the  hundreds  pressing  onward  and 
behind  them  on  each  ladder.  At  length,  killed,  cut  down,  and 
exhausted,  the  Texan  defenders  did  not  retreat,  but  ceased  to 
keep  back  the  Mexicans.  Instantly  the  fort  was  filled  by  the 
latter.  The  survivors  within  the  walls  still  continued  to  do 
battle.  They  clubbed  their  guns,  and  used  them  till  they  were 
nearly  all  cut  down.  It  is  said  that  a few  called  for  quarter, 
but  the  cry  was  unheeded.  One  would  suppose  that  admira- 


* Almonte’s  Journal. 


STORMING  AND  FALL  OF  THE  ALAMO. 


81 


tion  for  such  unequalled  heroism  would  have  saved  these  few. 
Travis  and  Crockett  fell — the  former  near  the  western  wall, 
the  latter  in  the  corner  near  the  church  — with  piles  of  slain 
around  them.  It  had  been  previously  agreed  on  by  the  be- 
sieged that  the  survivor  should  fire  a large  quantity  of  dam- 
aged powder  in  the  magazine.  Major  Evans,  the  master  of 
ordnance,  was  shot  as  he  attempted  to  perform  that  last  high 
duty  to  his  country.  Colonel  Bowie,  who  had  been  for  some 
days  sick  in  his  bed,  was  there  butchered  and  mutilated ! 

Thus  fell  the  Alamo  and  its  heroic  defenders ; but  before 
them  lay  the  bodies  of  five  hundred  and  twenty-one  of  the  ene- 
my, with  a like  number  wounded.  At  an  hour  by  sun,  on  that 
sabbath  morning,  all  was  still ; yet  the  crimson  waters  of  the 
aqueduct  around  the  fort  resembled  the  red  flag  on  the  church 
at  Bexar ! The  defenders  of  Texas  did  not  retreat,  but  lay 
there  in  obedience  to  the  command  of  their  country ; and  in 
that»obedience  the  world  has  witnessed  among  men  no  greater 
moral  sublimity. 

Those  in  the  fort  that  survived  were,  Mrs.  Dickinson  (wife 
of  Lieutenant  Dickinson,  who  fell  in  the  defence),  her  child,  a 
negro-servant  of  Colonel  Travis,  and  two  Mexican  women  of 
Bexar.*  The  bodies  of  the  Texans,  after  being  stripped  and 
subjected  to  brutal  indignities,  were  thrown  into  heaps  and 
burnt ! The  most  of  them  were  Americans,  many  of  them  col- 
onists, who  emigrated  to  Texas  under  the  assurance  of  the 
colonization  laws  that  their  rights  and  liberties  should  be  pro- 
tected. The  Mexicans  in  Bexar  were  mostly  hostile : only 
three  of  them  were  among  the  defenders  of  the  Alamo. 

* Account  furnished  by  Mrs.  Dickinson.  Telegraph,  March  24,  1836.  State- 
ment of  Antonio  Perez,  on  the  evening  after  the  battle.  Perez  gives  the  num- 
ber of  the  Mexican  killed  and  wounded  as  stated  : it  seems  to  be  most  reliable, 
as  he  remained  several  hours  after  the  storming.  He  says  Travis  killed  himselC 
This  is  hardly  credible. 

VOL.  II.  — 6 


82 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


The  enemy’s  victory  was  complete,  yet  his  force  was  as  six- 
teen to  one,  and  his  loss  in  slain  nearly  three  times  the  entire 
number  of  the  defenders.  From  the  known  character  of  Santa 
Anna,  he  doubtless  rejoiced.  Believing  the  war  at  an  end, 
and  Texas  at  his  feet,  he  so  announced  it  in  his  despatches  to 
his  subordinates  at  home.  And  the  authorities  and  people 
there  believed  it,  and  so  congratulated  him.  “ With  pleasure 
do  I sincerely  congratulate  your  excellency,”  observes  Jose  M. 
Ortis  Monasterio,  secretary  of  state,  in  a letter  from  Mexico, 
dated  the  22d  of  March,  “ for  the  brilliant  triumph  achieved 
over  the  perfidious  colonists  by  the  national  arms  under  your 
command.  This  terrible  lesson  will  be  to  us  fruitful  in  pros- 
perous results  ; besides,  it  will  teach  the  sympathizers  among 
our  evil-disposed  neighbors  not  to  contend  against  your  mili- 
tary talents,  and  the  valor  and  decision  of  the  brave  soldiers 
who  have  covered  themselves  with  honor  in  an  assault  so  he- 
roic. Providence  is  propitious  to  us,  and  has  destined  your 
excellency  to  be  the  savior  and  preserver  of  the  republic.  Glo- 
rious with  these  titles,  and  ever  patriotic,  your  excellency  has 
garnished  your  temples  with  laurels  of  un withering  fame.”* 
Almonte,  only  three  days  before  the  storming  of  the  Alamo, 
viewed  the  Mexican  success  there  as  effectually  ending  the 
war ; for,  in  his  journal  of  the  3d  of  March,  he  says  he  wrote 
to  Mexico,  directing  his  letters  to  be  sent  to  Bexar,  and  that 
before  three  months  the  campaign  would  be  terminated.”! 

Having  refreshed  his  troops,  and  provided  as  he  could  for 
his  numerous  wounded,  Santa  Anna  laid  down  the  programme 
for  future  operations,  to  be  conducted  by  General  Filisola,  his 
second  in  command ; after  completing  which,  he  proposed  to 

* This  was  one  of  the  letters  afterward  taken  from  the  courier  by  Deaf  Smith, 
and  thi  “savior  and  preserver  of  the  republic ” never  had  the  pleasure  of  read- 
ing it. 

f See  also  Filisola’s  Defen ce*  p.  8. 


MOVEMENTS  OF  THE  MEXICAN  TROOPS. 


83 


return  to  Mexico.  Accordingly,  on  the  11th  of  March,  he  or- 
dered Generals  Sesma  and  Woll,  with  six  hundred  and  seventy- 
five  infantry,  fifty  dragoons,  two  six-pounders,  and  eight  days’ 
rations,  to  march  to  San  Felipe,  on  the  Brasos,  and  thence  to 
Anahuac  by  way  of  Harrisburg.  At  the  same  time  he  directed 
Colonel  Juan  Morales,  with  two  battalions  of  about  four  hun- 
dred men,  one  mortar,  one  eight  and  one  twelve  pounder,  and 
a month’s  rations,  to  proceed  to  Goliad.  Before  he  decided 
as  to  the  further  disposition  of  his  forces,  he  received  informa- 
tion from  General  Urrea,  at  San  Patricio,  that  he  was  on  his 
march  to  Goliad,  and  that  Fannin  was  there  fortified,  with 
about  five  hundred  infantry  and  fourteen  pieces  of  artillery, 
and  would  defend  the  place.  He  also  received  intelligence 
from  General  Sesma  that  the  Texans  were  twelve  hundred 
strong  on  the  Colorado,  and  disposed  to  defend  the  passage  of 
that  river.  To  meet  this  unexpected  resistance,  Santa  Anna 
directed  General  Tolsa,  with  two  battalions  and  forty  dragoons, 
with  a month’s  rations,  to  aid  Sesma ; and  Colonel  Montoya, 
with  the  regular  militia  of  Tres  Villas  and  Queretaro,  a twelve- 
pounder,  and  like  rations,  to  assist  Urrea.  The  orders  given 
to  these  officers  were  to  shoot  all  the  prisoners  taken  !*  An- 
other detachment  of  Mexicans,  under  General  Gaona,  was  to 
march  to  Nacogdoches,  with  like  orders ; but  its  departure  was 
postponed,  to  await  the  issue  at  Goliad. 

Colonel  F.  W.  Johnson,  having  received  his  authority  from 
the  council,  repaired  with  Dr.  Grant  to  San  Patricio,  where 
they  established  their  headquarters.  With  a force  varying 
from  seventy-five  to  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  they  sent  out 
parties  to  scour  the  country  west  to  the  Rio  Grande.  On  one 
occasion  they  captured  a small  party  of  Mexicans  under  Cap- 
tain Rodriguez.  These  they  afterward  released.  At  the  time 

* Filisola’s  Defence,  pp.  8,  9. 


84 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


General  Urrea  marched  upon  San  Patricio,  Grant  was  absent 
on  a scout,  with  about  fifty  men,  leaving  some  forty  in  San 
Patricio.  Urrea  took  the  latter  completely  by  surprise,  and, 
though  they  fought  long  and  vigorously,  they  were  overpowered 
by  numbers,  and  put  to  the  sword. 

After  this  victory,  Urrea  sent  out  scouts  in  search  of  Grant. 
At  length,  on  the  1st  of  March,  getting  news  that  he  was  on 
his  return,  the  Mexican  commander  set  out  at  dark  to  meet 
and  surprise  him.  At  a creek  called  Agua  Dulce , about 
twenty-six  miles  below  San  Patricio,  the  enemy  formed  an  am- 
bush. They  were  divided  into  two  parties  for  the  purpose  of 
surrounding  Grant — the  one  commanded  by  Colonel  Garay, 
and  the  other  by  Urrea  himself.  Between  eight  and  nine 
o’clock,  on  the  morning  of  the  2d  of  March,  Grant  came  up, 
and  was  completely  surprised  and  defeated.  He  was  wounded 
and  taken  prisoner.  While  his  followers  were  slaughtered,  he 
was  detained  a captive,  that  the  enemy  might  have  the  benefit 
of  his  services  in  attending  to  their  numerous  wounded.*  Of 
the  entire  command  under  Johnson  and  Grant  at  San  Patricio, 
five  only — Johnson,  Tone,  Beck,  Toler,  and  Miller — were  so 
fortunate  as  to  escape,!  and  these  were  engaged  in  the  affair 
at  the  town. 

While  Dr.  Grant  was  in  San  Patricio,  curing  his  own  wound, 
and  carefully  ministering  to  the  wants  of  the  wounded  of  the 
enemy,  he  was  promised  that,  so  soon  as  he  recovered,  and 
those  under  his  care  were  convalescent,  he  should  have  a pass- 
port to  leave  the  country  without  molestation.  The  captain 
left  in  command  of  the  town,  after  the  departure  of  Urrea, 
secretly  despatched  eight  men  in  search  of  a wild  horse.  The 
animal  was  captured  about  three  weeks  after  the  battle  of  the 

* Diario  Militar  del  General  Jose  Urrea r 

f Fannin  to  Lieutenant-Governor  Robinson,  March  1,  1836. 


BRUTAL  MURDER  OF  DR.  GRANT. 


85 


2d  of  March.  Grant  was  now  brought  forth,  and,  by  order  of 
the  captain,  his  feet  were  strongly  bound  to  those  of  the  horse, 
and  his  hands  to  the  tail.  “ Now,”  said  the  captain,  “ you 
have  your  passport  — go !”  At  the  same  moment  the  cords  by 
which  the  mustang  was  tied  were  severed.  The  fierce  animal, 
finding  his  limbs  unfettered,  sprang  away  with  great  violence, 
leaving  behind  him,  in  a short  distance,  the  mangled  remains 
of  poor  Grant!  Nothing  can  be  added  to  this  simple  state- 
ment of  facts.* 

To  return  to  Colonel  Fannin.  On  reaching  Refugio,  thirty 
miles  below  Goliad,  he  learned  through  Major  Morris,  who  had 
gone  on  to  San  Patricio  with  Johnson  and  Grant,  of  the  ad- 
vance, in  force,  of  the  Mexicans.  This  suspended  the  contem- 
plated march  on  Matamoras.  Fannin  now  took  steps  to  con- 
centrate his  troops  at  Goliad,  and  endeavored  to  have  the  ad- 
vance at  San  Patricio  withdrawn  ;f  but  the  latter,  holding  an 
independent  authority  from  the  council,  refused  to  retreat. 
Having  taken  post  at  Goliad,  and  obtained  a supply  of  provis- 
ions, he  went  to  work  to  repair  that  place.  He  complained 
much,  and  with  justice,  of  the  apathy  of  the  Texans  in  not 
turning  out  more  willingly  to  meet  the  enemy  at  the  frontier, 
and  stated  the  fact  that  he  could  not  find  a half-dozen  Texans 
in  his  ranks.  It  is  proper  also  to  state  that,  although  Fannin 
was  a colonel  in  the  regular  army  of  Texas,  he  was,  on  the  7th 
of  February,  elected  to  that  rank,  and  Major  Ward  lieutenant- 
colonel,  of  their  united  volunteers. $ 

* Statement  of  the  death  of  Dr.  James  Grant:  MS.  General  Urrea,  whose 
diary  is  said,  by  a writer  in  the  “Democratic  Review”  (1838,  p.  305)  to  be  “a 
publication  marked  by  all  the  blunt  honesty  of  the  soldier,”  is  worthy  of  very 
little  credit.  He  says  Grant  was  killed  in  the  action  of  the  2d  of  March.  It 
is  to  be  regretted  that  there  is  so  little  light  on  this  portion  of  Texan  history. 
Urrea’s  character  is  that  of  an  intriguing,  cruel,  and  false  man.  His  conduct 
toward  his  own  comrades,  as  well  as  toward  the  Texans,  proves  him  so. 

f Fannin  to  Lieutentant-Governor  Robinson,  Feb.  7,  1836.  % lb.,  Feb.  8,  1836 


86 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


The  improvements  on  the  fort,  which  Fannin  named  Defi- 
ance, consisted  in  blockhouses,  picketing,  ditching,  filling  in 
with  earth  and  stone,  &c.,  and  mounting  necessary  artillery  for 
its  defence ; all  of  which  was  done  under  the  immediate  direc- 
tion of  Lieutenant  Chadwick  of  the  engineers.  Between  the 
middle  and  last  of  February  the  troops  at  Goliad  suffered  for 
both  provisions  and  clothing.  In  some  instances  they  were 
compelled  to  mount  guard  barefooted.  We  have  already  seen 
the  fruitless  effort  made  by  Fannin  on  the  28th  of  February  to 
march  to  the  relief  of  Travis  at  San  Antonio — an  effort  which 
failed  for  want  of  provisions  and  means  of  transportation.  He 
therefore  returned  to  the  fort,  and  was  again  occupied  in  im- 
proving his  defences. 

Colonel  Fannin’s  position  had  for  some  time  been  peculiarly 
unpleasant.  He  was  aware  of  the  fact  that  for  him  to  remain 
in  his  exposed  situation,  so  far  from  aid  in  men  and  materiel , 
and  in  the  face  of  so  strong  an  enemy,  was  not  the  policy  of 
the  commander-in-chief ; yet  his  orders  from  Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor Robinson  were,  “ to  not  make  a retrograde  movement, 
but  await  orders  and  reinforcements.”*  Thus,  between  these 
conflicting  authorities,  this  noble  man  and  the  gallant  troops 
under  his  command  were  about  to  become  victims. 

Hearing  of  the  advance  of  the  Mexicans  upon  Refugio,  Colo- 
nel Fannin  sent  Captain  King  with  twenty-eight  men  to  remove 
some  families  yet  at  the  mission.  King  reached  there  on  the 
12th  of  March,  but  seemed  to  have  delayed  his  departure  until 
the  advance  of  Urrea’s  cavalry  came  up.  He  then  took  posi- 
tion with  his  small  force  in  the  mission,  and  kept  the  enemy  at 
bay  until  he  could  send  a messenger  to  Fannin  at  Goliad.  The 
messenger  reached  the  latter  place  about  midnight  on  the  12th, 
and  Fannin  immediately  despatched  Colonel  Ward  with  a hun- 

* Fannin  to  Robinson,  February  21,  1836. 


COLONEL  FANNIN  AT  GOLIAD. 


87 


dred  men  to  his  relief.  Ward  arrived  at  the  mission  on  the 
evening  of  the  18th.*  In  the  meantime,  Urrea,  then  on  his 
march  to  Goliad,  received  news  of  the  resistance  made  by  King, 
and  on  the  13th  despatched  Captain  Pretalia,  with  a company 
of  cavalry,  to  keep  the  Texans  engaged  till  he  could  come  up 
with  the  main  body.f  The  latter  reached  the  mission  at  day- 
break on  the  14th,  but  Ward  had  got  into  the  mission. 

Meanwhile,  General  Houston,  on  his  arrival  at  Gonzales, 
despatched  Captain  Desauque  with  an  order  to  Colonel  Fannin, 
dated  the  11th  of  March,  commanding  him,  as  soon  as  practi- 
cable after  the  receipt  of  the  order,  to  fall  back  upon  Victoria, 
on  the  Guadalupe,  taking  with  him  such  artillery  as  could  be 
brought  off  with  expedition,  previously  adopting  measures  to 
blow  up  the  fort  before  leaving  its  vicinity.  J This  order  was 
received  by  Colonel  Fannin  on  the  morning  of  the  14th, ||  who 
immediately  despatched  an  express  to  Ward,  stating  the  na- 
ture of  Houston’s  order,  and  requiring  him  to  return  with  all 
haste  to  Goliad.  Fannin  also  sent  out  parties  for  teams  and 
carts,  and  commenced  dismounting  and  burying  several  of  his 
guns.  On  the  same  day,  he  sent  a note  to  Colonel  A.  C.  Hor- 
ton, at  Matagorda,  requesting  him  to  join  him  as  early  as  pos- 
sible with  the  two  hundred  men  under  his  command.  This 
note  fell  into  the  hands  of  General  Urrea  ; but  Horton  joined 
Fannin  on  the  16th  with  twenty-seven  mounted  men. 

To  return  to  the  mission  of  Refugio.  Colonel  Ward  gave 
orders  to  set  out  on  the  march  to  rejoin  Fannin  on  the  follow- 
ing morning  (the  14th)  at  daybreak.  When  the  morning 

* Statement  of  Captain  John  Shackleford ; Foote,  vol.  ii.,  p.  228.  Letter  of 
Samuel  G.  Hardaway,  dated  “Macon,  June  6,  1836.” 

f Urrea’s  Diary. 

\ Appendix  No.  I. — Document  No.  19. 

|I  Statement  of  Captain  Shackleford.  The  letter  of  Colonel  Fannin  intercept- 
ed by  Urrea,  and  published  in  his  diary,  shows  that  Houston’s  order  was  re- 
ceived on  the  morning  of  the  14th. 


88 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


dawned,  however,  it  was  believed,  from  the  report  of  one  of 
the  sentinels,  that  the  Mexicans  were  in  large  force  in  the 
neighborhood.  To  satisfy  themselves  on  this  point,  Captain 
King  was  sent  out  with  thirteen  men  to  ascertain  the  fact. 
Shortly  afterward  a firing  was  heard  in  the  direction  King  had 
taken.  Ward  with  his  command  advanced  rapidly  till  they 
found  themselves  in  front  of  six  or  eight  hundred  of  the  enemy. 
Ward  again  retreated  to  the  mission.  The  church  was  an  old 
stone  building,  in  ruins,  but  strong.  Three  sides  of  it  were, 
however,  exposed  to  an  assault.  The  fourth  side  was  formed 
by  a stone  wall,  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet  in  length,  used  as 
a place  of  burial,  and  containing  many  tombs  : from  the  end  of 
this  wall  the  ground  descended.  Captain  Bulloch’s  company 
of  thirty-five  men  were  placed  in  the  churchyard  to  protect  the 
mission  from  an  assault  in  that  direction.  The  remainder  of 
Ward’s  command  barricaded  the  church,  made  loopholes,  and 
otherwise  prepared  for  defence.  General  Urrea  now  ordered 
a charge,  at  the  same  time  bringing  up  a four-pounder  to  bat- 
ter down  the  door.  The  Texans  waited  till  their  rifles  could 
take  effect,  when  they  opened  such  a fire,  that  the  enemy,  after 
repeated  charges,  broke  and  fled.*  During  this  affair,  which 
lasted  nearly  all  of  the  14th  of  March,  the  Mexicans  lost  about 


* Urrea  smoothes  over  this  retreat  quite  handsomely:  “The  enemy,  though 
at  first  confounded  by  the  movement,  opened  a lively  fire  upon  our  infantry,  the 
greater  part  of  whom,  being  recruits  from  Yucatan,  could  not  sustain  it,  and  fell 
back,  nor  could  my  exertions  avail  to  bring  them  forward  again ; and  their  na- 
tive officers,  who,  a few  moments  before,  had  been  all  boasting  and  arrogance, 
disappeared  in  the  most  critical  moment!  These  soldiers,  with  few  exceptions, 
do  not  understand  Spanish  ; and  the  officers,  unacquainted  with  their  patois, 
found  it  difficult  to  make  them  understand  the  word  of  command.  The  infantry 
having  fallen  back  upon  a house  and  courtyard  situated  at  fifteen  or  twenty 
paces  from  the  church,  I ordered  a part  of  the  cavalry  to  alight,  in  order  to 
inspirit  them  by  their  example ; but  all  would  not  do.  The  cavalry  alone  was 
unequal  to  carry  the  place.  The  moment  was  urgent;  and  I ordered  a retreat, 
which,  however,  could  not  be  effected  with  the  order  that  disciplined  troops 
would  have  maintained.” 


COLONEL  WARD’S  RETREAT  FROM  REFUGIO.  89 

two  hundred  in  killed  and  wounded : the  Texan  loss  was  only 
three  severely  wounded ! 

The  enemy  having  retreated  to  their  camp,  some  five  or  six 
hundred  yards  distant,  had  posted  sentinels  around  the  mission. 
At  night  the  Texans,  finding  their  ammunition  nearly  exhaust- 
ed, determined  to  retreat ; but,  as  they  could  not  remove  their 
wounded,  they  resolved  first  to  leave  them  a supply  of  water. 
Accordingly,  after  dark,  the  whole  Texan  command  marched 
to  the  spring,  about  four  hundred  yards  distant,  dispersed  the 
enemy’s  guard  stationed  there  — killing  four  of  them  — supplied 
themselves  with  water,  filled  the  gourds  of  their  wounded  com- 
rades, and  bade  them  a last  farewell. 

Colonel  Ward  with  his  forces  then  set  out  on  their  retreat, 
and,  marching  through  the  woods  and  swamps,  where  the  ene- 
my’s cavalry  could  not  follow,  they  reached  the  San  Antonio 
river  on  the  third  day.  On  the  second  day,  however,  a few  of 
the  men  left  the  command  in  search  of  water,  but  did  not  again 
join  it.  The  next  morning,  the  19th,  Ward  crossed  the  river, 
and  resumed  the  march  in  the  direction  of  Victoria.  That 
evening  they  heard  the  firing  between  Fannin  and  Urrea,  ap- 
parently about  ten  miles  distant.  They  endeavored  to  reach 
the  combatants,  but,  darkness  coming  on,  they  found  themselves 
in  the  Guadalupe  swamp,  where  they  spent  the  night.  On  the 
following  morning,  in  emerging  from  the  river-bottom  into  the 
prairie,  they  were  attacked  by  some  five  hundred  of  the  ene- 
my’s cavalry.  The  Texans  fired  about  three  rounds,  when, 
their  powder  being  entirely  exhausted,  they  retreated  into  the 
swamp,  where  they  passed  the  night.  The  next  day,  the  21st, 
Ward  set  out  again  toward  Victoria,  where  he  and  his  com- 
mand surrendered  to  the  enemy  as  prisoners-of-war. 

To  return  to  Captain  King.  He  had  been  sent  out,  on  the 

* Letter  of  Samuel  G.  Hardaway,  June  6,  1836. 


90 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


morning  of  the  14tli,  to  reconnoitre ; but  his  return  to  the  mis- 
sion being  cut  off,  he  attempted  to  reach  Goliad.  He  lost  his 
way,  however,  and  found  himself,  after  two  days’  march  (on 
the  morning  of  the  16th),  only  three  miles  from  the  mission, 
in  an  open  prairie,  and  his  ammunition  wet.  Under  these  cir- 
cumstances, he  was  surrounded,  and  obliged  to  surrender,  pre- 
vious to  which  one  of  his  men  was  mortally  wounded.  In  six 
hours  afterward,  Captain  King  and  his  command  were  shot,  on 
the  road  to  Goliad,  about  a mile  from  the  mission,  and,  being 
stripped  of  their  clothing,  were  left  a prey  to  wild  beasts  !* 
General  Urrea  took  possession  of  the  “ Old  Mission”  on  the 
morning  of  the  15th.  He  found  there  only  the  three  wounded 
Texans,  who  were  soon  despatched,  and  thrown  out,  to  give 
place  to  his  own  wounded.  Leaving  these  under  the  care  of 
Colonel  Yara  and  a small  command,  he  sent  the  whole  of  his 
disposable  cavalry  in  pursuit  of  Ward,  and  set  out  himself  with 
the  advance,  consisting  of  two  hundred  horse  and  foot,  on  the 
morning  of  the  16th,  toward  Goliad,  sending  a reconnoitring 
party  still  ahead  of  his  advance. f 

Colonel  Fannin,  receiving  no  news  from  his  first  express  to 
Ward,  sent  a second,  and  then  a third,  who  were  perhaps  all 
taken  by  the  enemy.  It  was  only  on  the  18th  that  he  first  re- 
ceived any  account  of  Ward.  On  the  17th,  Colonel  A.  C. 
Horton,  who  had  come  in  the  day  before  from  Matagorda,  was 
ordered  to  reconnoitre  the  enemy.  On  his  return,  he  reported 
a large  force  of  them  a few  miles  from  the  fort,  marching  slowly 
and  in  good  order.  Colonel  Fannin  immediately  had  the  can- 
non dug  up  and  remounted,  expecting  an  engagement  that 
night  or  the  next  morning.  During  the  night  of  the  17th,  the 
guard  was  doubled.  The  enemy  were  seen  hovering  about  the 
place  on  the  18th,  and  in  some  force  on  the  left  bank  of  the 

* Kennedy,  yoL  ii.,  p.  201.  f Urrea’s  Diary. 


pannin’s  retbeat  from  goliad.  91 

San  Antonio  river,  near  the  old  mission.  Colonel  Horton  was 
sent  over  with  such  mounted  force  as  he  could  collect,  and 
made  a furious  charge  upon  the  party  at  the  mission.  The 
latter  retreated  to  the  timber,  and,  being  there  supported  by 
their  infantry,  Colonel  Horton  fell  back  in  good  order.  Cap- 

9 

tain  Shackleford  volunteered  to  go  over  with  his  company  to 
the  aid  of  Horton ; but  just  as  they  were  about  to  commence 
the  attack,  the  guns  from  Fort  Defiance  caused  the  enemy  to 
make  a precipitate  retreat. 

Having  determined  on  his  retrograde  movement  the  next 
morning,  Fannin  made  his  arrangements  accordingly.  Before 
day,  Colonel  Horton  and  his  twenty-eight  horsemen  were  in 
the  saddle,  and  proceeded  on  the  Victoria  road.  The  way 
being  reported  clear  of  the  foe,  the  fort  was  dismantled,  the 
buildings  burnt,  and  the  Texan  force,  about  three  hundred 
strong,  set  out  early.  It  was  ten  o’clock,  however,  before  the 
rear-guard  had  crossed  the  San  Antonio  river.  Much  time 
was  consumed  in  getting  the  artillery  up  the  banks ; besides, 
a cart  broke  down,  and  its  load  had  to  be  distributed  among 
the  other  wagons.  Still  they  advanced  in  good  order,  and  as 
briskly  as  the  ox-teams  and  the  freight  would  permit.  At 
length,  after  a march  of  six  or  eight  miles  toward  the  waters 
of  the  Coleta,  Colonel  Fannin  ordered  a halt,  to  graze  and  rest 
the  oxen,  and  refresh  the  troops.  Fannin  had  all  along  com- 
mitted the  error  of  entertaining  a too  great  cod  tempt  for  the 
enemy.  Captain  Shackleford  remonstrated  against  the  halt 
until  they  should  reach  the  Coleta,  then  five  miles  distant,  but 
he  was  overruled.  “ Colonel  Fannin  and  many  others,”  says 
the  gallant  captain,  “ could  not  be  made  to  believe  that  the 
Mexicans  would  dare  follow  us.”* 


* The  account  of  the  battle  of  the  Coleta  is  taken  mostly  from  the  notes  of 
Captain  Shackleford,  and  from  a narrative  published  by  Kennedy,  vol.  ii,  p.  208. 


92 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


After  a halt  of  an  hour,  the  march  was  resumed.  Colonel 
Horton  with  his  cavalry  was  sent  in  advance,  to  examine  the 
Coleta  crossing.  Shortly  after  resuming  the  march,  two  of 
the  enemy  appeared,  as  if  coming  out  of  the  timber  bordering 
on  the  Coleta,  about  a mile  distant,  and  rather  to  the  rear  and 
right  of  the  Texan  army  ; then  four  more  appeared,  and  finally 
three  hundred  and  fifty  cavalry  emerged  from  the  same  quar- 
ter, and  advanced  rapidly  with  the  view  of  cutting  off  the  Tex- 
ans from  the  skirt  of  timber  about  a mile  or  more  in  front. 
“ Our  artillery,”  says  Captain  Shackleford,  “ was  ordered  to 
open  on  them,  and  cover  our  rear.  About  this  time  we  dis- 
covered a large  force  of  infantry  emerging  from  the  same  skirt 
of  woodland  at  which  their  cavalry  had  first  been  seen.” 
Fannin  attempted  to  reach  the  timber  in  front,  but  the  rapid 
approach  of  the  enemy  determined  him  to  prepare  immediately 
for  battle.  They  were  in  an  open  prairie,  the  nearest  timber 
being  that  in  front.  The  breaking  down  of  an  ammunition- 
wagon  also  hindered  them  from  advancing  to  an  eminence  near 
by ; they  were  therefore  compelled  to  form  in  a depression  in 
the  plain,  six  or  seven  feet  below  the  surrounding  surface.  The 
Texans  were  compelled  to  form  in  an  oblong  square,  the  artil- 
lery being  judiciously  posted.  The  enemy’s  cavalry  coming 
up  within  a quarter  of  a mile,  dismounted,  and  fired  a harm- 
less volley  with  their  scopettes.  Thus  they  continued  to  ad- 
vance and  fire.  Colonel  Fannin,  with  great  coolness,  repeated 
to  his  men  the  order  “ not  to  fire.”  By  this  time  all  the  Texan 
infantry  sat  down,  leaving  the  artillerists  and  Colonel  Fannin 
alone  standing.  The  Mexican  cavalry  having  now  come  within 
one  hundred  yards,  the  command  was  given,  and  the  Texans 
opened  a fire  with  rifles,  muskets,  and  artillery.  About  this 
time  Colonel  Fannin  received  a wound  in  the  fleshy  part  of  the 
thigh.  While  engaged  with  the  enemy’s  cavalry  on  their  right 


BATTLE  OF  THE  COLETA. 


93 


flank,  the  Texans  found  the  Mexican  infantry,  one  thousand  or 
twelve  hundred  strong,  advancing  on  their  rear  and  left  flank. 
Coming  within  range,  they  fired  a volley,  and  charged  bayo- 
nets. They  were  received  by  a piece  of  artillery,  Duval’s  rifle- 
men, and  some  other  troops,  whose  fire  cut  them  down  with 
great  slaughter.  This  Mexican  infantry  was  the  celebrated 
Tampico  regiment.  They  fell  down  in  the  grass,  and  occa- 
sionally raised  up  to  shoot ; but  whenever  they  showed  their 
heads,  the  Texan  rifles  generally  took  them  down.  A body 
of  the  enemy’s  cavalry  then  made  an  attempt  upon  the  Texan 
rear ; but,  at  a distance  of  sixty  yards,  they  were  so  well  re- 
ceived with  double  canister  charged  with  musket-balls,  and  by 
the  riflemen,  that  they  fell  by  scores,  and  made  a sudden  re- 
treat, choosing  to  return  afterward  on  foot. 

The  conflict  had  by  this  time  become  general.  The  Texans 
having  no  water  to  sponge  their  cannon,  they  became  so  hot 
they  could  not  use  them,  but  were  forced  to  rely  wholly  on 
their  small-arms.  With  these  they  continued  the  fight  most 
manfully  from  one  o’clock  until  sundown.  At  dusk,  the  Cam- 
peachy  Indians  (who  could  not  well  understand  the  word  of 
command  at  the  mission  of  Refugio)  were  placed  in  the  high 
grass,  about  thirty  yards  from  the  Texan  lines,  from  which 
they  poured  a destructive  fire ; but  so  soon  as  it  was  sufficient- 
ly dark  for  the  Texans  to  see  the  flash  of  their  guns,  they  sel- 
dom flashed  twice  from  the  same  point.  Among  those  wounded 
was  Harry  Ripley,  a son  of  General  Ripley,  of  Louisiana,  a 
youth  of  eighteen  years.  He  had  his  thigh  broken.  Mrs. 
Cash  (who  was  with  the  Texan  army),  at  his  request,  helped 
him  into  a cart,  and  fixed  a prop  for  him  to  lean  on,  and  a rest 
for  his  rifle.  Thus  he  continued  the  fight  until  another  shot 
broke  his  right  arm.  Such  was  the  spirit  of  the  Texans  at  the 
battle  of  the  Coleta. 


94 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


A little  after  dark,  General  Urrea  drew  off  his  troops.  The 
Texans  lost  during  the  day  seven  killed,  several  mortally  and 
sixty  badly  wounded.  The  enemy’s  loss  must  have  been  five 
times  as  great.  Urrea’s  force  in  the  action  was  estimated  at 
twelve  hundred  infantry  and  seven  hundred  cavalry.  The 
Texans,  exclusive  of  Colonel  Horton’s  mounted  force,  were 
about  two  hundred  and  seventy-five  in  all.  Horton,  having 
gone  on  in  advance  to  examine  the  pass  of  the  Coleta,  had  dis- 
mounted with  his  men.  So  soon  as  they  heard  the  firing  be- 
tween the  contending  parties  in  their  rear,  the  word  “ To 
horse !”  was  given,  when  the  party  galloped  back  to  the 
prairie.  Here  they  had  a full  view  of  the  engagement ; and, 
seeing  the  Texans  very  nearly  surrounded  by  so  large  a force 
of  the  enemy,  Horton’s  lieutenant,  Moore , objected  to  any  at- 
tempt to  reach  their  comrades  by  penetrating  the  Mexican 
lines,  alleging  that  they  would  all  be  cut  to  pieces.  Immedi- 
ately he  dashed  off  in  another  direction,  taking  with  him  nearly 
all  the  party.  Colonel  Horton,  being  thus  left  with  so  few 
men,  had  no  other  alternative  than  to  retire  also.  He  there- 
fore retreated  to  Victoria.* 

The  description  of  the  battle  of  the  Coleta,  as  it  appeared 
just  after  one  of  those  attempts  to  charge  in  the  evening,  is 
thus  given  by  an  eye-witness  : “ The  scene  was  now  dreadful 
to  behold.  Killed  and  maimed  men  and  horses  were  strewn 
over  the  plain ; the  wounded  were  rending  the  air  with  their 
distressing  moans ; while  a great  number  of  horses  without 
riders  were  rushing  to  and  fro  back  upon  the  enemy’s  lines, 
increasing  the  confusion  among  them : they  thus  became  so 

* Such  were  the  statements  made  to  Captain  Shackleford  by  his  lieutenant, 
Francis,  and  Joseph  Fenner,  a private  of  his  company,  who  were  with  Horton. 
“I  candidly  believe,”  says  the  captain,  “even  with  the  whole  of  his  force,  he 
never  could  have  cut  his  way  through  such  an  immense  number  of  Mexican 
cavalry.” 


THE  NIGHT  AFTER  THE  BATTLE. 


95 


entangled,  the  one  with  the  other,  that  their  retreat  resembled 
the  headlong  flight  of  a herd  of  buffaloes,  rather  than  the  re- 
treat of  a well-drilled,  regular  army,  as  they  were.” 

The  enemy  took  position  for  the  night  in  the  skirt  of  woods 
in  front.  The  Texans  were  occupied  in  forming  a breastwork 
of  earth,  carts,  wagons,  and  packs.  “ It  has  been  often  asked,” 
says  Captain  Shackleford,  “ as  a matter  of  surprise,  why  we 
did  not  retreat  in  the  night.  A few  reasons,  I think,  ought  to 
satisfy  every  candid  man  on  this  point.  During  the  engage- 
ment, our  teams  had  all  been  killed,  wounded,  or  had  strayed 
off ; so  that  we  had  no  possible  way  of  taking  off  our  wounded 
companions.  Those  who  could  have  deserted  them  under  such 
circumstances,  possess  feelings  which  I shall  never  envy.  I 
will  mention  another  reason,  which  may  have  more  weight  with 
some  persons  than  the  one  already  given.  We  had  been  con- 
tending for  five  hours,  without  intermission,  with  a force  more 
than  seven  times  larger  than  our  own  ;*  had  driven  the  enemy 
from  the  field  with  great  slaughter ; and  calculated  on  a rein- 
forcement from  Victoria  in  the  morning,  when  we  expected  to 
consummate  our  victory.” 

Captain  Shackleford  does  not  inform  us  why  they  expected 
aid  from  Victoria ; at  all  events,  none  came.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  reinforcement  sent  to  the  enemy  from  Bexar,  consist- 
ing of  five  hundred  men  under  Colonel  Morales,  with  three 

* It  is  probable  that  the  enemy’s  strength  was  over-estimated  in  the  battle  of 
Coleta.  This  was  the  last  action  in  which  Urrea  was  engaged  in  Texas.  On 
the  24th  of  April  his  force,  including  the  troops  sent  to  him  under  the  command 
of  Colonel  Juan  Morales,  was  only  eleven  hundred  and  sixty-five.  If  to  these 
we  add  the  detachments  by  him  left  at  Copano,  sixty;  mission  of  Refugio,  five; 
Goliad,  one  hundred  and  seventy-four;  Matagorda,  one  hundred  and  eighty- 
nine;  and  Victoria,  forty  — the  total  is  sixteen  hundred  and  thirty-three.  Ma- 
king allowance  for  the  slain  of  the  enemy  at  the  Coleta,  and  the  wounded  in 
that  and  previous  engagements  who  had  recovered,  it  is  probable  that  his  force 
did  not  exceed  seventeen  hundred,  or  at  farthest  eighteen  hundred,  at  the  battle 
of  Coleta.  — Filisola'a  Defence , p.  80. 


96 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


pieces  of  artillery,  and  of  which  Urrea  had  received  notice  on 
the  18th,  arrived  in  the  Mexican  camp  at  half-past  six  on  the 
morning  of  the  20th.  Early  on  that  morning,  Urrea  displayed 
his  whole  force  in  the  most  imposing  manner,  together  with  his 
pack-mules  and  artillery.  The  fire  of  the  latter  commenced, 
but  without  effect.  They  kept  out  of  the  range  of  the  Texan 
riflemen,  who  reserved  their  fire  for  close  quarters.  After  the 
Mexicans  had  discharged  a few  rounds,  they  raised  a white 
flag,  but  it  was  soon  taken  down.  The  Texan  wounded  had 
“ suffered  agonies  for  want  of  water.”  Their  officers  held  a 
consultation,  and  it  was  the  opinion  of  a majority  that  they 
could  not  save  the  wounded  without  a capitulation.  The  un- 
expected appearance  of  artillery  in  the  ranks  of  the  enemy 
likewise  conduced  to  this  conclusion,  for  the  Texan  breastwork 
was  only  intended  to  resist  small-arms. 

The  Texans  now  raised  a white  flag,  which  was  promptly 
answered  by  the  enemy.  Major  Wallace  and  Captain  Chad- 
wick went  out,  and  in  a short  time  returned  and  reported  that 
General  Urrea  would  treat  only  with  the  commanding  officer. 
Colonel  Fannin,  though  lame,  went  out,  assuring  his  men  that 
he  would  make  no  other  than  an  honorable  capitulation.  He 
returned  in  a short  time,  and  communicated  the  terms  of  the 
agreement  which  he  had  made  with  Urrea.  They  were  in  sub- 
stance as  follows : — 

1.  That  the  Texans  should  be  received  and  treated  as 
prisoners-of-war,  according  to  the  usages  of  the  most  civilized 
nations.  2.  That  private  property  should  be  respected  and 
restored  ; but  that  the  side-arms  of  the  officers  should  be  given 
up.  8.  That  the  men  should  be  sent  to  Copano,  and  thence, 
in  eight  days,  to  the  United  States,  or  so  soon  thereafter  as 
vessels  could  be  procured  to  take  them.  4.  That  the  officers 
should  be  paroled,  and  returned  to  the  United  States  in  like 


SURRENDER  OF  THE  TEXANS  AS  PRISONERS-OF-WAR.  97 

manner.*  General  Urrea  immediately  sent  Colonel  Holzinger 
and  other  officers  to  consummate  the  agreement.  It  was  re- 
duced to  writing  in  both  the  English  and  Spanish  languages, 
read  over  two  or  three  times,  signed,  and  the  writings  ex- 
changed in  “ the  most  formal  and  solemn  manner.”! 

The  Texans  immediately  piled  their  arms,  and  such  of  them 
as  were  able  to  march  were  hurried  off  to  Goliad,  where  they 
arrived  at  sunset  on  the  same  day  (the  20th).  The  wounded, 
among  whom  was  Colonel  Fannin,  did  not  reach  the  place  till 
the  22d.  At  Goliad  the  prisoners  were  crowded  into  the  old 
church,  with  no  other  food  than  a scanty  pittance  of  beef,  with- 
out bread  or  salt.  Colonel  Fannin  was  placed  under  the  care 
of  Colonel  Holzinger,  a German  engineer  in  the  Mexican  ser- 
vice. So  soon  as  Fannin  learned  how  badly  his  men  were 
treated,  he  wrote  to  General  Urrea,  stating  the  facts,  and  re- 
minding him  of  the  terms  of  the  capitulation. 

On  the  23d,  Colonel  Fannin  and  Colonel  Holzinger  proceeded 
to  Copano,  to  ascertain  if  a vessel  could  be  procured  to  convey 
the  Texans  to  the  United  States ; but  the  vessel  they  expected 
to  obtain  had  already  left  that  port.  They  did  not  return 
till  the  26th.  On  the  23d,  Major  Miller,  with  eighty  Texan 
volunteers,  who  had  just  landed  at  Copano,  were  taken  prison- 
ers and  brought  into  Goliad  by  Colonel  Vara.  Again,  on  the 
25th,  Colonel  Ward  and  his  men,  captured  by  Urrea,  as  has 
already  been  stated,  were  brought  in. 

The  evening  of  the  26th  passed  off  pleasantly  enough.  Colo- 
nel Fannin  was  entertaining  his  friends  with  the  prospect  of 
returning  to  the  United  States ; and  some  of  the  young  men, 
who  could  perform  well  on  the  flute,  were  playing  “Home, 

# It  is  stated  somewhat  differently  by  others ; but  the  position,  intelligence, 
and  high  character,  of  Dr.  Shackleford,  induce  me  to  follow  his  “Notes.”  See 
Kennedy,  vol.  ii,,  p.  209. 
f See  Appendix  No.  IV. 

Vol.  II. — 7 


98 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


sweet  home.”  How  happy  we  are  that  the  veil  of  the  future 
is  suspended  before  us ! At  seven  o’clock  that  night,  an  order, 
brought  by  an  extraordinary  courier  from  Santa  Anna,  required 
the  prisoners  to  be  shot ! Detailed  regulations  were  sent  as  to 
the  mode  of  executing  this  cold-blooded  and  atrocious  order. 
Colonel  Portilla,  the  commandant  of  the  place,  did  not  long 
hesitate  in  its  execution.  He  had  four  hundred  and  forty-five 
prisoners  under  his  charge.  Eighty  of  these,  brought  from 
Copano,  having  just  landed,  and  who  as  yet  had  done  no  fight- 
ing, were  considered  as  not  within  the  scope  of  the  order,  and 
for  the  time  were  excused.  The  services  of  four  of  the  Texan 
physicians — that  is,  Drs.  Joseph  H.  Bernard,  Field,  Hall,  and 
Shackleford — being  needed  to  take  care  of  the  Mexican  wound- 
ed, their  lives  were  spared.  So  likewise  were  four  others,  who 
were  assistants  in  the  hospital.* 

At  dawn  of  day,  on  Palm  Sunday,  March  27th,  the  Texans 
were  awakened  by  a Mexican  officer,  who  said  he  wished  them 
to  form  a line,  that  they  might  be  counted.  The  men  were 
marched  out  in  separate  divisions,  under  different  pretexts. 
Some  were  told  that  they  were  to  be  taken  to  Copano,  in  order 
to  be  sent  home ; others  that  they  were  going  out  to  slaughter 
beeves ; and  others,  again,  that  they  were  being  removed  to 
make  room  in  the  fort  for  Santa  Anna.  Dr.  Shackleford,  who 
had  been  invited  by  Colonel  Guerrier  to  his  tent,  about  a hun- 
dred yards  southeastwardly  from  the  fort,  says:  “In  about 
half  an  hour,  we  heard  the  report  of  a volley  of  small- arms, 
toward  the  river,  and  to  the  east  of  the  fort.  I immediately 
inquired  the  cause  of  the  firing,  and  was  assured  by  the  officer 
that  4 he  did  not  know,  but  supposed  it  was  the  guard  firing 
off  their  guns.’  In  about  fifteen  or  twenty  minutes  thereafter, 
another  such  volley  was  fired,  directly  south  of  us,  and  in  front. 

* Messrs.  Bills,  Griffin,  Smith,  and  Skerlock. 


MASSACRE  OP  THE  TEXAN  PRISONERS  AT  GOLIAD.  99 

At  the  same  time  I could  distinguish  the  heads  of  some  of  the 
men  through  the  boughs  of  some  peach-trees,  and  could  hear 
their  screams.  It  was  then,  for  the  first  time,  the  awful  con- 
viction seized  upon  our  minds  that  treachery  and  mrnrder  had 
begun  their  work ! Shortly  afterward,  Colonel  Guerrier  ap- 
peared at  the  mouth  of  the  tent.  I asked  him  if  it  could  be 
possible  they  were  murdering  our  men.  He  replied  that  6 it 
was  so ; but  he  had  not  given  the  order,  neither  had  he  exe- 
cuted it.’  ” 

In  about  an  hour  more,  the  wounded  were  dragged  out  and 
butchered.  Colonel  Fannin  was  the  last  to  suffer.  When  in- 
formed of  his  fate,  he  met  it  like  a soldier.  He  handed  his 
watch  to  the  officer  whose  business  it  was  to  murder  him,  and 
requested  him  to  have  him  shot  in  the  breast  and  not  in  the 
head , and  likewise  to  see  that  his  remains  should  be  decently 
buried.  These  natural  and  proper  requirements  the  officer 
promised  should  be  fulfilled,  but,  with  that  perfidy  which  is 
so  prominent  a characteristic  of  the  Mexican  race,  he  failed  to 
do  either ! Fannin  seated  himself  in  a chair,  tied  the  hand- 
kerchief over  his  eyes,  and  bared  his  bosom  to  receive  the  fire 
of  the  soldiers. 

As  the  different  divisions  were  brought  to  the  place  of  exe- 
cution, they  were  ordered  to  sit  down  with  their  backs  to  the 
guard.  In  one  instance,  “ young  Fenner  rose  on  his  feet,  and 
exclaimed,  ‘Boys,  they  are  going  to  kill  us  — die  with  your 
faces  to  them,  like  men !’  At  same  moment,  two  other  young 
men,  flourishing  their  caps  over  their  heads,  shouted  at  the  top 
of  their  voices,  ‘ Hurrah  for  Texas !’  ” 

Many  attempted  to  escape ; but  the  most  of  those  who  sur- 
vived the  first  fire  were  cut  down  by  the  pursuing  cavalry,  or 
afterward  shot.  It  is  believed  that,  in  all,  twenty-seven  of 
those  who  were  marched  out  to  be  slaughtered  made  their 


100 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


escape ; leaving  three  hundred  and  thirty  who  suffered  death 
on  that  Sunday  morning.* 

The  dead  were  then  stripped,  and  their  naked  bodies  thrown 
into  piles.  A few  brush  were  placed  over  them,  and  an  at- 
tempt made  to  burn  them  up,  but  with  such  poor  success,  that 
their  hands  and  feet,  and  much  of  their  flesh,  were  left  a prey 
to  dogs  and  vultures  ! Texas  has  erected  no  monument  to  per- 
petuate the  memory  of  these  heroic  victims  of  a cruel  barbar- 
ism ; yet  they  have  a memorial  in  the  hearts  of  their  country- 
men more  durable  than  brass  or  marble. 

Colonel  Fannin  doubtless  erred  in  postponing  for  four  days 
the  obedience  to  the  order  of  the  commander-in-chief  to  retreat 
with  all  possible  despatch  to  Victoria,  on  the  Guadalupe ; and 
also  in  sending  out  Lieutenant-Colonel  Ward  in  search  of  Cap- 
tain King.  But  these  errors  sprang  from  the  noblest  feelings 
of  humanity : first,  in  an  attempt  to  save  from  the  approaching 
enemy  some  Texan  settlers  at  the  mission  of  Refugio ; again, 
in  an  endeavor  to  rescue  King  and  his  men  at  the  same  place ; 
and,  finally,  to  save  Ward  and  his  command  — until  all  was 
lost,  but  honor. 

* Number  of  prisoners  at  Goliad,  on  the  27th  of  March,  according  to 


Portilla 445 

Major  Miller’s  command 80 

Physicians  and  attendants 8 

Escaped  from  the  slaughter 27=115 

Number  who  suffered  death 830 


Names  of  those  who  escaped,  according  to  Dr.  Shackleford:  — 

New  Orleans  Grays  : William  L.  Hunter,  William  Brannon,  John  Reese,  David 
Jones,  B.  H.  Holland. 

Huntsville  Volunteers  : Bennett  Butler,  Milton  Irish. 

Mustangs  : William  Morer,  John  C.  Duval,  William  Mason,  John  Holliday, 

John  Van  Bibber,  Charles  Spain, Sharpe. 

Burke's  Company:  Herman  Fremby,  Thomas  Kemp,  N.  J.  Devany. 

Horton's  Company : Daniel  Martindale,  William  Hadden,  Charles  Smith. 

Red  Rovers  : Isaac  D.  Hamilton,  D.  Cooper,  L.  M.  Brooks,  William  Simpson. 
Company  not  recollected:  N.  Hosen,  William  Murphy,  John  Williams. 

Foote,  vol.  il,  p.  244. 


A DAY  OF  RETRIBUTION. 


101 


The  “ public  vengeance”  of  the  Mexican  tyrant,  however, 
was  satisfied.  Deliberately  and  in  cold  blood  he  had  caused 
three  hundred  and  thirty  of  the  sternest  friends  of  Texas — her 
friends  while  living  and  dying — to  tread  the  winepress  for  her 
redemption.  He  chose  the  Lord’s  day  for  this  sacrifice.  It 
was  accepted ; and  God  waited  his  own  good  time  for  retribu- 
tion— a retribution  which  brought  Santa  Anna  a trembling 
coward  to  the  feet  of  the  Texan  victors,  whose  magnanimity 
prolonged  his  miserable  life  to  waste  the  land  of  his  birth  with 
anarchy  and  civil  war ! 


102 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


CHAPTER  IY. 

Santa  Anna,  having  received  intelligence  of  the  capture  of 
Fannin  and  his  command,  was  still  more  confirmed  in  the  idea 
that  the  war  in  Texas  was  ended,  and  in  his  determination  to 
depart  for  the  capital.  With  this  view,  he  ordered  General 
Urrea  to  scour  all  the  country  between  Victoria  and  Galveston, 
his  left  wing  to  be  sustained  by  the  command  under  General 
Sesma.  On  the  24th  of  March,  General  Gaona  set  out  for 
Nacogdoches  with  the  two  battalions,  two  four-pounders,  twen- 
ty frontier  dragoons,  and  fifty  convicts,  set  apart  for  his  com- 
mand, the  whole  amounting  to  seven  hundred  and  twenty-five 
men.  These  several  commanders  had  strict  orders  to  shoot 
all  the  prisoners  taken  !* 

As  the  dictator  considered  his  army  unnecessarily  large  to 
complete  what  remained  to  be  done  in  Texas,  he  ordered  that 
the  brigade  of  cavalry  commanded  by  Colonel  Juan  Jose  An- 
drade— the  property  belonging  to  the  battalions  of  Guerrero, 
Matamoras,  and  Ximines,  to  the  regular  militia  of  Queretaro, 
and  to  the  first  battalion  of  Mexico — also  the  artillery  which 
existed  in  the  general  quarters  and  that  had  been  brought  from 
Mexico,  and  likewise  the  thirty-two  hired  wagons — should  be 
got  ready  to  leave  on  the  first  of  April  for  San  Luis  Potosi. 
As  for  himself,  he  proposed  to  set  out  immediately — going  by 

* Filisola's  Defence,  p.  9. 


MOVEMENTS  OF  SANTA  ANNA. 


103 


sea  from  Copano  or  Matagorda  to  Tampico,  and  thence  by  land 
to  San  Luis  Potosi. 

General  Filisola,  on  whom  the  chief  command  would  now 
devolve,  looking  around  at  his  approaching  responsibility,  dis- 
covered that  no  impression  had  as  yet  been  made  upon  the 
colonists  ; and  that  those  already  conquered,  at  so  great  a cost, 
were  mostly  volunteers  only,  but  lately  arrived  in  the  country, 
while  the  main  body  of  Texans  was  still  intact.  As  the  meas- 
ures of  Santa  Anna  did  not  accord  with  the  views  of  Filisola, 
the  latter  took  frequent  occasion  to  intimate  his  opinions  as  to 
future  operations.  His  suggestions,  however,  had  no  effect ; 
but  knowing  that  Santa  Anna  paid  great  respect  to  any  repre- 
sentation of  Colonel  Almonte,  he  went  in  search  of  that  officer ; 
and,  with  the  map  of  Texas  before  them,  he  observed  to  Al- 
monte that,  after  leaving  garrisons  at  Bexar,  Goliad,  and  Co- 
pano, the  remaining  forces  should  keep  together  until  they  had 
beaten  the  main  body  of  the  Texans.  This  advice,  accompa- 
nied by  a timely  letter  from  General  Sesma,  dated  from  the 
right  bank  of  the  Colorado,  on  the  15th  of  March,  induced 
Santa  Anna  to  suspend  the  return  of  the  cavalry  to  Mexico, 
and  to  direct  General  Sesma,  by  an  order,  dated  the  25th  of 
March,  to  change  his  course,  after  crossing  the  Colorado  at 
Bastrop,  to  San  Felipe.  He  also  commanded  General  Urrea 
to  pass  the  Colorado  at  Matagorda,  and  march  to  Brasoria — 
thus  concluding  to  concentrate  his  forces,  and  to  finish  in  per- 
son the  few  remaining  military  operations  necessary  to  the  re- 
duction of  Texas.  On  the  29th  of  March,  two  battalions,  with 
five  pieces  of  artillery,  and  a month’s  rations,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Colonel  Amat,  set  out  from  Bexar  for  Gonzales ; and, 
on  the  31st,  Santa  Anna  and  his  staff,  with  General  Filisola, 
departed  on  the  same  road.* 


* Filisola’a  Defence,  pp.  10,  II. 


104 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


To  return  to  the  Texans.  General  Houston  arrived  at  Gon- 
zales, at  four  o’clock  in  the  afternoon,  on  the  11th  of  March.* 
Previous  thereto,  Colonels  Burleson  and  Neill  had  been  using 
the  most  earnest  and  patriotic  efforts  to  raise  a force  for  the 
relief  of  Travis. f It  was  Houston’s  intention  to  combine  the 
forces  of  Fannin  and  Neill,  and  march  to  the  aid  of  Travis ; 
and  he  so  ordered  on  the  9th,  in  advance  of  his  arrival  at  Gon- 
zales. J The  news  received  there  of  the  fall  of  the  Alamo, 
changed  his  purpose,  and  he  therefore  despatched  the  order  to 
Colonel  Fannin  to  retreat  to  Victoria,  sending  one  third  of  his 
troops  to  Gonzales. 

On  the  12th  of  March,  in  pursuance  of  orders,  Colonel  Neill 
made  a report  of  the  number  of  troops  at  Gonzales,  and  they 
were  found  to  amount  in  all  to  three  hundred  and  seventy-four 

* Appendix  No.  I. — Document  No.  21. 

f It  is  proper  to  state  that  Captain  John  W.  Smith,  after  conducting  the 
thirty-two  Texans  from  Gonzales  to  the  Alamo,  returned  on  the  4th  of  March, 
and  started  again  on  the  7th  with  fifty  more  from  the  same  point;  but  it  was 
too  late. — Smith  to  the  President  of  the  Convention , March  7,  1836. 

\ I find,  iu  the  handwriting  of  Colonel  G.  W.  Hockley,  a memorandum  dated 
“Burnham’s,  Colorado,  March  9,  1836,”  as  follows:  “This  day  a letter  was  for- 
warded by  return  express  from  this  place  to  Colonel  J.  C.  Neill,  commanding  at 
Gonzales,  ordering  the  original  to  be  forwarded  to  Colonel  Fannin,  commanding 
at  Goliad,  and  a copy  to  be  kept,  as  follows:  1 Colonel  Fannin  to  march  immedi- 
ately with  all  his  effective  force  (except  one  hundred  and  twenty  men,  to  be 
left  for  the  protection  of  his  post),  to  co-operate  with  the  command  of  Colonel 
Neill,  at  some  point  to  be  designated  by  him,  to  the  relief  of  Colonel  Travis, 
now  in  the  Alamo.  Colonel  N.  to  recommend  a route  to  Colonel  F.  from  Goliad 
to  the  point  of  co-operation.  Colonel  F.  to  bring  two  light  pieces  of  artillery, 
and  no  more;  fifty  muskets,  with  thirty  to  forty  rounds  ball-cartridge  for  each. 
Both  to  use  immediate  despatch  — Colonel  F.  with  ten  days’  provisions.’ 

“A  letter  to  General  Burleson,  requesting  him  to  unite  with  Colonel  Neill  in 
recommending  the  route  — forming  battalion,  or  regiment,  according  to  the 
number  of  troops  at  Gonzales.” 

Colonel  Neill,  in  a letter  to  Houston,  dated  Gonzales,  March  10,  1836,  says: 

“ I have  received  with  great  satisfaction  your  communication  of  the  9th  inst. 

. . . . I shall  forward  your  communication  to  Colonel  Fannin  by  express,  agree- 
ably to  your  instructions,  giving  him  due  time  to  concentrate  his  forces  with 
mine  at  the  time  and  place  I shall  designate.”  Of  course,  this  movement  would 
have  been  too  late. 


RECEPTION  OF  THE  ALAMO  MASSACRE  AT  GONZALES.  105 

effective  men.*  They  had  not  two  days’  provisions ; many 
were  without  arms,  and  others  destitute  of  ammunition.!  To 
remedy  these  defects  as  far  as  possible,  and  place  the  troops 
in  a state  of  organization,  orders  were  issued  for  an  election 
of  field-officers  of  the  volunteers  on  the  13th,  and  requiring  all 
volunteers  who  should  come  into  camp  to  attach  themselves  to 
some  company.  A camp  was  formed  on  the  east  bank  of  the 
Guadalupe,  and  the  organization  extended  to  the  lowest  divis- 
ion of  the  company.  At  the  same  time,  Captain  Larrison  was 
despatched  to  Victoria  for  fifty  kegs  of  lead  and  one  thousand 
pounds  of  powder,  for  the  use  of  the  army.f 

It  was  on  the  night  General  Houston  reached  Gonzales, 
that  two  Mexicans  brought  the  first  news  of  the  fall  of  the 
Alamo,  and  the  death  of  all  its  defenders.  The  scene  pro- 
duced in  the  town  by  these  sad  tidings  can  not  be  described. 
At  least  a dozen  women  with  their  children,  in  that  place 
alone,  had  thus  been  left  widows  and  orphans.  In  fact,  there 
was  scarcely  a family  in  the  town  but  had  to  mourn  the  loss 
of  one  or  more  of  its  members.  “ For  four-and-twenty  hours,” 
says  Captain  Handy,  “ after  the  news  reached  us,  not  a sound 
was  heard,  save  the  wild  shrieks  of  women,  and  the  heart- 
rending screams  of  their  fatherless  children.  Little  groups  of 
men  might  be  seen  in  various  corners  of  the  town,  brooding 
over  the  past,  and  speculating  of  the  future  ; but  they  scarcely 

* “ A consolidated  report  of  the  troops  now  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant* 


Colonel  J.  C.  Neill,  as  received  at  headquarters,  Gonzales,  March  12,  1836:  — 

“Captains,  8;  first  lieutenants,  8;  second  lieutenants,  5 21 

“ Quartermaster’s  sergeant,  1 ; sergeants,  25 ; corporals,  13 ; mu- 
sicians, 1;  privates,  313 353 

“Aggregate 374 

“Twenty-five  of  the  above  as  yet  unorganized. 


“ Lieutenant  H.  S.  Stouffer,  Acting  Adjutant. 
“J.  C.  NEILL,  Lieutenant-  Colonel  of  the  Regular  Army  of  Texas." 
f Appendix  No.  I. — Document  No.  22. 

X Order  to  R.  R.  Roy  all,  March  13,  1836. 


106 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


spoke  above  a whisper.  The  public  and  private  grief  were 
alike  heavy.  It  sank  deep  into  the  heart  of  the  rudest  sol- 
dier.”* To  soften  as  much  as  possible  the  unhappy  effect  of 
the  intelligence,  Houston  caused  the  two  Mexicans  to  be  ar- 
rested and  kept  under  guard,  as  spies. f The  fact  that  Travis 
had  agreed  to  fire  signal-guns,  and  that  none  had  been  heard 
since  the  Sunday  previous,  confirmed  the  statement  made  by 
the  Mexicans ; yet,  in  order  to  ascertain  the  truth  of  the  mat- 
ter, Deaf  Smith,  Henry  Karnes,  and  R.  E.  Handy,  were  de- 
spatched to  Bexar,  or  as  near  to  that  place  as  they  could  safely 
go,  to  learn  the  facts,  and  return  in  three  days.J  After  pro- 
ceeding about  twenty  miles,  they  met  Mrs.  Dickinson,  with  her 
child,  accompanied  by  Sam,  the  servant  of  Travis,  and  Ben,  a 
free  negro,  the  servant  of  Almonte.  Mrs.  Dickinson  brought 
with  her  a boasting  proclamation  of  Santa  Anna,  which  she 
had  received  from  the  hands  of  General  Sesma,  then  at  the 
Cibola , on  his  route,  with  the  advance  of  the  enemy,  to  Gon- 
zales. Mrs.  Dickinson  having  fully  confirmed  the  intelligence 
brought  by  the  two  Mexicans,  Karnes,  who  was  mounted  on 
the  best  horse,  returned  in  haste  to  Gonzales  with  the  informa- 
tion and  the  proclamation  of  Santa  Anna,  while  Smith  and 
Handy  remained  to  escort  her  to  .the  Texan  army. 

Captain  Karnes  reached  Gonzales  between  eight  and  nine 
o’clock  on  the  night  of  the  13th.  The  intelligence  brought  by 
him  produced  a general  panic.  Since  Santa  Anna  first  ap- 
proached San  Antonio,  the  American  settlers  had  been  remov- 
ing eastward ; and,  as  he  advanced  into  the  country,  and  de- 
veloped his  bloodthirsty  disposition,  the  emigration  became  more 
hasty  and  universal.  At  length,  with  the  departure  of  Sesma 

* R.  K Handy  to  J.  J.  R.  Pease,  1836.  f Appendix  I. — No.  21. 

t Handy  to  Pease.  Houston  to  Collingsworth,  March  13,  1836.  Captain 
Handy  is  mistaken  aB  to  the  date. 


HOUSTON’S  RETREAT  FROM  GONZALES. 


107 


from  Bexar  with  his  advance  of  seven  hundred  and  twenty- 
five  men,  the  emigration  became  a flight,  not  of  a part,  but  all 
— men,  women,  children,  and  servants  — some  carrying  with 
them  their  goods  and  stock,  others  leaving  everything.  The 
volunteers  in  the  Texan  army,  seeing  their  wives  and  relatives 
e posed  to  the  vandalism  of  the  Mexican  soldiery,  were  con- 
stantly leaving — some  with  and  some  without  permission — to 
look  after  and  conduct  to  a place  of  safety  those  who  were  so 
near  and  dear  to  them.  This  was  a natural  result  of  their  ex- 
posed situation.  The  Texan  commander,  not  having  a suffi- 
cient force  to  repel  the  enemy  before  he  reached  the  settle- 
ments, and  being  without  artillery  and  munitions,  was  com- 
pelled to  fall  back.  The  information  brought  by  Mrs.  Dickin- 
son had,  moreover,  magnified  the  force  under  Sesma. 

Having  determined  on  a retreat,  General  Houston  and  his 
forces  set  out  before  midnight  on  the  13th,  leaving  behind  his 
spies,  who  were  reinforced  by  some  volunteers  from  Peach 
creek.  It  may  be  stated,  as  a proof  of  the  poverty  of  the  ma- 
teriel in  the  Texan  army,  that,  when  they  set  out  on  their  re- 
treat, they  had  in  camp  two  public  wagons,  two  yoke  of  oxen, 
and  a few  poor  horses  !*  The  flying  citizens  had  carried  with 
them  every  species  of  conveyance.  The  Texan  army  reached 
the  Navidad  on  the  14th,  where  they  rested  one  day,  while  a 
guard  was  sent  back  for  a widow  woman  and  her  children, 
whose  residence,  being  off  the  road,  was  passed  without  knowl- 
edge of  her.  Some  of  the  party  who  had  remained  behind  at 
Gonzales  conducted  the  family  on  to  the  army,  while  the  three 
spies  before  named,  and  Reese,  remained  to  burn  the  town. 
It  was  set  on  fire  in  many  places  at  once,  so  that  the  flying 
inhabitants,  looking  back,  saw  the  light  of  their  burning  dwel- 
lings. By  early  dawn  the  place  was  reduced  to  ashes,  and  its 


* Appendix  I. — No.  22. 


108 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


only  inhabitants  were  the  four  faithful  Texan  spies  previously 
mentioned.* 

Houston,  having  decided  to  make  the  Colorado  the  line  of 
defence,  despatched  his  aide-de-camp,  Colonel  William  T.  Aus- 
tin, to  the  Brasos  for  artillery,!  and  marched  to  Burnham’s, 
on  the  right  bank  of  the  Colorado.  He  reached  this  point  on 
the  evening  of  the  17th.  His  force  had  by  this  time  increased 
to  six  hundred  men,  including  a rear-guard,  who  were  bring- 
ing with  them  some  families.^ 

There  had,  up  to  this  time,  been  some  twenty  who  had  left 
the  Texan  army  without  permission,  and,  as  they  travelled  east- 
ward, spread  over  the  country  such  exaggerated  accounts  of 
the  large  force  of  the  enemy,  their  unheard-of  cruelties,  and 
the  small  numbers  of  the  Texans,  that  the  panic  became  uni- 
versal and  overwhelming.  The  voice  of  sorrow  and  despon- 
dency that  came  from  the  flying  inhabitants  touched  the  hearts 
of  the  small  band  who  had  ventured  everything  in  this  last 
effort  for  life  and  liberty.  It  did  more — it  prevented  volun- 
teers from  coming  from  the  east.  The  panic,  as  it  travelled 
in  that  direction,  had  greatly  increased.  Citizens  east  of  the 
Neches  believed  their  danger  more  imminent  than  those  west 
of  the  Trinity.  Hence,  able-bodied  men  were  retained  to  de- 
fend families  and  neighborhoods.  To  add  to  the  terror  and 
distress,  particularly  in  eastern  Texas,  there  were  some  bad 

* Handy  to  Pease. 

f “Army  Orders.  — Major  William  T.  Austin  is  hereby  appointed  volunteer 
aide-de-camp  to  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  army  of  Texas;  and  will  proceed 
immediately  to  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Brasos  (or  such  point  as  the  stores  of  the 
army  may  be),  and  make  a requisition  upon  Colonel  John  A.  Wharton  for  seven 
pieces  of  artillery,  say  six  and  nine  pounders  — six  of  the  former  and  one  of  the 
latter  calibre — and  an  abundant  supply  of  grape  and  canister  shot;  and  for- 
ward the  same  to  headquarters  on  the  Colorado  river,  near  Burnham’s.  .... 
Major  Austin  will  obey  this  order  with  all  possible  despatch,  and  report  to  the 
comm  an  d er-i  n-ch  i ef. 

“Camp  on  Lavaca,  March  15,  1836.” 

$ Appendix  I.  — No  28. 


a panic — Houston’s  efforts  to  allay  it.  109 

men  who  spread  false  alarms  for  the  sake  of  plunder.  It  was 
understood,  and  perhaps  with  some  truth,  that  all  Americans, 
whether  combatants  or  not,  were  to  be  driven  from  the  country, 
and  that  the  women  brought  by  Santa  Anna  with  his  army  were 
to  join  his  soldiers  in  forming  the  advance  of  a Mexican  popu- 
lation that  was  to  occupy  the  province. 

“ It  pains  my  heart,”  says  the  commander-in-chief,  writing 
to  the  chairman  of  the  military  committee  — “ it  pains  my  heart 
that  such  consternation  should  have  been  spread  by  the  few 
deserters  from  camp.  . . . Our  own  people,  if  they  would  act, 
are  enough  to  expel  every  Mexican  from  Texas.  Do  let  it  be 
known  that,  on  close  examination,  and  upon  reflection,  the 
force  of  Santa  Anna  has  been  greatly  overrated.  ...  If  you 
can,  by  any  means,  soothe  the  people,  and  get  them  to  remain, 
they  shall  have  notice,  if  I deem  it  necessary.  Let  them  enter- 
tain no  fears  for  the  present.  We  can  raise  three  thousand 
men  in  Texas,  and  fifteen  hundred  can  defeat  all  that  Santa 
Anna  can  send  to  the  Colorado.”* 

The  Texan  army  remained  two  days  at  Burnham’s,  waiting 
for  the  families  to  pass  safely  over,  when  it  also  crossed  to  the 
left  bank,  and,  marching  down  the  river,  took  position  opposite 
Beason’s.  Here  they  remained  until  the  26th,  awaiting  the 
arrival  of  artillery  and  reinforcements.  It  is  true  that  most 
of  the  reports  made  of  the  advancing  force  of  the  enemy  over- 
rated their  numbers.  The  first  body,  under  Sesma  and  Woll, 
was  seven  hundred  and  twenty-five  ; the  second,  under  General 
Tolsa,  which  probably  reached  the  Colorado  about  the  time 
the  Texans  took  position  opposite  Beason’s,  numbered  some 
six  hundred — making  an  aggregate  of  thirteen  hundred  and 
twenty -five,  of  which  ninety  were  cavalry,  with  two  six-pound- 
ers. Yet  it  was  understood  in  the  Texan  camp  that  they  had 

* Appendix  I.  — No.  23. 


110 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


at  least  twice  that  number  on  the  right  bank  of  the  river,  with 
heavy  reinforcements  coming  up.  At  all  events,  without  artil- 
lery and  ammunition,  it  would  not  have  been  prudent  to  hazard 
a battle  when  there  was  so  much  at  stake.  Such  was  the  view 
taken  of  the  matter  by  the  commander-in-chief,  and  he  was 
fully  supported  by  the  convention.  “ It  is  deemed  useless,” 
says  the  president  of  that  body,  in  his  letter  of  the  16th  of 
March,  “ to  suggest  to  you  the  importance  of  giving  all  possi- 
ble information,  in  various  directious  around  you  through  the 
country,  of  the  movements  of  the  enemy,  and  to  retard  his 
progress  as  far  as  practicable  without  hazarding  a battle,  with- 
out a tolerable  certainty  of  victory.  But  annoy  him  in  situar 
tions  which  will  admit  of  it,  so  as  to  save  your  men  until  a 
force  can  collect  to  enable  you  to  make  a successful  attack 
upon  him.” 

The  troops  that  were  expected  from  eastern  Texas  did  not 
come.  As  early  as  the  5th  of  March,  General  Houston  had 
despatched  Major  John  Forbes,  of  his  staff,  to  Velasco,  to  act 
with  Colonel  John  A.  Wharton,  the  adjutant-general,  in  for- 
warding troops  and  munitions-of-war  to  the  army,  directing 
that  supplies  and  munitions  should  be  sent  no  farther  south 
than  Dimitt’s  landing.* 

Colonel  William  T.  Austin,  in  pursuance  of  orders,  proceed- 
ed directly  to  Brasoria,  and  applied  to  Colonel  Wharton  for 
the  required  artillery  and  grape  and  canister.  That  officer 
was  then  on  his  way  to  the  army  with  one  hundred  and  fifty 
troops  from  Velasco,  and  informed  Colonel  Austin  that  he  had 
already  sent  all  the  guns  suitable  for  field-service,  consisting 
of  two  six-pounders  and  one  mortar,  with  shot  and  shells,  to 
Bell’s  landing,  and  would  take  them  to  the  army.  At  the 
same  time  the  adjutant-general  sent  Colonel  Austin  to  Velasco, 

* Order  to  Forbes,  March  5,  1836. 


MEASURES  OF  THE  TEXAN  GOVERNMENT. 


Ill 


to  forward  munitions  and  stores  to  Bell’s  landing.*  Previous 
to  leaving  Burnham’s,  orders  were  despatched  to  all  points 
west  of  the  Colorado,  directing  that  families  should  be  in  readi- 
ness to  move  east  of  that  stream,  and  that  stock  of  all  kinds 
should  be  driven  over  it. 

The  government  ad  interivi,  on  entering  upon  the  discharge 
of  its  functions  on  the  17th  of  March,  exerted  itself  to  increase 
the  force  under  the  Texan  flag.  President  Burnett  issued  a 
strong  appeal  to  the  people  east  of  the  Brasos,  expressing  grief 
and  surprise  that,  under  the  influence  of  idle  rumors,  they  were 
leaving  their  homes,  and,  by  .the  circulation  of  false  news,  pre- 
venting others  from  repairing  to  the  standard  of  their  country, 
where  alone  their  homes  and  families  were  to  be  defended. f 
At  the  same  time  a resolution  was  taken  to  remove  the  seat  of 
government  to  Harrisburg.  Agents  were  likewise  sent  east- 
ward to  quiet  the  public  mind,  and  two  thirds  of  the  militia 
were  called  into  service. $ Colonel  Rusk,  the  secretary  of  war, 
was  untiring  in  his  efforts  to  forward  supplies  of  all  kinds.  At 
the  ferry  at  Washington  he  stationed  an  officer,  with  orders  to 
let  no  man  pass  eastward  who  had  a rifle,  and  to  take  by  im- 
pressment and  forward  to  the  army  all  the  powder,  lead,  and 
horses,  he  could. ||  These  were  strong  measures,  but  such  as 
the  times  required. 

On  the  20th  of  March,  Captain  Karnes,  with  five  men,  met 
with  and  defeated  a party  of  twelve  Mexicans  at  Rocky  creek, 


* Letter  of  William  T.  Austin,  April  15,  1842;  order  of  John  A.  Wharton  to 
William  T.  Austin,  March  18,  1836. 

f Proclamation  of  the  18th  of  March,  1836.  Extract  of  a letter  from  Captain 
John  W.  Smith,  dated  San  Felipe,  March  18,  1836:  “I  find  many  wagons  and 
carts  with  lone  families,  and  three  or  four  men  with  them,  and  many  of  them 
single  men.  If  possible,  an  arrangement  should  be  made,  and  the  committees 
of  safety  or  some  other  authority  should  stop  and  compel  to  return  to  the  army 
all  persons  not  having  a passport.” 

\ Rusk  to  Houston,  March  19,  1836. 


Ib.,  March  20,  1886. 


112 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


twelve  miles  west  of  Beason’s,  killing  one,  taking  another  pris- 
oner, and  capturing  three  horses.*  In  addition  to  the  protec- 
tion of  the  crossing  at  Beason’s,  forces  were  stationed  above 
at  Mosely’s,  and  at  the  Atasco  sito  crossing  below.  The  force 
at  Mosely’s  captured  and  sent  to  headquarters,  on  the  23  d, 
three  more  of  the  enemy.  From  a separate  examination  of 
these  prisoners,  it  was  ascertained  that  the  main  body  of  the 
troops  under  Sesma  were  near  the  west  bank  of  the  river.  The 
Texan  force  was  at  this  time  over  seven  hundred  strong,  in 
high  spirits,  under  strict  discipline,  and  anxious  to  meet  the 
foe.  The  enemy  had  taken  his  position  on  the  west  bank  of 
the  river,  on  an  elevation  near  the  Robertson  crossing,  about 
two  miles  above  Beason’s.  At  that  crossing  the  river  was  ford- 
able ; and  the  Texan  commander  placed  there  a detachment 
of  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  men  under  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Sherman  and  Captain  Patton,  aide-de-camp.  This  force  was 
intended  as  a guard  to  the  ford,  and  also  as  an  ambuscade, 
should  the  Mexicans  endeavor  to  pass  the  river.  They  did 
make  an  attempt  to  send  over  fifty  of  their  cavalry,  but  one  of 
the  guard  having  indiscreetly  fired  at  them  as  they  were  going 
into  the  water,  they  retreated,  and  made  no  further  attempt  at 
that  point. 

With  a view  to  meet  the  enemy,  Captain  Karnes  was  sent 
over  the  river  with  one  hundred  and  fifty  troops,  fifty  of  whom 
were  mounted,  with  orders  to  station  the  foot  in  a ravine  par- 
allel to  the  route  to  the  Mexican  camp ; then  to  proceed  with 
the  mounted  force,  to  draw  out  the  enemy,  and  retreat.  The 
orders  were  obeyed : the  Mexicans  fired  a discharge  of  grape 
at  the  Texan  cavalry,  but  did  not  advance.  Karnes,  not  deem- 
ing it  prudent  to  march  nearer  against  so  large  a force,  re- 
crossed the  river  without  effecting  anything. 


Appendix  I. — No.  25. 


Houston’s  retreat — his  reasons. 


113 


It  was  the  intention  of  the  Texan  commander  to  cross  over 
at  Beason’s  on  the  night  of  the  27th  of  March  with  all  his  force 
except  a camp-guard,  and  attack  the  enemy  on  the  south  and 
east  of  his  camp.  But,  on  the  evening  of  the  25th,  Peter  Kerr 
brought  the  disastrous  though  not  altogether  unexpected  nows 
of  the  defeat  and  surrender  of  Fannin  and  his  command  at  the 
Coleta,  and  the  capitulation  of  Ward  and  his  forces  near  Dim- 
itt’s landing.  This  intelligence  was  most  unfortunate,  and 
produced  a chilling  effect  upon  the  army.  To  allay  in  some 
degree  its  effects,  Kerr  was  arrested  and  placed  under  guard, 
as  a publisher  of  false  news,  and  a spy.  This,  together  with 
the  fact  that  the  artillery  expected  had  not  arrived ; that  the 
check  already  given  to  Sesma  had  doubtless  induced  him  to 
send  for  reinforcements  ; that  the  defeat  of  Fannin  would  leave 
Urrea  at  liberty  to  come  to  the  relief  of  Sesma ; that  the  de- 
feat of  the  advance  under  the  latter  would  serve  only  to  con- 
centrate the  Mexican  army,  which,  with  its  various  corps  thus 
united,  could  overrun  Texas  in  spite  of  the  force  then  in  the 
field  to  resist  it  — these  considerations  induced  the  Texan  com- 
mander to  retreat,  hoping  for  a more  favorable  occasion  to  de- 
cide the  fortunes  of  the  infant  republic  in  a battle.  It  was  his 
policy  to  keep  the  enemy  divided,  and,  when  the  blow  was 
given,  to  strike  at  a vital  part.  The  small  army  under  his 
command  was  the  last  hope  of  Texas,  and  the  prize  too  impor- 
tant to  be  hazarded  without  a certainty  of  success. 

In  announcing  this  retreat  to  the  government,  General  Hous- 
ton says  : “ I held  no  councils  of  war.  If  I err,  the  blame  is 
mine.”*  That  reinforcements  would  arrive,  he  had  every  rea- 
son to  expect.  The  government,  having  reached  Harrisburg 
on  the  22d,  informed  him  the  next  day  that  “ orders  were  in 
execution  for  the  mustering  into  service  of  two  thirds  of  the 

* Appendix  L — No.  30. 


VOL.  II.— 8 


114 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


militia  of  the  country.  “ These,”  said  the  secretary  of  war, 
“ with  the  aid  from  the  United  States,  will,  if  you  can  hold  the 
enemy  in  check  long  enough  for  their  concentration,  present 
an  insurmountable  barrier  to  the  progress  of  the  enemy  into 
the  country.”  — “One  great  object  should  be,”  observes  the 
secretary  of  war,  in  a letter  of  the  same  date,  “ to  hold  him  in 
check  until  reinforcements  and  supplies  can  reach  you.  Every 
means  has  been  put  into  requisition  for  the  purpose  of  forward- 
ing on  both.” 

On  the  evening  of  the  26th,  the  army  commenced  the  retreat 
in  good  order.  It  was,  however,  a subject  of  regret  that  the 
houses  of  Messrs.  Burnham  and  Dewees,  on  the  left  bank  of 
the  Colorado,  were  burnt  by  the  Texan  picket-guard,  on  the 
approach  of  the  enemy.  The  Texan  forces,  after  a march  of 
five  miles,  halted  for  the  night  at  a lake  in  the  prairie.  As 
they  left  the  woods  skirting  the  Colorado,  they  were  reinforced 
by  the  three  companies  of  Captains  Amasa  Turner,  William  S. 
Fisher,  and  Richard  Roman,  under  the  command  of  Major  John 
Forbes  of  the  staff,  who,  after  untiring  exertions,  and  the  cheer- 
ful aid  of  the  people  on  the  route,  had  succeeded  in  conducting 
them  safely  from  the  mouth  of  the  Brasos.  Never  was  a rein- 
forcement more  welcome.  The  companies,  however,  were  small, 
the  aggregate  being  only  one  hundred  and  thirty  men.  On  the 
27th,  the  army  resumed  its  march,  and  reached  the  timbers  of 
the  Brasos ; and,  on  the  28th,  it  arrived  at  San  Felipe,  on  the 
west  bank  of  that  river. 

To  provide  for  the  protection  of  the  new  line  of  defence, 
Colonel  Edward  Harcourt  was  ordered  to  proceed  to  Yelasco, 
or  some  eligible  position  on  the  coast  or  below  Columbia,  and 
fortify  it,  having  placed  at  his  disposal  such  resources  as  he 
could  find  there.  Captain  Mosely  Baker  was  directed  to  take 
post  with  his  command  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Brasos,  oppo- 


MOVEMENTS  OF  THE  TEXAN  ARMY. 


115 


site  San  Felipe,  and  obstruct  the  passage  of  the  enemy.  All 
troops  coming  from  below  were  ordered  to  fall  back  to  the 
Brasos  ;*  at  the  same  time,  Colonel  A.  Huston  was  directed 
to  remove  the  public  stores  from  Coxe’s  point  to  Galveston 
bay,  and  Colonel  J.  Morgan  to  defend  the  island. f 

At  San  Felipe  some  discontent  arose  as  to  the  future  move- 
ments of  the  army,  some  wishing  to  march  below  and  others 
up  the  river.  The  commander-in-chief  proceeded  up  the  Bra- 
sos, and,  crossing  Mill  creek,  encamped.  The  rains  had  set 
in,  and  the  roads  became  exceedingly  bad,  and  marching  toil- 
some to  the  troops.  It  rained  all  night.  The  soldiers,  having 
but  few  tents  or  coverings,  suffered  severely.  The  commander- 
in-chief  spent  the  night  sitting  on  his  saddle,  with  a blanket 
over  him,  and  his  feet  on  a piece  of  wood.J 

On  the  evening  of  the  31st  of  March,  after  a most  fatiguing 
march,  the  Texans  reached  the  Brasos  timber  opposite  Groce’s. 
Here  they  encamped  in  a secure  position,  having  excellent  wa- 
ter in  a lake  immediately  in  advance  of  them,  and  within  three 
fourths  of  a mile  of  the  timber.  The  steamboat 44  Yellowstone,” 
Captain  Ross,  then  at  Groce's  ferry,  and  nearly  loaded  with 

* Orders  to  Harcourt  and  Baker,  March  28,  1836.  Letter  of  Captain  M.  W. 
Smith,  March  28,  1836.  In  pursuance  of  the  last-named  order,  Captain  Smith 
took  post  at  Thompson’s  ferry,  at  Fort  Bend. 

f Rusk  to  Houston,  March  28,  1836. 

\ With  few  exceptions,  neither  officers  nor  men  had  any  tents  during  that 
severe  campaign.  Houston’s  baggage  consisted  of  a pair  of  saddle-wallets,  car- 
ried by  his  servant,  and  containing  his  official  papers  and  a change  of  linen.  As 
to  a military  chest,  ihe  army  had  none  at  all.  The  only  moneys  used  by  the 
general  during  the  campaign  were  two  hundred  dollars  of  his  own  private  funds. 
As  an  incident  of  those  times,  while  the  army  was  crossing  the  Colorado,  a wo- 
man was  found  sitting  with  another  female  on  a log  near  the  river.  Her  hus- 
band had  fallen  in  the  Alamo ; she  had  no  resources,  no  protector,  or  means  of 
conveyance.  Houston,  learning  her  condition,  furnished  her  out  of  his  slender 
means  fifty  dollars.  He  saw  no  more  of  her.  In  after-years,  when  Texas  had 
become  a state  of  the  American  Union,  she  wrote  to  him,  stating  that  she  had 
laid  out  his  donation  in  the  purchase  of  cattle,  the  increase  of  which  had  made 
her  family  independent 


116 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


cotton,  was  pressed  into  the  public  service,  and  was  afterward 
found  to  be  'almost  indispensable.  On  the  31st,  the  soldiers 
buried  the  only  one  of  their  comrades  who  died  a natural  death 
during  the  campaign.  After  remaining  a day  at  this  point,  the 
army  marched  into  the  Brasos  “ bottom,”  nearer  the  river, 
where  it  remained  until  the  13th  of  April.  The  river  having 
overflowed  its  banks,  the  water  surrounded  them,  and  left  them 
on  an  island. 

On  the  2d  of  April,  Colonel  Zavala  joined  the  camp,  bring- 
ing information  that  a visit  might  soon  be  expected  from  Colo- 
nel Busk,  the  secretary  of  war.  About  the  same  time,  eighty 
volunteers  from  the  Red-river  lands  arrived.  Houston  was  oc- 
cupied for  some  days  in  reorganizing  his  army,  and  restoring 
it  to  that  discipline  and  round  of  camp-duty  which  had  been 
somewhat  neglected  during  the  retreat  from  the  Colorado.  At 
San  Felipe,  on  the  29th  of  March,  on  the  supposed  approach  of 
the  Mexicans,  the  citizens  fired  the  town,  and  burnt  it  to  ashes. 
This,  though  without  orders,  was  only  anticipating  the  enemy.* 

While  the  Texan  army  was  lying  in  the  Brasos  bottom, 
Houston,  through  the  spies,  learned  the  movements  of  the  ene- 
my. A more  efficient  corps  of  spies  was  never  attached  to 
any  army.  They  hung  about  the  enemy’s  camp,  and  watched 
all  his  movements.!  Yet  it  is  somewhat  remarkable  that  the 

* Appendix  I.  — *-No.  36. 

f Deaf  Smith  went  out  one  day,  early  in  April,  in  search  of  the  enemy.  His 
sight  had  become  dim,  and,  for  better  observation,  he  took  with  him  young 
Chenowith.  The  Mexicans  had  collected  a large  number  of  cattle,  and  sent 
them  on  in  advance  of  their  army,  in  the  direction  of  San  Felipe.  The  spies 
came  in  sight  of  them,  and  Smith,  relying  upon  Chenowith’s  eyes,  returned  and 
reported  a large  number  of  the  enemy  as  an  advanced  guard.  This  produced 
quite  an  excitement  in  the  Texan  camp,  until  the  arrival  of  “Jim  Wells,”  who, 
having  better  eyes  and  less  fancy,  reported  them  truly.  Deaf  Smith  was  much 
hurt,  and  declared  that  Chenowith  should  go  with  him  no  more.  As  a 6py, 
Smith  was  inimitable.  He  rode  a good  horse,  and  had  the  faith  to  believe  that 
no  other  steed  could  keep  up  with  him.  But,  if  overtaken,  he  would  turn  and 
fight,  and  with  a coolness,  courage,  and  judgment,  that  were  irresistible. 


MOVEMENTS  OF  SANTA  ANNA. 


m 


Texans  did  not  certainly  ascertain,  until  the  night  of  the  19th 
of  April,  that  Santa  Anna  was  with  the  invading  army. 

Colonel  Rusk,  the  secretary  of  war,  left  Harrisburg  on  the 
1st  of  April,  to  join  the  army.  Previous  to  his  departure,  he 
issued  a last  strong  appeal  to  the  people  of  Texas  to  march  to 
the  defence  of  the  country.*  His  arrival  in  camp  was  most 
welcome,  for  he  was  a safe  adviser,  and  a firm  and  able  friend 
of  Texas  in  her  struggle. 

We  now  return  to  the  operations  of  the  enemy.  It  will  be 
remembered  that  Santa  Anna  had  directed  a general  movement 
of  his  forces  in  the  direction  of  San  Felipe.  Had  he  persevered 
in  this  combination,  it  would  have  been  well  for  him ; but  past 
victories,  a flying  enemy,  and  an  impatience  to  hear  any  opin- 
ion contrary  to  his  own,f  inspired  him  with  a false  confidence, 
which  ended  only  in  his  ruin.  General  Sesma  succeeded,  four 
days  after  the  retreat  of  Houston  from  the  Colorado,  in  trans- 
porting a portion  of  his  army  across  that  river.  Of  this  fact 
he  adyised  Santa  Anna,  at  the  same  time  giving  him  notice  that 
the  river  was  greatly  swollen,  and  the  means  of  crossing  it  very 
scarce.  On  the  2d  of  April,  Santa  Anna  arrived  at  the  Gua- 
dalupe, which  he  found  likewise  very  high.  He  immediately 
crossed,  with  his  staff  and  a picket  of  cavalry,  on  a raft ; and, 
leaving  General  Filisola  to  attend  to  the  passage  of  the  remain- 
der of  the  army,  he  hurried  on  to  join  General  Sesma,  at  the 
Colorado.  On  the  5th  of  April,  he  reached  the  Atasco  sito 
crossing  of  that  river.  Here  he  directed  General  Woll  to  re- 
main and  construct  rafts  for  transporting  across  the  stream  the 
artillery,  wagons,  and  forces,  under  Filisola,  and,  with  the  di- 
vision under  Sesma  and  Tolsa,  proceeded  to  San  Felipe,  where 
he  arrived  on  the  7th  of  April.:): 

* Address  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  March  31,  1836. 

f Filisola’s  Defence,  p.  11.  \ lb. 


118 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


On  the  2d  of  April,  Houston  sent  out  Major  Patton  with  a 
detachment  to  reconnoitre  the  enemy.  On  the  3d,  he  rein- 
forced Captain  Mosely  Baker  with  Captain  Kimbrough’s  com- 
mand, and  directed  Captain  Baker  to  require  all  persons  at  his 
camp  to  enroll  themselves  as  volunteers,  and  none  to  leave  it 
without  express  permission.*  These  were  strong  measures, 
but  the  emergency  was  pressing. 

About  this  time,  the  idea  began  to  prevail,  not  only  in  the 
Texan  camp,  but  with  the  government  at  Harrisburg,  that  the 
enemy  would  not  cross  the  Brasos,  but  would  attempt  to  fall 
down  and  get  possession  of  the  coast  and  seaports.  To  meet 
this  state  of  things,  orders  were  given  through  Colonel  A. 
Huston,  quartermaster-general,  and  Colonel  W.  D.  C.  Hall, 
to  remove  all  the  stores  and  munitions  from  Coxe’s  point,  Mat- 
agorda, Velasco,  Bell’s  landing,  and  Columbia,  to  the  east  end 
of  Galveston  island.  The  means  of  doing  this  were  quite  lim- 
ited, for  all  the  vessels  had  been  engaged  by  merchants  and 
emigrants  who  were  retiring  with  their  effects. f 

The  extent  of  alarm  and  confusion  arising  from  the  flight  of 
the  citizens  was  at  this  time  most  distressing.  Samuel  P.  Car- 
son,  the  secretary  of  the  navy,  writing  to  President  Burnett 
from  Liberty,  says : “ I have  issued  orders  to  two  different 
persons — one  for  Trinity  and  one  for  the  Neches — to  press 
boats,  Ac.,  to  aid  the  people  in  crossing.  The  panic  has 
reached  this  place,  and  the  people  are  all  leaving  Trinity  from 
the  opposite  (west)  side,  and  preparations  making  by  many  on 
this.  The  river  is  rising  rapidly,  and  I fear  by  to-night  it  will 
be  impassable  for  any  kind  of  carriage.  The  ‘ slues’  on  this 
side  are  belly-deep.  There  must  be  three  hundred  families — 

* Order  to  William  H.  Patton,  April  2,  1836.  — Army  Orders,  April  8,  1836. 
f Letter  of  A.  Huston,  April  1,  1836.  Letter  of  Captain  J.  M.  Allen,  March 
31,  1886. 


THE  PANIC  — FLIGHT  OF  CITIZENS. 


119 


I know  not  the  number  of  wagons,  carts,  carriages,  &c.  De- 
struction pervades  the  whole  country.  I must  speak  plainly — 
the  relations  existing  between  us,  and  the  responsibility  which 
rests  on  us,  make  it  my  duty.  Never  till  I reached  Trinity 
have  I desponded — I will  not  say,  despaired.  If  Houston  has 
retreated,  or  been  whipped,  nothing  can  save  the  people  from 
themselves : their  own  conduct  has  brought  this  calamity  on 
them ! If  Houston  retreats,  the  flying  people  may  be  covered 
in  their  escape.  He  must  be  advised  of  the  state  of  the  waters, 
and  the  impossibility  of  the  people  crossing.”* 

At  the  same  time,  Captain  Morehouse,  with  a detachment  of 
volunteers  and  regulars,  was  conducting  a number  of  families 
from  Matagorda  to  Columbia.  In  fact,  on  every  road  leading 
eastward  in  Texas,  were  found  men,  women,  and  children, 
moving  through  the  country  over  swollen  streams  and  muddy 
roads,  strewing  the  way  with  their  property,  crying  for  aid, 
and  exposed  to  the  fierce  northers  and  rains  of  spring.  The 
scene  was  distressing  indeed;  and,  being  witnessed  by  the 
small  but  faithful  army  of  Texans,  whose  wives  and  families 
they  were,  thus  exposed  and  suffering,  nerved  their  arms  and 
hearts  for  the  contest  then  not  distant. 

It  was  on  the  7th  of  April  that  Major  Wylie  Martin  re- 
ceived, through  his  spies,  indirect  information  that  Santa  Anna 
was  with  the  advancing  army  of  the  enemy.  This  intelligence 
was  immediately  sent  from  Martin’s  camp  (on  the  east  bank 
of  the  Brasos,  opposite  Fort  Bend)  to  Houston. f From  all  the 
discoveries  that  could  be  made  through  the  spies,  Houston  be- 
lieved that  the  enemy  had  crossed  the  Brasos  below  his  posi- 
tion, and  so  expressed  himself  to  Secretary  Rusk,  suggesting 

* Letter  of  April  4th.  Transmitted  to  Houston  by  the  acting  secretary  of 
•war,  by  order  of  the  president 

f The  information  was  given  by  a free  negro,  by  the  name  of  "Wilson.  Mar- 
tin’s letter,  April  7 1836;  Almont6’s  Journal,  April  9. 


120 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


the  propriety  of  crossing  likewise.*  Colonel  Rusk  concurred 
in  this  view ; and  the  passage  accordingly  commenced  at  ten 
o’clock  on  the  morning  of  the  12th.  The  river  being  very 
high,  the  steamboat  “ Yellowstone”  and  the  yawl  were  the  only 
means  of  transporting  the  army,  cattle,  and  baggage.  By  one 
o’clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the  13th,  all  was  safely  landed  on 
the  eastern  bank,  and  the  troops  took  position  at  Groce’s. 

The  conclusion  that  the  enemy  had  crossed  the  Brasos  was 
correct.  Santa  Anna,  arriving  at  San  Felipe  on  the  7th,  en- 
deavored to  pass  the  river  at  that  point ; but  he  was  received 
with  such  determined  resistance  by  Captain  Mosely  Baker  and 
his  command,  that,  after  contending  for  two  days,  he  aban- 
doned the  attempt,  and  set  out  with  four  companies  of  infantry 
and  fifty  cavalry  in  search  of  another  crossing.  It  was  on  the 
evening  of  the  9th  that  they  left  San  Felipe.  After  a march 
of  sixteen  miles,  they  reached  the  San  Bernard  a little  after 
midnight,  and  sent  out  a scout  to  reconnoitre  the  ferry  at  Fort 
Bend.  The  scout  having  returned,  Santa  Anna  again  proceed- 
ed on  his  march,  and  arrived  at  nine  o’clock,  on  the  night  of 
the  10th,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Fort  Bend.  At  two  o’clock 
on  the  following  morning,  the  Mexicans  set  out  again,  all  on 
foot — leaving  their  cavalry  and  baggage  behind  — to  surprise 
the  guard  at  the  river  before  daylight ; but,  mistaking  the  dis- 

* The  following  order  shows  that  the  enemy’s  arrival  at  San  Felipe  was  im- 
mediately known  in  the  Texan  camp:  — 

“ IIeadquakteks  of  the  Army,  Camp  west  of  Brasos,  April  7,  1836. 

“Army  Orders.  — The  advance  of  the  enemy  is  at  San  Felipe.  The  moment, 
for  which  we  have  waited  with  anxiety  .and  interest,  is  fast  approaching.  The 
victims  of  the  Alamo,  and  the  manes  of  those  who  were  murdered  at  Goliad, 
call  for  cool , deliberate  vengeance.  Strict  discipline,  order,  and  subordination, 
will  insure  us  the  victory. 

“ The  army  will  be  in  readiness  for  action  at  a moment’s  warning.  The  field- 
officers  have  the  immediate  execution  of  this  order  in  charge  for  their  respective 
commands. 

“SAM  HOUSTON,  Commander-in- Chief. 

“ George  W.  Hockley,  Inspector- General.” 


GROSSING  OF  THE  BRASOS. 


121 


tance,  the  early  dawn  found  them  a mile  from  the  river.  Thus 
frustrated,  Santa  Anna  placed  his  men  in  ambush. 

On  the  12th,  shortly  after  sunrise,  the  enemy  appeared  in 
force  opposite  the  camp  of  Major  Wylie  Martin,  at  Thompson’s 
ferry.  They  opened  a heavy  fire  on  the  small  force  of  forty- 
six  men  on  the  east  bank,  which  continued  until  the  afternoon. 
Very  early  on  the  12th,  Martin  had  sent  three  men  to  Morton’s 
crossing,  to  sink  a small  boat  which  had  been  left  for  the  use 
of  five  families  there.  Before  they  arrived,  a negro  had  taken 
the  boat  and  crossed  over  to  the  western  bank.  The  negro, 
was  captured  by  the  enemy,  and  conducted  them  to  the  boat. 
A sufficient  number  of  Mexicans  having  passed  over  to  disperse 
the  families  there,  did  so  after  a short  contest.  Major  Martin, 
hearing  the  firing,  despatched  Lieutenant  Jones  with  ten  men 
to  learn  the  cause.  By  the  time  they  reached  there,  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  of  the  enemy  had  effected  a crossing.  Thus 
Major  Martin,  being  overpowered,  retreated  toward  the  main 
army.*  Having  possession  of  the  ferry,  Santa  Anna  sent  an 
express  to  Sesma  to  advance  to  that  point. 

Houston  had  given  orders  that  all  the  means  of  crossing 
along  the  river  should  be  secured  or  sunk,  and  that  all  the 
cattle  should  be  driven  to  the  east  side ; believing  that,  by  thus 
delaying  the  Mexicans,  they  would  fall  short  of  provisions. 
Such,  in  fact,  was  the  case,  as  the  advance  had  only  half  ra- 


* Report  of  Major  Martin,  April  13,  1836.  The  Mexican  account  of  this  affair 
is  somewhat  different.  In  fact,  as  the  small  boat  was  concealed  above  Morton’s 
ferry,  there  is  little  doubt  but,  as  Almonte  states,  some  of  the  enemy  crossed  in 
it,  and  slept  on  the  left  bank  of  the  river  on  the  11th,  without  being  discovered. 
When  the  enemy  reached  San  Felipe,  Almonte  rode  up  in  advance,  and  called 
out  to  the  Texans  on  the  east  side,  “Bring  over  that  boat  — the  Mexicans  are 
coming!”  This  was  said  in  good  English;  and  the  enemy  cannonaded  Baker’s 
breastworks  for  some  time,  but  still  did  not  get  the  boat.  — Memoranda  of  Rev. 
A.  J.  M'Gown,  It  was  a successful  ruse  on  the  part  of  the  Mexicans  to  keep  up 
a firing  at  Thompson’s  ferry,  while  they  were  crossing  at  Morton’s,  three  miles 
distant 


122 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


tions  of  bread.  On  the  11th  of  April,  the  effective  force  of 
the  Texan  army  was  five  hundred  and  twenty- three  men,  ex- 
clusive of  detachments  at  the  different  crossings.  When  it  was 
ascertained  that  the  enemy  had  passed  the  river,  orders  were 
immediately  sent  to  all  these  detachments  to  concentrate  at 
Donoho’s,  three  miles  from  Groce’s,  on  the  16th.  It  was  at 
Donoho’s  that  the  road  from  Groce’s  to  Harrisburg  crossed 
that  from  San  Felipe  to  eastern  Texas. 

Affairs  had  now  reached  a crisis,  as  was  obvious  to  all. 
That  a conflict  would  soon  occur  was  devoutly  desired,  per- 
haps by  the  enemy  as  well  as  the  Texans.  Santa  Anna,  hav- 
ing crossed  the  Brasos  at  Fort  Bend,  proceeded,  on  the  14th 
of  April,  with  a force  amounting  to  a little  over  seven  hundred 
men,  and  one  twelve-pounder,  on  the  road  to  Harrisburg,* 
where  he  arrived  on  the  15th. f 

On  the  day  that  Santa  Anna  reached  Harrisburg,  his  army 
was  sufficiently  scattered  for  its  destruction  in  detail.  Urrea 
was  at  Matagorda,  with  some  twelve  hundred  men ; Gaona 
lost  in  the  country  between  Bastrop  and  San  Felipe,  with  seven 
hundred  and  twenty-five ; Sesma  at  Fort  Bend,  with  about  one 
thousand ; and  Filisola  between  San  Felipe  and  Fort  Bend, 
with  nearly  eighteen  hundred  more.  These,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  the  troops  stationed  in  Bexar,  Goliad,  Copano,  Mata- 
gorda, Ac.,  constituted  the  force  of  the  enemy  in  Texas — 
numbering  originally  about  seven  thousand  five  hundred  men, 
but  reduced  by  killed  and  disabled  to  some  five  thousand  five 
hundred. 

When  information  was  received  of  the  enemy  having  crossed 
the  Brasos,  it  was  not  known  but  they  would  advance  on  the 


* Filisola’s  Defence,  p.  1 1. 

t Almonte’s  Journal.  Filisola  Bays  on  the  16th;  but  as  Almont6  was  with 
Santa  Anna,  and  kept  a diary,  he  ought  to  know. 


THE  “TWIN-SISTERS”  — THEIR  HISTORY.  123 

road  from  San  Felipe  to  eastern  Texas  ;*  hence  the  concentra- 
tion of  the  Texan  force  at  Donoho’s. 

As  the  Texans  were  crossing  the  Brasos,  they  were  rein- 
forced by  two  six-pounders,  known  as  the  “ Twin- Sisters.” 
These  notable  pieces  of  artillery,  for  the  good  they  did  in  the 
cause  of  Texan  independence,  deserve  some  further  notice. 
A meeting  was  held  in  Cincinnati,  Ohio,  in  1835,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  aiding  Texas  in  her  struggle.  On  the  suggestion  of 
Robert  F.  Lyttle,  it  was  concluded  to  furnish  these  two  pieces 
of  “ hollow  ware.”  A committee  was  chosen  to  carry  out  the 
resolution ; and  through  the  instrumentality  of  William  M. 
Corry,  Willis  Tatan,  Pulaski  Smith,  David  Bolles,  and  others, 
the  cannon  were  manufactured,  mounted,  supplied  with  shot  at 
the  foundry  of  Messrs.  Greenwood  and  Webb,  and  despatched 
to  New  Orleans ; thence,  by  the  Texan  agents,  to  Brasoria. 
To  this  point  General  Houston  sent  twice  for  them ; but  the 
want  of  means  for  transportation,  the  wretched  condition  of 
the  roads,  and  ultimately  the  proximity  of  the  enemy,  made  it 
hazardous  to  forward  them  by  that  route.  They  were  then 
shipped  by  Colonel  A.  Huston,  the  quartermaster-general,  on 
board  the  schooner  “ Pennsylvania”  to  Galveston  island,  and 
thence  to  Harrisburg.  At  this  place,  horses  were  pressed  to 
haul  them,  and  they  were  started  on  the  9th  of  April,  under 
care  of  Captain  Smith,  to  the  army.f  They  were  placed  in 


* “ Fobt  Bend,  April  8,  1836. 

“ This  very  moment  two  men  arrived  from  toward  San  Felipe,  who  say  the 
enemy  must  be,  by  this  time,  in  that  town,  in  full  force.  They  state  that  one 
division  of  the  enemy  has  passed  above,  pointing  the  head  of  their  column  for 
Nacogdoches;  the  other  column  below,  aiming  for  Matagorda.”  — Major  Wylie 
Martin  to  General  Houston. 

\ Letter  of  A.  Huston,  April  1,  1836.  Letter  of  David  Thomas,  acting  sec- 
retary of  war,  April  10,  1836.  Letter  of  Elijah  Slack,  March  23,  1854.  Captain 
Smith  was  a brother-in-law  of  Colonel  Rusk.  It  is  said  the  Twin-Sisters  are 
now  at  Baton  Rouge,  in  the  service  of  the  United  States.  Texas  ought  to  have 
them,  and  could  doubtless  obtain  them  by  asking. 


124 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


charge  of  Colonel  Hockley,  who  kept  them  in  efficient  order. 
Texas  will  never  cease  to  be  grateful  to  Cincinnati  for  that 
valuable  present. 

It  is  proper  here  to  state,  in  order  to  bring  up  the  current 
of  events  in  this  busy  period  of  Texan  history,  that  the  authori- 
ties had  managed,  through  the  kindness  of  good  friends,  to 
pick  up  a small  navy  of  three  vessels,  viz. : the  Invincible,  Cap- 
tain L.  Brown  ; the  Brutus , Captain  Hurd  ; and  the  Indepen- 
dence, Captain  Hawkins.  These  vessels  were  not  idle,  but 
were  of  infinite  service  to  Texas  in  preventing  the  enemy  from 
receiving  supplies.  In  the  first  days  of  April  the  Invincible 
sailed  on  a cruise  off  Brasos  Santiago,  and  fell  in  with  the 
Montezuma , Captain  Thompson.  After  a fight  of  two  hours, 
the  Mexican  vessel  was  driven  on  shore,  and  left  in  a sinking 
condition.  After  repairing  his  rigging  (the  only  injury  he  re- 
ceived), Captain  Brown  stood  out  from  the  harbor,  and  fell  in 
with  the  brig  Pocket,  from  New  Orleans  to  Matamoras,  freighted 
with  flour,  lard,  rice,  and  biscuit,  for  the  Mexican  army,  under 
contract  with  a house  in  the  former  city.  The  Pocket  was 
brought  into  Galveston.  From  letters  found  on  board,  it  was 
ascertained  that  Santa  Anna’s  object  was  to  secure  the  sea- 
ports, and  place  a thousand  men  on  Galveston  island.*  All 
this  information  was  communicated  to  Houston  about  the  time 
he  crossed  the  Brasos  river.  This  intelligence,  and  the  near 
approach  of  the  enemy,  determined  the  government  to  fortify 
Galveston  island.  For  this  purpose,  several  pieces  of  artillery 
were  brought  from  the  seaports  south  ; and  the  Independence 
was  detained  in  the  bay  to  aid  in  commencing  the  work.  The 
citizens  there  volunteered  their  assistance,  and  placed  them- 
selves under  the  command  of  Colonel  Morgan. 

The  acting  secretary  of  war,  in  his  letter  to  the  commander- 

* Letters  of  David  Thomas,  acting  Secretary  of  War,  April  7 and  8,  1836. 


THE  MEXICAN  AND  TEXAN  ARMIES — A CONTRAST.  125 

in-chief  of  the  12th  of  April,  after  referring  to  the  fact  that  the 
enemy  had  crossed  the  Brasos  at  Fort  Bend,  says : “ There  is 
nothing  to  stop  his  march  to  this  place  [Harrisburg],  or  Gal- 
veston, in  twenty-four  hours.  There  are  a number  of  families 
here  and  in  the  neighborhood,  who  came  here  under  the  belief 
that  they  would  be  safe,  who  are  now  exposed  to  the  attack  of 
the  enemy.  You  have  assured  the  government  that  the  enemy 
should  never  cross  the  Brasos : they  have  relied  on  your  assu- 
rance, but  they  find  your  pledges  not  verified,  and  numberless 
families  exposed  to  the  ravages  of  the  enemy.  The  country 
expects  something  from  you ; the  government  looks  to  you  for 
action.  The  time  has  now  arrived  to  determine  whether  we 
are  to  give  up  the  country,  and  make  the  best  of  our  way  out 
of  it,  or  to  meet  the  enemy,  and  make  at  least  one  struggle  for 
our  boasted  independence.  The  government  does  not  intend 
to  control  your  movements ; but  it  is  expected  that,  without 
delay,  you  will  take  measures  to  check  those  of  the  enemy.,, 

This  letter  was  received  by  the  commander-in-chief  on  the 
13th,  at  a moment  when  he  was  pressed  by  business,  and  ma- 
king his  arrangements  for  offensive  operations.  He,  however, 
considered  the  taunts  and  suggestions  in  the  secretary’s  letter 
as  gratuitous,  because  he  was  harassed  with  difficulties  which 
the  government  could  not  appreciate.  His  answer,  under  the 
circumstances,  was  mild,*  and  went  into  a summary  of  past 
events.  There  was  hardly  a time  during  the  campaign  when 
the  enemy’s  force  was  not  ten  times  as  great  as  his  own — a 
well-appointed  army,  composed  mostly  of  veteran  troops,  sup- 
plied with  artillery,  arms,  and  munitions,  and  commanded  by 
a general  who,  up  to  that  period,  had  never  known  defeat. 
The  Texan  army,  on  the  contrary,  was  a hasty  collection  of 
farmers,  paid  and  fed  upon  promises,  poorly  armed,  and  with 


* Appendix  I. — No.  42. 


126 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


every  variety  of  weapon,  and  up  to  that  time  without  a single 
piece  of  artillery.  Add  to  this  that  their  wives  and  children, 
objects  dear  to  them,  were  homeless  wanderers  — flying,  with- 
out food  or  shelter,  unprotected  by  the  stalwart  arm  of  their 
natural  defenders  from  the  ravages  of  a barbarous  foe — and 
we  must  admire  the  sagacity  and  address  that  kept  so  many 
of  them  together  so  long.  Half  a generation  has  passed  away 
since  that  campaign,  and  a thinking  world,  which  in  the  end 
always  comes  to  a just  conclusion,  has  stamped  its  progress 
and  termination  as  heroic. 

Complaints  have  been  made  of  the  apathy  of  eastern  Texas, 
as  though  the  people  of  that  section  did  not  love  their  country 
as  well  as  those  of  the  west.  We  should  first  look  at  their 
condition,  and  have  the  same  understanding  of  affairs  that  they 
did,  before  we  condemn.  It  was  known  to  them  that  General 
Gaona,  with  a well-appointed  division  of  the  Mexican  army, 
was  on  his  way  to  Nacogdoches,  with  orders  from  Santa  Anna 
to  shoot  all  who  were  taken  with  arms  in  their  hands,  and  to 
drive  the  others  out  of  the  country.  His  route  lay  along  the 
frontiers,  passing  the  Trinity  at  the  upper  or  Camanche  cros- 
sing.* The  order  directing  him  to  change  his  course  to  San 
Felipe  was  unknown  to  the  Texans.  The  country  through 
which  he  marched  was  thronged  with  Indians,  already  stirred 
up  by  the  emissaries  of  the  Mexicans,  and  naturally  disposed 
to  join  them ; for  it  is  to  the  credit  of  the  latter  that  they  had 
ever  excelled  the  Americans  in  kindness  toward  the  aboriginal 
tribes.  Of  their  motive  for  this  we  need  not  stop  to  inquire. 
The  people  of  eastern  Texas,  then,  felt  that  their  danger  was 
imminent.  This  apparent  danger  was  increased  by  the  threats 

* In  old  times,  there  were  three  well-known  crossings  on  the  Trinity:  first, 
the  upper  crossing,  at  the  present  town  of  Magnolia  — the  oldest  road  in  Texas; 
second,  the  middle  crosoing,  at  Robbins’s  ferry,  established  in  1689,  by  De  Leon; 
and,  third,  the  lower  crossing,  at  Liberty,  established  in  1806. 


INDIAN  HOSTILITIES  APPREHENDED. 


127 


and  movements  of  the  Indians.  To  ascertain  the  facts,  the 
committee  of  vigilance  at  Nacogdoches  despatched  agents  to 
the  Indians.  C.  H.  Sims  and  William  Sims,  who  were  sent  to 
the  Cherokees,  reported  them  to  be  hostile,  and  making  prepa- 
rations for  war;  that  they  were  drying  beef  and  preparing 
meal,  and  said  they  were  about  sending  off  their  women  and 
children  ; that  they  had  murdered  Brooks  Williams,  an  Ameri- 
can trader  among  them  ; that  they  said  a large  body  of  Indians, 
composed  of  Caddoes,  Keechies,  Ionies,  Twowokanies,  Wa- 
coes,  and  Camanches,  were  expected  to  attack  the  American 
settlements ; that  the  Cherokees  gave  every  indication  of  join- 
ing them  ; that  the  number  of  warriors  embodied  on  the  Trinity 
was  estimated  at  seventeen  hundred  ; and  that  Bolles,  the  prin- 
cipal Cherokee  chief,  advised  the  agents  to  leave  the  country, 
as  there  was  danger.  M.  B.  Menard,  who  was  sent  to  the 
Shawanee,  Delaware,  and  Kickapoo  tribes,  reported  that,  while 
these  tribes  were  friendly,  they  had  been  visited  by  Bolles,  who 
urged  them  to  take  up  arms  against  the  Americans.* 

With  these  facts  before  them,  the  committee  of  vigilance  and 
the  people  of  Nacogdoches  were  ready  to  credit  the  rumor  that 
the  combined  Mexicans  and  Indians  were  already  within  a few 
miles  of  the  town.  On  the  9th  of  April,  the  alcalde , Hoffman, 
ordered  every  able-bodied  Mexican,  within  the  municipality  of 
Nacogdoches,  to  take  up  the  line  of  march  to  the  army  within 
ten  days,  or  to  cross  the  Sabine.  The  companies  of  Captains 
Ratliff,  Smith,  and  Chesher,  on  their  way  to  the  army,  were 
detained,  to  aid  in  protecting  the  place. f Such  was  the  sup- 
posed emergency,  that  horses  were  pressed  into  the  public 
service  for  the  use  of  the  civic  forces.  Judge  Quitman,  with 


* Depositions  of  William  Sims,  C.  II.  SimB,  and  M.  B.  Menard,  taken  before 
Henry  Raguet,  chairman  of  the  committee  of  vigilance,  April  11,  1836. 
t Order  of  R.  A.  Irion,  commandant  of  the  municipality,  April  14,  1836. 


128 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


a few  companions,  coming  into  the  town,  was  called  upon  to 
give  his  aid  in  protecting  the  families  on  their  way  to  the  Sa- 
bine, which  he  cheerfully  agreed  to  do.* 

In  answer  to  Houston’s  strong  appeal  to  the  people  of  east- 
ern Texas  to  turn  out  and  hasten  to  his  assistance,  three  com- 
panies, commanded  by  Captains  Ratliff,  Smith,  and  Chesher, 
with  an  aggregate  of  two  hundred  and  twenty  men,  were  ready 
to  set  out  on  the  march  for  headquarters  as  early  as  the  9th 
of  April ; but  on  account  of  the  supposed  pressing  danger  at 
Nacogdoches,  as  previously  mentioned,  they  were  detained  till 
the  16th  before  they  marched.  In  a few  days  more,  a like 
number  were  ready  to  leave.  But  all  this  aid  was  too  late. 
“ The  citizens  of  Nacogdoches,”  says  Henry  Raguet,  chairman 
of  the  committee  of  vigilance,  under  ddte  of  the  17th  of  April, 
“ were  induced  to  believe,  only  a few  days  since,  that  the  ene- 
my in  large  force  was  within  a few  miles  of  this  place.  Under 
this  belief,  the  volunteer  companies,  commanded  by  Captains 
Chesher,  Ratliff,  and  Smith,  were  detained  until  yesterday.  In 
addition  to  the  cause  above  stated,  Rumor,  with  her  thousand 
tongues,  had  created  the  belief  that  the  Mexicans  of  this  muni- 
cipality were  embodying  themselves  for  the  purpose  of  attack- 
ing the  Americans.  This  committee  have  taken  every  means 
in  their  power  to  allay  the  panic,  and,  if  possible,  to  bring  men 
to  their  sober  senses.  When  the  committee  found  themselves 

* Judge  Quitman’s  letter  is  as  follows : — 

“Half-Mile  fbom  Town. 

“ To  the  Officers  in  command  at  Nacogdoches  : 

“Gentlemen:  I am  here,  with  sixteen  tolerably  well-armed  men.  We  are 
on  a tour  of  observation  only,  but  ready  to  assist  in  the  retreat  of  your  women 
and  children.  It  would  be,  in  tny  opinion,  without  any  good  result  to  stand 
against  vastly  superior  numbers  in  defence  of  the  town.  If  you  will  join  us  with 
all  your  armed  force,  we  will  aid  you  in  covering  the  retreat  of  your  families  to 
the  Sabine.  Let  us  hear  of  your  determination  as  soon  as  possible. 

"Respectfully,  John  A.  Quitman.” 
This  letter  was  written  about  the  12th  of  April. 


NON-FULFILMENT  OF  PLEDGES. 


129 


in  possession  of  the  facts  in  relation  to  the  disaffection  of  the 
Mexicans,  they  took  prompt  measures  to  prevent  a rupture, 
which  threatened  serious  consequences  to  the  welfare  and 
safety  of  our  citizens ; and  they  are  happy  to  state  that  the 
difficulty  has  been  most  happily  terminated.” 

Thus  the  affairs  in  eastern  Texas  had  disappointed  the  gov- 
ernment as  well  as  the  commander-in-chief : for,  if  the  latter 
had  made  pledges  that  were  not  verified,  the  government  had 
done  the  same.  The  levy  of  two  thirds  of  the  militia  never 
came.  The  supply  of  arms,  provisions,  Ac.,  only  reached  the 
Texan  army  after  it  had  crossed  the  Brasos.  While  neither 
possessed  the  power  of  ubiquity  and  omnipotence,  neither  could 
be  responsible  for  matters  beyond  their  control.  It  is  perhaps 
enough  to  say  — and  truth  will  justify  so  much — that,  under 
all  the  circumstances,  both  parties  did  what  they  could  for 
their  adopted  country.  She  was  poor  : her  people  were  poor 
— and  not  only  so,  but  deeply  distressed.  Their  affairs  were 
such,  and  so  dark  was  the  cloud  hanging  over  them,  that  they 
could  not  afford  merely  to  check  the  enemy : it  was  essential 
that  he  should  be  whipped.  Texas  could  not  survive  two  bat- 
tles : the  work  had  to  be  done  in  one,  and  well  done.* 

Among  other  difficulties  with  which  Texas  had  to  contend 
was  the  presence  of  a considerable  number  of  persons  of  no 
country  or  sympathy  — treacherous  to  all — who  were  busily 
engaged  in  spreading  alarm,  and  increasing  the  public  confu- 

* “ After  the  army  had  crossed  the  Brasos,  the  companies  below,  in  pursuance 
of  orders,  joined  the  main  body  at  Donoho’s.  Houston  rode  along  their  linep, 
and,  in  a short  address,  said  that  ‘ he  had  been  blamed  by  some  because  the 
Texans  were  not  permitted  to  meet  the  enemy ; but  that,  so  soon  as  circum- 
stances would  permit  it  to  be  done  to  advantage,  we  should  have  it  to  our  sat- 
isfaction.’ I remember  it  well,  from  the  fact  that  there  was  in  the  ranks  a large 
man,  by  the  name  of  Harman,  celebrated  for  his  good  nature  and  good  humor, 
who,  in  answer  to  this  speech,  said,  ‘General,  let  it  be  an  easy-going  fight  1’”  — 
Memoranda  of  Rev.  A.  J.  M'Goicn. 

Vol.  II.  — 9 


130 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


sion.  To  this  list  should  be  added  a class  of  a still  worse  char- 
acter, who  fattened  upon  the  stolen  plunder  of  the  flying  inhab- 
itants. Then  there  were  others,  in  the  Mexican  interest,  who 
were  spies  in  the  Texan  ranks.  Of  these  several  classes,  many 
arrests  were  made,  and  their  persons  secured  until  the  danger 
was  over.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  some  were  thus  confined  who 
ought  not  to  have  been.  Among  those  arrested  was  Colonel 
Ellis  P.  Bean.  He  had  been  appointed  a member  of  the  com- 
mittee of  vigilance  of  Nacogdoches,  but,  as  it  appears,  took  no 
part  in  their  affairs.  At  the  beginning  of  the  war,  in  the  fall 
of  1835,  he  had  applied  to  Colonel  John  Forbes  to  place  him 
in  arrest,  the  better  to  enable  him  to  draw  his  pay  as  colonel 
in  the  Mexican  army ; but  Colonel  Forbes  declined  to  do  so, 
unless  for  some  offence.  It  appears  that  in  April,  1836,  some 
report  had  come  into  circulation  relative  to  an  alleged  corre- 
spondence of  Bean  with  the  enemy,  which  induced  the  secre- 
tary of  war  to  order  his  arrest.  As  the  truth  of  the  report 
was  very  questionable,  he  was  ordered  into  custody,  and  de- 
tained only  as  a Mexican  officer  and  alien  of  the  republic.* 
But  when  the  enemy  retreated,  nothing  further  was  heard  on 
the  subject. 

* Houston’s  order  to  D.  A.  Hoffman,  for  the  arrest  of  Colonel  E.  P.  Bean, 
April  13,  1836.  There  is  little  doubt  but  Bean’s  real  feelings  were  in  favor  of 
the  Texans.  In  1833,  while  he  was  commandant  at  Nacogdoches,  he  addressed 
the  following  letter  to  Houston  : — 

“ February  4,  1833. 

“ From  the  Commander  of  Nacogdoches  : 

“As  it  appears  that  it  is  the  wish  of  the  citizens  of  this  country  that  you 
should  be  a member  of  the  committee  [the  convention  of  1833  he  refers  to],  to 
form  this  eastern  part  into  a state — formerly  governed  by  Coahuila  — I feel 
myself  willing  to  support  you  so  far  as  my  military  orders  will  permit  me  to  do. 

“Your  obedient  servant,  F.  P.  BEAN. 


General  Houston.’ 


THE  TEXANS  ADVANCE  TO  MEET  SANTA  ANNA.  131 


CHAPTER  Y. 

As  has  been  stated,  Santa  Anna,  at  the  head  of  more  than 
seven  hundred  men,  with  a twelve-pounder,  reached  Harris- 
burg on  the  15th  of  April.  The  last  communication  from  the 
war  department  at  that  town  was  dated  on  the  14th.  The 
president  and  vice-president  had  gone  to  look  after  their  fami- 
lies on  the  13th ; Colonel  Potter  had  been  for  some  time  at 
Galveston,  attending  to  the  affairs  of  the  navy ; Colonel  Rusk 
was  in  the  army ; the  secretary  of  state  had  been  some  time 
sick,  east  of  the  Trinity : so  that  the  attorney-general  and  sec- 
retary of  the  treasury  were  the  only  cabinet  officers  left  at  the 
seat  of  government.* 

As  to  his  future  course,  the  commander-in-chief  had  kept  his 
own  counsel.  He  had  already  notified  the  army  to  be  in  readi- 
ness for  action ; and  Colonel  Rusk,  with  whom  he  advised  and 
consulted  in  all  matters,  gave  notice,  in  his  proclamation  of 
the  13th  of  April,  that  the  Texans  had  taken  up  the  line  of 
march  to  meet  the  enemy : yet  the  determination  of  the  com- 
mander-in-chief was  only  known  to  the  secretary  of  war.  On 
the  morning  of  the  15th,  Major  Martin  and  his  command,  being 
worn  out  and  exhausted  with  fatigue,  were  directed  to  conduct 
the  families,  that  were  flying  from  the  seat  of  war,  to  Robbins’s 
ferry ; while  the  main  army,  augmented  by  the  detachments 

* David  Thomas  to  Sam  Houston,  April  14,  1886. 


132 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


that  had  come  in,  set  out  rapidly  for  Harrisburg.  The  prairies 
were  wet,  filled  with  quicksands,  and  almost  impassable.  The 
prospect  was  gloomy  indeed,  and  the  troops  were  much  dispir- 
ited ; yet  they  were  encouraged  in  seeing  the  commander-in- 
chief  put  his  shoulder  to  the  wheels  to  assist  the  wagons 
through  the  mud.  On  that  day  they  marched  entirely  through 
the  prairie,  and  encamped  at  Mrs.  M‘Carely’s,  at  the  first  tim- 
ber. As  the  army  left  Donoho’s,  a negro,  who  had  been  cap- 
tured and  then  released  by  the  enemy,  brought  General  Hous- 
ton a message  from  Santa  Anna,  to  the  effect  that  “ he  knew 
Mr.  Houston  was  up  there  in  the  bushes ; and,  so  soon  as  he 
had  whipped  the  land-thieves,  down  there,  out  of  the  country, 
he  would  come  up  and  smoke  him  out !” 

There  was  at  that  time  a considerable  number  of  disaffected 
persons  on  the  coast,  east  of  the  San  Jacinto;  and  it  was  an 
important  object  with  Houston  not  to  allow  the  Mexicans  to 
have  communication  with  them,  as  they  would  thereby  obtain 
supplies  of  provisions  and  gain  information.  They  would  also, 
by  such  means,  be  enabled  to  control  the  Indians  on  the  lower 
Trinity.  With  a view  to  anticipate  any  intercourse  between 
the  enemy  and  these  Indians,  Houston  had  engaged  Messrs. 
Hubert  and  Rankin,  Indian  agents,  to  sound  the  Cooshattics 
on  the  question  of  giving  the  Texans  aid.  They  promised  to 
furnish  ninety  warriors.  Just  before  the  army  set  out  for  Har- 
risburg, the  commander-in-chief  sent  Captain  Jacob  H.  Shep- 
pard with  a “ talk”  to  the  Indians,  and  an  order  to  the  agents 
to  bring  on  the  warriors.*  It  is  sufficient  to  say  here,  that  the 
Indians  wished  to  see  which  side  was  successful  before  they 

* Notes  of  J.  H.  Sheppard.  Captain  Sheppard  says:  “Just  as  I was  leaving 
the  general’s  quarters,  I said,  ‘Where  will  I find  you,  general?’  He  said:  ‘Tell 
all  the  people  you  may  see,  captain,  that  I am  determined  to  fight,  the  first 
chanco ; and,  if  I should  meet  with  a reverse,  I will  be  sure  to  make  noise  enough 
for  you  and  the  Indians  to  follow  me.”* 


CAPTURE  OF  A MEXICAN  COURIER.  133 

turned  out.  But  if  the  enemy  had  succeeded  in  opening  an 
intercourse  with  the  Indians,  they  might  have  rallied  every 
tribe  in  eastern  Texas,  and  thus  surrounded  and  cut  off  the 
small  army  under  Houston ; and  not  only  so,  but  closed  the 
Texas  campaign  with  a tragedy  more  bloody  than  the  one  with 
which  it  opened. 

To  prevent  this  disastrous  result,  a forced  march  was  made 
by  the  Texans  from  Donoho’s  to  Harrisburg.  They  reached 
the  bayou,  opposite  the  town,  on  the  18th,  a little  before  noon. 
Here  they  remained  that  day,  partly  to  rest — for  they  were 
greatly  fatigued  — and  partly  to  procure  information.  Deaf 
Smith,  Karnes,  and  others,  were  sent  over  to  reconnoitre.  The 
former,  about  dark,  brought  into  the  camp  two  captives  whom 
he  had  taken  on  the  road  leading  west  from  Harrisburg — the 
one  a Mexican  courier  bearing  despatches  to  Santa  Anna,  the 
other  a guard.  From  the  spies  it  was  ascertained  that  the 
Mexican  advance  had  marched  down  Buffalo  bayou,  crossing 
Vince’s  bridge ; and,  having  burnt  Harrisburg,  had  passed 
down  in  the  direction  of  the  bay.  From  the  Mexican  courier* 
they  obtained  the  mail  directed  to  Santa  Anna,  from  which 
they  learned  the  important  fact,  before  suspected,  that  the  dic- 
tator himself  was  with  the  advance,  and  that  they  had  him  cut 
off  from  the  main  body  of  his  troops.  By  reference  to  the  to- 
pography of  that  locality,  it  was  seen  that  he  must  necessarily 
return  by  Vince’s  bridge,  or  cross  Buffalo  bayou,  just  below 
the  Texan  camp,  at  Lynch’s,  at  the  mouth  of  the  San  Jacinto. 
In  either  way  he  was  cut  off  from  the  main  body  of  his  army. 
The  Texans  derived  the  further  information  that  Santa  Anna 
was  requested,  by  the  government  at  home,  to  give  protection 
with  his  troops  to  the  surveyor  and  commissioner,  appointed 

* This  was  a Mexican  officer,  an  extraordinary  coxirier,  who  had  come  on  from 
the  city  of  Mexico.  — Juan  J.  Andrade  to  Santa  Anna , April  9,  1836. 


134 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


on  the  part  of  Mexico,  to  run  the  boundary-line  between  Texas 
and  the  United  States,  according  to  the  treaty  between  the  two 
nations,  and  for  which  purpose  Colonel  Pedro  Garcia  Conde 
was  appointed  surveyor,  and  Colonel  Almonte  commissioner.* 
A letter  from  General  Filisola  to  Santa  Anna  gave  the  infor- 
mation that  the  chief’s  order  as  to  the  disposition  of  certain 
forces  was  received,  and  would  be  obeyed.  This  was  supposed, 
as  afterward  proved  to  be  the  fact,  to  refer  to  reinforcements 
ordered  by  Santa  Anna. 

These  despatches  being  read,f  General  Houston  determined 
to  cross  the  bayou  early  on  the  morning  of  the  19th,  and  go 
in  pursuit  of  the  enemy.  Orders  were  consequently  given  to 
Colonels  Burleson  and  Sherman  to  have  three  days’  rations 
prepared,  and  like  orders  for  repairing  a boat  two  miles  below, 
on  the  bayou.  The  troops  were  formed  on  the  morning  of  the 
19th,  and  addressed  by  the  commander-in-chief  and  the  secre- 
tary of  war.  The  presence  of  Santa  Anna  with  the  enemy’s 
advance  was  also  made  known  to  them.  The  baggage  and 
wagons,  and  two  or  three  hundred  sick  and  non-effectives  were 
left  in  charge  of  Major  M‘Nutt,  on  the  left  bank  of  the  bayou. 
Houston  then  despatched  a letter  to  Henry  Raguet,  advising 
him  that  they  were  about  to  meet  Santa  Anna  ; that  they  had 
looked  in  vain  for  help  from  eastern  Texas ; that  it  was  then 

* Monasterio  to  Santa  Anna,  March  23,  1836. 

f Some  explanation  of  the  manner  in  which  Deaf  Smith  captured  and  brought 
in  two  prisoners,  is  necessary.  It  is  given  as  related  by  the  general  himselfl 
Smith  came  in,  greatly  fatigued,  and  somewhat  exasperated.  He  repaired  to 
the  general’s  quarters,  and  said  he  wished  to  have  a little  talk  with  him.  Said 
he:  “General,  you  are  very  kind  to  these  Mexicans;  I like  kindness,  but  you 
are  too  kind  — you  won’t  allow  me  to  kill  any  of  them!  If  a man  meets  two 
of  the  enemy,  and  is  not  allowed  to  kill  either,  by  the  time  he  takes  one  and 
ties  him,  the  other  gets  off  so  far,  that  it  is  very  fatiguing  on  a horse  to  catch 
him ; and  I wish  you  would  let  me  manage  things  in  my  own  way.”  Houston 
told  him  not  to  be  cruel,  but  that  he  must  be  his  own  judge  of  the  necessity  of 
securing  such  of  the  enemy  as  might  be  taken  by  him.  Smith  nodded  his  head 
— for  he  was  a man  of  few  words  — and  retired. 


ADDRESSES  ON  THE  EVE  OF  BATTLE. 


135 


the  part  of  wisdom,  growing  out  of  necessity,  to  encounter  the 
enemy  ; that  no  previous  occasion  justified  it ; that  they  were 
going  to  conquer ; that  the  troops  were  in  fine  spirits,  and, 
though  the  odds  were  against  them,  they  would  use  their  best 
efforts  to  fight  the  enemy  to  such  advantage  as  to  gain  the 
victory.* 

* Appendix  I.  — No.  43.  Colonel  Rusk  also  sent  out  the  following  address, 
to  which  the  commander-in-chief  added  a postscript:  — 

“ War  Department,  Headquarters  of  the  Army,  Harrisburg,  April  19,  1836. 

“To  the  People  of  Texas  — Fellow- Citizens : Let  me  make  one  more  appeal 
to  you  to  turn  out,  and  rally  to  the  standard  of  your  country.  The  army  reached 
here  yesterday  late  in  the  day.  Our  scouts  arrested  three  of  the  Mexicans  — 
one  captain,  one  a correo  [express-rider],  direct  from  Mexico,  and  another  a ser- 
vant. From  the  prisoners  we  learn  many  interesting  facts.  Santa  Anna  him- 
self is  just  below  us,  and  within  the  sound  of  the  drum  — has,  we  understand, 
only  five  hundred  men.  We  are  parading  our  forces  for  the  purpose  of  march- 
ing upon  him.  He  has  a reinforcement  of  about  one  thousand  men  upon  the 
Brasos,  about  forty  miles  from  here.  A few  hours  more  will  decide  the  fate  of 
our  army  : and  what  an  astonishing  fact  it  is,  that,  at  the  very  moment  when 
the  fate  of  your  wives,  your  children,  your  honors,  your  country,  and  all  that  is 
dear  to  a freeman,  are  suspended  upon  the  issue  of  one  battle,  not  one  fourth  of 
the  people  [men]  of  Texas  are  in  the  army  1 Are  you  Americans?  are  you  free- 
men ? If  you  are,  prove  your  blood  and  birth  by  rallying  at  once  to  your  coun- 
try’s standard ! Your  general  is  at  the  head  of  a brave  and  chivalrous  band, 
and  throws  himself,  sword  in  hand,  into  the  breach,  to  save  his  country,  and  vin- 
dicate her  rights.  Enthusiasm  prevails  in  the  army;  but  I look  around  and  see 
that  many,  very  many,  whom  I had  anticipated  would  be  first  in  the  field,  are 
not  here. 

“Rise  up  at  once,  concentrate,  and  march  to  the  field  1 — a vigorous  effort, 
and  the  country  is  safe  ! A different  course  disgraces  and  ruins  you;  and  what 
is  life  worth  with  the  loss  of  liberty?  May  I never  survive  itl 

“ Your  fellow-citizen,  Thomas  J.  Rusk,  Secretary  of  War." 

“ April  19,  1836. 

“We  view  ourselves  on  the  eve  of  battle.  We  are  nerved  for  the  contest, 
and  must  conquer  or  perish.  It  is  vain  to  look  for  present  aid  : none  is  at  hand. 
We  must  now  act,  or  abandon  all  hope!  Rally  to  the  standard,  and  be  no 
longer  the  scoff  of  mercenary  tongues ! Be  men,  be  freemen,  that  your  children 
may  bless  their  fathers’  names ! 

“ Colonel  Rusk  is  with  me,  and  I am  rejoiced  at  it  The  country  will  be  the 
gainer,  and  myself  the  beneficiary.  Liberty  and  our  country  I 

“Sam  Houston,  Commander -in- Chief." 

The  above  are  the  last  papers  written  by  these  gentlemen  previous  to  the 
battle  of  the  2 1st,  so  far  as  the  writer  knows. 


136 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


The  army  proceeded  on  its  march,  taking  only  the  cavalry- 
horses,  and  those  needed  for  the  “ Twin- Sisters”  and  an  am- 
munition-wagon. The  measles  having  broken  out  in  the  camp, 
caused  the  large  number  of  sick  that  were  left  behind.  Ad- 
vancing to  the  ferry,  they  found  the  boat  not  repaired,  not- 
withstanding which  they  proceeded  to  cross.  Thirty  pioneers, 
under  Captain  Wood,  first  passed  over.  The  commander-in- 
chief went  with  the  second  boat.  Colonel  Rusk  remained  to 
assist  in  the  crossing,  and  none  labored  more  ardently  to  effect 
that  object.  A raft  of  plank  was  used  to  facilitate  the  pas- 
sage. The  horses  were  caused  to  swim  across  the  bayou  below 
the  ferry.  Before  sundown  the  whole  force  had  passed  over 
without  accident,  and  took  up  the  line  of  march  down  the  right 
bank  of  the  bayou,  and  on  the  enemy’s  trail. 

After  advancing  twelve  miles,  the  Texans  halted  at  one 
o’clock  on  the  morning  of  the  20th,  at  a beautiful  spot  in  the 
prairie.  At  this  time  they  were  aware  that  the  Mexicans  had 
not  crossed  the  San  Jacinto,  but  it  was  not  known  exactly 
where  they  were.  In  fact,  they  had  passed  near  the  ferry  at 
Lynch’s  on  the  16th.  The  Texans,  being  greatly  exhausted  by 
incessant  labor  and  marching,  threw  themselves  on  the  ground 
without  refreshment,  and  slept. 

We  must  here  notice  the  narrow  escape  of  President  Bur- 
net. On  the  13th,  as  has  been  stated,  he  left  Harrisburg,  to 
provide  for  the  safety  of  his  family.  On  the  same  day  he 
brought  them  to  New  Washington,  below  Lynch’s,  on  the  bay, 
with  a view  to  facilitate  their  passage,  if  necessary,  to  Galves- 
ton. On  the  next  day  the  president  set  out  on  horseback  for 
Harrisburg ; but  learning  on  the  way  that  the  Mexicans  were 
there,  he  returned  on  the  morning  of  the  16th,  in  the  steamer 
“ Cayuga,”  to  New  Washington.  It  was  understood  that  the 
boat,  which  was  crowded  with  families,  and  bound  for  Ana- 


MEXICAN  BOAT  WITH  PROVISIONS  TAKEN. 


137 


huac,  was  to  return  the  next  morning  to  take  off  those  at  New 
Washington.  On  the  morning  of  the  17th,  after  breakfast,  and 
while  they  were  preparing  for  the  steamboat,  the  Mexican  cav- 
alry came  suddenly  on  them.  They  hastily  got  into  a small 
boat,  and  had  not  rowed  more  than  forty  yards  from  the  shore, 
when  the  enemy  dismounted ; but  they  fortunately  made  their 
escape.* 

At  dawn  of  day,  on  the  20th,  the  Texans  were  aroused  by  a 
tap  of  the  drum  — for  the  reveille  was  forbidden  — and  resumed 
their  march  down  the  bayou.  After  proceeding  about  seven 
miles,  they  halted  for  breakfast.  While  it  was  in  preparation, 
the  scouts  came  in,  and  announced  that  they  had  given  chase 
to  those  of  the  enemy,  until  they  discovered  his  advance  com- 
ing up  the  bay.  The  Texans,  without  taking  breakfast,  made 
a forced  march  down  the  bayou,  in  order  to  arrive  at  Lynch’s 
ferry  before  their  opponents.  An  advance  of  thirty  or  forty 
of  the  Texans  proceeded  rapidly  to  the  ferry,  where  they  ar- 
rived by  ten  o’clock  in  the  forenoon,  and  found  a like  number 
of  the  enemy  there,  with  a substantial  new  flat-boat, f loaded 
with  provisions  for  the  Mexican  army.  It  was  doubtless  some 
of  the  plunder  of  Harrisburg  or  New  Washington.  The  ene- 
my’s guard  fled  at  the  approach  of  the  Texan  advance ; the 
boat  and  provisions  were  taken,  and  sent  up  the  bayou,  three 
fourths  of  a mile  to  the  rear  of  the  Texan  camp,  which  was 
established  there,  along  the  right  bank  of  the  bayou,  in  a skirt 
of  timber.  This  supply  of  provisions  was  most  fortunate,  as 
the  Texans  had  no  other  during  that  and  the  following  day. 

The  Texan  camp  was  protected  by  the  timber,  and  a rising 
ground  running  parallel  with  the  bayou.  The  camp  extended 

* Letter  of  Dr.  George  M.  Patrick,  March  2G,  1838. 

f It  was  said  that  this  boat  had  been  constructed  by  some  recreant  Americans 
for  the  enemy. 


138 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


some  five  hundred  yards,  and  about  its  centre  the  skirt  of  tim- 
ber reached  nearly  to  the  top  of  the  rise  in  front.  On  either 
side  of  this  centre  the  summit  of  the  elevation  was  composed 
of  prairie.  The  infantry,  about  two  hundred,  under  command 
of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Millard,  were  stationed  in  this  neck  of 
timber,  extending  toward  the  top  of  the  rise ; and  the  “ Twin- 
Sisters”  under  Colonel  Neill,  were  placed  on  the  elevation, 
immediately  in  front  of  Millard.  The  first  regiment  of  rifle- 
men, under  Colonel  Burleson,  formed  the  right  wing  ; and  the 
second,  under  Colonel  Sherman,  composed  the  left.  The  cav- 
alry was  stationed  in  the  centre,  and  in  rear  of  the  infantry. 
In  front  of  the  centre  of  the  Texan  camp,  some  three  or  four 
hundred  yards  distant,  was  a cluster  of  timber ; also  in  front 
and  to  the  left  of  the  centre,  about  one  hundred  yards  distant, 
was  another  cluster  of  timber.  Elsewhere  in  front  the  field 
was  prairie. 

The  Texans,  having  established  their  camp,  formed  for  bat- 
tle. While  they  were  doing  this,  the  Mexican  artillery  (one 
twelve-pounder),  having  advanced  to  the  first-named  cluster 
of  timber,  opened  upon  them.  After  firing  about  an  hour, 
without  doing  any  other  damage  than  wounding  Colonel  Neill, 
the  enemy  sent  forward  a detachment  of  infantry,  armed  with 
escopetas , into  the  nearest  wood.  Being  discovered  there, 
Colonel  Sherman  applied  for  leave  to  charge  on  them  with  the 
Texan  cavalry,  in  all  eighty-five  men.  Permission  was  given, 
and  the  charge  made ; but,  as  the  Mexicans  were  in  the  wood, 
nothing  was  effected,  and  the  cavalry  returned  without  damage. 

Shortly  after  this,  a large  portion  of  the  enemy’s  forces  ad- 
vanced rapidly,  in  column,  from  the  point  occupied  by  their 
artillery  to  within  a hundred  and  fifty  yards  of  the  Texan  can- 
non : the  latter  opened  on  them,  when  they  wheeled  and  fell 
back  precipitately.  This  retreat  was  answered  by  a shout 


PRELIMINARY  SKIRMISHING. 


139 


from  the  Texan  ranks  that  would  have  alarmed  less  timid 
spirits.  The  Texans  did  not  pursue  them,  but  the  “ Twin-Sis- 
ters” kept  up  a fire  on  them  till  they  got  out  of  danger,  doing 
them  some  damage.  The  enemy  withdrew  to  a position  near 
the  bank  of  the  San  Jacinto  river  (or  bayou,  for  it  was  below 
their  junction),  about  three  fourths  of  a mile  from  the  Texan 
encampment,  where  they  commenced  to  fortify. 

In  the  evening,  about  an  hour  before  sunset,  Colonel  Sherman 
asked  permission  of  the  commander-in-chief  to  take  the  cavalry 
and  reconnoitre.  The  general  at  first  objected,  but  on  reflec- 
tion consented,  ordering  him  strictly  not  to  go  within  musket- 
shot  of  the  enemy,  or  provoke  a conflict,  but  to  advance  as 
near  as  he  otherwise  could  to  ascertain  their  position : and  for 
this  reason — that  the  precipitate  retreat  of  the  enemy  after 
their  charge  that  day  had  infused  the  finest  feeling  into  the 
Texan  army,  and  he  was  unwilling  that  any  disaster  in  a par- 
tial engagement  should  disturb  that  feeling. 

The  cavalry  set  out,  and  continued  to  advance,  receiving  a 
volley  from  the  left  of  the  enemy’s  infantry,  and,  after  a sharp 
rencontre  with  their  cavalry,  retired.  In  the  meantime,  the 
infantry  under  Colonel  Millard,  Colonel  Burleson’s  regiment, 
and  the  artillery,  had  advanced  to  aid  the  cavalry,  if  necessary. 
In  this  affair,  the  Texan  cavalry  acquitted  themselves  hand- 
somely ; and  among  the  most  distinguished  of  their  number 
was  Mirabeau  B.  Lamar,  who,  joining  the  army  at  Groce’s,  fell 
into  the  ranks,  and  soon  earned  an  enviable  reputation  as  a 
soldier.*  The  Texans  had  two  wounded,  one  mortally  and  the 
other  severely  ; they  also  lost  several  horses.  The  loss  of  the 
enemy  was  doubtless  more  considerable.! 

* Foote,  in  his  “Texas  and  the  Texans,”  has  given  a lively  sketch  of  General 
Lamar,  vol.  ii.,  p.  284. 

f Foote,  in  his  account  of  this  affair,  has  placed  Colonel  Sherman  in  the  atti- 
tude of  attempting  a ruse , by  which  to  bring  on  a general  battle,  contrary  to 


140 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


Both  armies  having  retired  to  their  quarters,  the  evening 
passed  off,  and  with  it  the  excitement  of  the  day.  The  Texans, 
being  hungry  and  fatigued,  after  eating,  obtained  a refreshing 
sleep.  The  enemy  in  the  meantime  completed  his  breastwork 
of  trunks  and  baggage.  Thursday,  the  21st  of  April,  was  a 
clear,  fine  day.  Early  in  the  morning,  the  Texan  commander- 
in-chief  directed  Colonel  Forbes,  the  commissary-general,  to 
furnish  Deaf  Smith  with  one  or  more  axes,  and  to  have  them 
at  a certain  place.  At  the  same  time,  he  sent  for  Smith,  and 
directed  him  not  to  go  out  of  the  line  of  sentinels  that  day 
without  special  permission,  as  he  had  particular  business  for 
him  of  a secret  character.* 

About  nine  o’clock  that  morning  it  was  discovered  that  a 
considerable  force,  under  General  Cos,  was  advancing  from  the 
direction  of  Vince’s  bridge  toward  the  enemy’s  camp.  As  it 
was  seen  by  the  Texans,  it  was  believed  to  be  a reinforcement 
to  Santa  Anna.  The  commander-in-chief,  although  his  spies 
had  brought  information  of  the  arrival  of  the  reinforcement, 
not  caring  that  it  should  be  at  that  time  known,  suggested  that 
it  was  a ruse  of  the  Mexicans ; that  they  had  marched  round 
from  their  left  wing,  and  were  returning,  with  a view  to  make 
the  impression  that  they  were  reinforced. f 

About  noon,  or  a little  before,  the  commander-in-chief  was 
waited  on  by  several  of  the  officers,  suggesting  a council  of 
war.  He  assented  to  the  proposition,  and  it  was  informally 


the  wishes  and  orders  of  the  commander-in-chief ; and  has  represented  him  as 
getting  Colonel  Millard  to  march  his  command  to  a ravine,  and  Captain  Poe  to 
keep  up  his  fire  on  the  enemy’s  cannon,  <fcc.,  as  if  he  had  assumed  the  command 
of  the  army,  and  the  commander-in-chief  had  become  a subordinate  ! This 
charge  of  insubordination  and  deceit  is  unworthy  of  Colonel  Sherman.  — Yol.  ii., 
p.  298,  et  seq.  It  was  a chief  object  with  Houston  to  conceal  from  the  enemy 
the  number  of  his  forces,  and  not  to  attack  him  while  on  the  alert 

* Statement  of  Colonel  John  Forbes. 

| Statement  of  Colonel  George  W.  Hockley. 


COUNCIL  OF  WAR. 


141 


held  immediately,*  consisting  of  Colonels  Burleson  and  Sher- 
man, Lieutenant-Colonels  Millard,  Somerville,  and  Bennett,  and 
Major  Wells.  The  question  was  laid  before  them,  “Whether 
they  should  attack  the  enemy  in  his  position,  or  await  an  at- 
tack from  him  in  theirs.”  The  two  last-named  officers  were 
in  favor  of  an  attack  on  the  enemy  in  his  position : the  others 
were  in  favor  of  awaiting  an  attack  from  him.  The  reasons 
given  for  the  latter  opinion  were  — that  the  Texan  camp  was 
admirably  situated  for  defence  ; that  the  Mexicans  were  forti- 
fied in  their  encampment ; that  it  was  defended  by  veterans, 
well  disciplined ; and  that  an  attack  upon  them  through  an 
open  prairie,  with  undisciplined  militia,  armed  mostly  with 
rifles,  was  unprecedented.  The  council  was  then  dismissed. 

Deaf  Smith  and  a companion!  whom  he  had  been  directed, 
in  the  morning,  to  select,  were  now  sent  for,  and  secretly  de- 
spatched, with  the  axes,  to  cut  down  Vince’s  bridge,  and  burn 
it — the  commander-in-chief  saying  to  Smith,  as  he  departed, 
that  the  grass,  which  he  then  beheld  before  him  so  beautiful 
in  the  prairie,  would  be  crimsoned  before  his  return,  unless  he 
was  speedy. 

Bray’s  bayou  runs  into  Buffalo  bayou  at  Harrisburg,  on  the 
right  bank.  Five  miles  farther  down  toward  the  bay,  over 
Vince’s  bayou,  is  Vince’s  bridge.  It  was  crossed  by  both  ar- 
mies on  their  downward  march,  and  was  the  only  passway  by 
land,  especially  at  that  season  of  the  year,  to  the  Brasos.  Af- 
ter the  main  body  of  the  Mexican  reinforcement  under  General 
Cos  had  passed  Bray’s  bayou,  and  while  the  rear-guard  was 
crossing  over,  the  wagoners  and  some  others  of  the  Texan 

* In  a sketch  of  Houston,  published  at  Washington  city,  by  John  T.  Tower^ 
it  is  stated  that  this  council  of  war  assembled  on  the  grass,  under  a post-oak 
tree.  The  present  account  of  it  is  mostly  taken  from  a statement  made  by  Colo- 
nel Joseph  L.  Bennett  (one  of  the  members  of  the  council),  September  17, 1841. 

f Understood  to  be  Mr.  Reeves. 


142 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


camp-guard  near  Harrisburg,  hearing  the  noise,  paraded  under 
the  command  of  Wagon-master  Rhorer,  made  a forced  march 
to  the  bayou,  and  gave  them  a volley,  which  so  alarmed  them, 
that  they  turned  and  fled  toward  the  Brasos,  scattering  and 
leaving  their  baggage  on  the  road.  The  wagoners  thereupon 
crossed  over,  and  gathered  quite  a supply. 

It  is  proper  to  state  here,  that,  so  soon  as  the  reinforcement 
under  Cos  was  seen  to  come  in,  Karnes  and  Smith  had  been 
sent  to  their  last  place  of  encampment,  to  ascertain,  from  the 
number  of  camp-fires  and  other  signs,  the  probable  strength  of 
this  auxiliary  force.  They  returned  and  reported  privately,  as 
they  had  been  directed,  about  five  hundred  and  forty  men. 

Shortly  after  the  departure  of  Smith  and  Reeves  to  destroy 
the  bridge,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Bennett  was  sent  through  the 
camp  to  ascertain  the  state  of  feeling  among  the  troops.  He 
reported  them  all  enthusiastic,  and  in  fine  spirits.  It  was  now 
nearly  three  o’clock  in  the  afternoon.  The  Mexicans  were 
dull  and  heavy,  the  higher  class  of  them  enjoying  their  siesta . 
Santa  Anna  admits  that  he  himself  was  asleep.*  Houston, 
having  formed  his  plan  of  battle,  submitted  it  to  the  secretary 
of  war,  who  approved  of  it.  He  then  ordered  the  troops  to 
parade,  which  they  did  with  alacrity  and  spirit.  The  locality 

* See  his  “ Manifesto.”  He  handles  the  point  most  delicately : “ All  I can  be 
responsible  for  is  physical  debility,  for  after  having  marched  the  whole  of  the 
previous  day,  and  spending  the  night  in  watching,  and  the  morning  on  horse- 
back, I yielded  to  repose,  which  I was  unfortunately  induced  to  prolong  in  con- 
sequence of  the  delay  of  General  Cos’s  troops.  As  general-in-chief,  I had  fulfilled 
my  duty,  by  disposing  everything  on  the  field,  and  issuing  the  necessary  orders; 
as  a man,  I yielded  to  the  insurmountable  necessity  of  nature,  which  can  not,  I 
think,  be  charged  as  a crime  against  any  general,  or  me  — much  less  when  it 
took  place  at  mid  day,  underneath  a tree,  aod  in  the  camp  itself ; a proof  that  I 
did  not  abandon  myself  immoderately  to  that  which,  after  all,  is  but  a comfort, 
a balm,  or  gentle  tribute  to  human  nature,  with  which  the  greatest  men  have 
been  unable  to  dispense,  not  excepting  him , the  great  military  exemplar  of  our 
age:  and  yet  for  this  they  were  not  accused  of  rashness,  and  want  of  foresight, 
and  due  caution.” 


BATTLE  OF  THE  SAN  JACINTO. 


143 


of  the  Texan  camp  afforded  ample  opportunity  to  form  in  order 
of  battle  without  being  seen  by  the  enemy.  Burleson’s  regi- 
ment was  placed  in  the  centre ; Sherman’s  on  the  left  wing ; 
the  artillery,  under  Hockley,  on  the  right  of  Burleson ; the  in- 
fantry, under  Millard,  on  the  right  of  the  artillery;  and  the 
cavalry,  under  Lamar  (whose  gallant  conduct  the  day  before 
had  won  him  this  command),  on  the  extreme  right.  The  ene- 
my’s cavalry  was  on  his  left  wing ; his  centre,  which  was  forti- 
fied, was  composed  of  his  infantry,  with  his  artillery  in  an 
opening  in  the  centre  of  the  breastwork.  He  had  extended 
his  extreme  right  to  the  river,  so  as  to  occupy  a skirt  of  timber 
projecting  out  from  it. 

The  Texan  cavalry  was  first  despatched  to  the  front  of  the 
enemy’s  horse,  to  draw  their  attention ; while  the  remainder 
of  the  army,  which  had  advanced  in  column  to  the  cluster  of 
timber  three  or  four  hundred  yards  in  front,  was  deploying  into 
line.  The  evolution  was  quickly  performed,  and  the  whole 
force  advanced  rapidly  and  in  good  order.  The  secretary  of 
war,  at  the  request  of  the  general-in-chief,  took  command  of 
the  left  wing.  While  the  Texans  were  thus  advancing,  Deaf 
Smith  rode  at  the  top  of  his  horse’s  speed  to  the  front,  and 
informed  Houston  that  Vince’s  bridge  was  destroyed.  The 
general  announced  it  to  the  line.  The  “ Twin- Sisters”  now 
advanced  to  within  two  hundred  yards  of  the  Mexican  breast- 
work, and  opened  a destructive  fire  with  grape  and  canister. 
Sherman’s  regiment  commenced  the  action  upon  the  Texan  left. 
The  whole  line,  advancing  in  double  quick  time,  cried,  “ Re- 
member the  Alamo  /’ ’ — u Remember  Goliad  /” — and,  while 
approaching  the  enemy’s  works,  received  his  fire,  but  withheld 
their  own  until  within  pistol-shot.  The  effect  of  this  fire  on 
the  enemy  was  terrible.  But  the  Texans  made  no  halt — on- 
ward they  went.  On  the  left,  they  penetrated  the  woodland : 


144 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


the  Mexicans  fled.  On  the  right,  the  Texan  cavalry  charged 
that  of  the  enemy : the  latter  fled.  In  the  centre,  the  Texan 
artillery  advanced  to  within  seventy  yards  of  that  of  the  Mexi- 
cans, but  ceased  to  fire,  for  Burleson’s  regiment  and  Millard’s 
infantry  had  stormed  the  breastwork,  took  the  enemy’s  artil- 
lery, and  were  driving  them  back. 

In  fifteen  minutes  after  the  charge,  the  Mexicans  gave  way 
at  all  points,  and  the  pursuit  was  general.  Some  of  them  fled 
to  the  river,  some  to  the  swamp  in  their  rear,  others  toward 
Vince’s  bridge,  but  the  largest  portion  perhaps  to  a clump  of 
trees  not  far  to  the  rear,  where  they  surrendered.  Such  was 
their  consternation,  and  so  sudden  their  defeat,  that  their  can- 
non was  left  loaded,  and  their  precious  moveables  untouched ; 
those  that  were  asleep,  awoke  only  in  time  to  be  overwhelmed  ; 
those  that  were  cooking  their  dinner,  left  it  uneaten;  those 
that  were  playing  monte , left  the  game  unfinished.  The  morass 
in  the  rear  and  right  of  the  enemy’s  camp,  and  into  which  so 
many  of  the  fugitives  fled,  presented  an  awful  scene.  Men  and 
horses,  dead  and  dying,  formed  a bridge  for  the  furious  pursu- 
ers. The  Texans,  having  no  time  to  load  their  guns,  used 
them  as  clubs.  So  with  their  pistols  ; they  then  had  recourse 
to  their  bowie-knives,  and  finally  to  the  weapons  of  the  fallen 
enemy.  It  is  said  that  Deaf  Smith,  after  announcing  to  Hous- 
ton the  news  of  the  destruction  of  the  bridge,  threw  himself 
into  the  midst  of  the  enemy,  and,  after  breaking  his  own  sword 
in  combat,  coolly  took  another  from  one  he  had  slain,  and  con- 
tinued the  work  of  death.  “The  commander-in-chief,”  says 
the  secretary  of  war  in  his  report,  “ acted  with  great  gallantry, 
encouraging  the  men  to  the  attack,  and  heroically  charged,  in 
front  of  the  infantry,  within  a few  yards  of  the  enemy.”  It 
was  here  that  he  received  a severe  wound  in  his  ankle,  and 
had  his  horse  shot  two  or  three  times. 


DEFEAT  OF  THE  MEXICANS. 


145 


The  pursuit  of  the  enemy’s  cavalry  continued  to  the  site  of 
Yince’s  bridge.  Karnes  led  in  this  pursuit.  He  discovered 
in  advance  of  him  a Mexican  officer  in  a splendid  uniform,  and 
mounted  on  a beautiful  black  charger.  Being  well  mounted 
himself,  he  had  a desire  to  capture  him,  and  went  in  pursuit. 
Perhaps  such  a race  was  never  before  seen  in  Texas.  Karnes, 
unable  to  gain  on  the  fugitive,  supposed  he  would  take  him  at 
the  destroyed  bridge.  The  officer,  reaching  the  bayou,  saw 
that  the  bridge  was  gone,  but,  making  no  halt,  plunged  down 
the  steep  descent  into  the  water ; and,  as  Karnes  rode  up  on 
the  right  bank,  to  his  utter  astonishment  he  saw  his  foe  climb- 
ing the  almost  perpendicular  wall  on  the  other ! 

At  dark  the  pursuit  of  the  flying  enemy  ceased.  The  pris- 
oners taken  were  conducted  to  the  Texan  camp,  placed  under 
guard,  and  supplied  with  provisions.  A suitable  guard  was 
also  left  at  the  Mexican  camp.  The  wounded  of  both  armies 
were  as  well  provided  for  as  the  circumstances  would  permit. 
After  the  excitement  of  the  battle  had  somewhat  subsided, 
Houston  found  that  his  wounded  limb  had  swollen ; his  boot 
was  cut  off,  and  such  attention  paid  to  the  wound  as  could  be 
procured  to  alleviate  the  pain.* 

The  main  body  of  the  prisoners  were  taken  that  night.  At 
their  head  was  the  cheerful  and  philosophical  Almonte.  With 
him  it  appeared  only  a scene  in  life’s  drama.  Conversing  flu- 
ently in  both  English  and  Spanish,  he  threw  a charm  over  all 
with  whom  he  came  in  contact.  At  a time  so  trying  to  his 
comrades,  he  proved  himself  a true  descendant  of  the  brave 

* See  reports  of  General  Houston  and  Colonel  Rusk,  Appendix!,  Nos.  44  and 
46.  The  writer  has  before  him  perhaps  twenty  accounts  of  this  battle  and  its 
incidents,  half  of  which  have  been  published.  The  foregoing  seems  to  be  a fair 
deduction  of  the  facts  from  them  all.  The  accounts  vary  considerably,  from  the 
fact  that  no  one  of  the  eye-witnesses,  however  impartial,  could  himself  see  the 
tenth  part  of  what  occurred  during  the  20th  and  21st 

VOL.  II.— 10 


146 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


Morelos,  and  worthy  of  a better  fate  than  that  accorded  to  his 
noble  sire. 

The  aggregate  force  of  the  Texan  army  in  the  battle  was 
seven  hundred  and  eighty-three ; that  of  the  enemy  was  per- 
haps twice  the  number.  The  Mexicans  lost  six  hundred  and 
thirty  killed,  two  hundred  and  eight  wounded,  and  seven  hun- 
dred and  thirty  prisoners ; besides  a large  quantity  of  arms 
and  great  numbers  of  mules  and  horses  taken,  together  with 
their  camp-equipage,  and  the  military  chest,  containing  twelve 
thousand  dollars.  The  Texan  loss  was  only  eight  killed*  and 
twenty-five  wounded ! 

On  the  morning  of  the  22d,  detachments  were  sent  out  to 
scour  the  country  toward  Harrisburg,  for  the  purpose  of  taking 
prisoners.  A party  of  five,  having  reached  Vince’s,  continued 
the  search  down  Buffalo  bayou.  One  of  them,  James  A.  Syl- 
vester, while  in  the  act  of  shooting  a deer,  discovered  a Mexi- 
can pursuing  his  course  toward  the  bridge.  He  called  his 
companions,  and  they  rode  up  to  the  fugitive,  who  had  fallen 
down  in  the  grass,  and  thrown  a blanket  over  his  head.  They 
called  to  him  to  rise,  but  he  only  uncovered  his  face.  They 
repeated  the  request  for  him  to  rise  two  or  three  times,  when 
he  did  so.  He  advanced  to  Sylvester,  and  shook  hands  with 
him,  at  the  same  time  kissing  his  hand.  He  inquired  for  Gen- 
eral Houston : they  said  he  was  in  camp.  They  then  asked 


* Texans  killed:  Dr.  William  Motley,  aide  to  the  secretary  of  war;  First- 
Lieutenant  J.  C.  Hale,  2d  regiment ; Second-Lieutenant  George  A.  Lamb,  2d  regi- 
ment; First-Sergeant  Thomas  P.  Fowl,  2d  regiment.  Privates : Lemuel  Blakely, 

1st  regiment;  Cooper,  1st  regiment;  A.  R. Stevens,  1st  regiment; 

Trask,  2d  regiment  (on  the  20th).  — Official  return. 

Among  the  Mexican  killed  were,  General  Castrillon,  Colonel  Batres,  Colonel 
Mora,  Colonel  Trevino,  Colonel  Jos6  M.  Romero,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Manuel 
Aguirre,  and  Lieutenant-Colonel  Castillon. 

Among  the  prisoners  taken  were,  General  Santa  Anna,  General  Cos,  Colonel 
Almonte,  Colonel  Bringas,  Colonel  Ocepedes,  Colonel  Portilla,  Ac. 


ejercito 

DE 


— ' 


■ {%6C  &£-<*-&?' 6 


#U<z?aSt 


CAPTURE  OF  SANTA  ANNA. 


147 


him  who  he  was.  He  said  he  was  a private  soldier.  Seeing 
the  fine  studs  on  the  bosom  of  his  shirt,  they  pointed  toward 
them.  He  then  said  he  was  an  aide  to  Santa  Anna,  and  burst 
into  a flood  of  tears.  They  reassured  him.  He  was  dressed 
as  a common  soldier,  and  had  no  arms.  He  exhibited  to  them 
a letter  from  Colonel  Almonte.  As  he  complained  of  not  being 
able  to  walk,  he  was  placed  on  one  of  their  horses,  and  con- 
ducted to  the  camp*  by  some  of  the  party,  Sylvester  going  in 
another  direction. 

The  distinguished  prisoner — for  it  was  Santa  Anna — was 
handed  over  to  Colonel  Forbes,  at  the  guard-lines  ; and,  exhib- 
iting to  him  a letter  addressed  to  “ Don  Antonio  Lopez  de 
Santa  Anna,”  desired  to  be  conducted  to  General  Houston. 
Colonel  Hockley  at  that  time  passing  by,  the  matter  was  re- 
ferred to  him ; and  they  both  concluding  that  it  was  Santa 
Anna,  conducted  him  to  headquarters.  On  the  way,  the  Mexi- 
can prisoners  exclaimed,  “ El  presidente  /” 

Houston  was  lying  on  a mattress,  under  an  oak  which  he 
had  made  his  headquarters,  with  his  wounded  limb  in  an  easy 
position,!  and  had  fallen  into  a gentle  slumber.  Being  awa- 
kened, the  captive  chieftain  said  to  him,  “ I am  General  Anto- 
nio Lopez  de  Santa  Anna,  and  a prisoner-of-war  at  your  dispo- 
sition.” Houston  looked  at  him,  and  by  a motion  of  his  hand 
directed  him  to  a tool-chest,  where  he  could  sit  down.  He 
did  so,  leaning  forward,  and  pressing  his  sides  with  his  hands. 
Colonel  Forbes  was  then  despatched  for  Santa  Anna’s  private 
secretary,  in  order  to  identify  his  chief.  He  was  brought; 
and,  in  the  meantime,  Colonel  Rusk  and  others  came  up.  San- 
ta Anna  asked  for  opium.  A piece  of  about  five  grains  was 

* Letter  of  James  A.  Sylvester,  sergeant  in  Captain  Wood’s  company.  — Tele- 
graph of  August  2,  1836. 

\ Statement  of  Colonel  Forbes. 


148 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


handed  him,  which  he  swallowed.  He  immediately  proposed 
to  enter  into  negotiations  for  his  liberation  ; but  General  Hous- 
ton answered  him  that  it  was  a subject  of  which  he  could  not 
take  cognizance,  inasmuch  as  Texas  had  a government,  to 
which  such  matters  appropriately  belonged.  Santa  Anna  ob- 
served that  he  disliked  to  have  anything  to  do  with  civilians ; 
that  he  abhorred  them,  and  would  much  rather  treat  with  the 
general  of  the  army.  “ And,”  continued  he,  “ general,  you 
can  afford  to  be  generous  ; you  are  born  to  no  common  destiny 
— you  have  conquered  the  Napoleon  of  the  West.”  General 
Houston  and  Colonel  Rusk  both  assured  him  that  no  negotia- 
tions could  be  opened  until  the  cabinet  assembled.  General 
Houston  then  asked  him  how  he  expected  to  negotiate  under 
the  circumstances  that  had  occurred  at  the  Alamo.  About  this 
time,  Colonel  Almonte,  who  had  been  sent  for,  arrived ; and, 
after  salutations  between  him  and  his  chief,  the  latter  replied 
that  “ General  Houston  knew  that,  by  the  rules  of  war,  when 
a fortress,  insufficient  to  defend  itself,  was  summoned  to  sur- 
render, and  refused,  and  caused  the  effusion  of  human  blood, 
the  vanquished,  when  it  was  taken,  were  devoted  to  execu- 
tion.” General  Houston  replied  that  “ he  knew  such  to  have 
been  the  rule  at  one  period,  but  he  thought  it  now  obsolete, 
and  a disgrace  to  the  nineteenth  century.  But,”  continued 
Houston,  “ General  Santa  Anna,  you  can  not  urge  the  same 
excuse  for  the  massacre  at  Goliad : they  capitulated,  were  be- 
trayed, and  massacred  in  cold  blood  !”  Santa  Anna  replied  : 

“ If  they  ever  had  capitulated,  he  was  not  aware  of  it.  Urrea 
had  deceived  him,  and  informed  him  that  they  were  vanquished  ; 
and  he  had  orders  from  his  government  to  execute  all  that  were 
taken  with  arms  in  their  hands.”  Houston  rejoined : 66  Gen- 
eral Santa  Anna,  you  are  the  government  — a dictator  has  no 
superior.”  — “ But,”  answered  Santa  Anna,  “I  have  the  order 


SANTA  ANNA’S  INTERVIEW  WITH  HOUSTON.  149 

of  our  Congress  to  treat  all  that  were  found  with  arms  in  their 
hands,  resisting  the  authority  of  the  government,  as  pirates.* 
And  Urrea  has  deceived  me.  He  had  no  authority  to  enter 
into  any  agreement ; and,  if  I ever  live  to  regain  power,  he 
shall  be  punished  for  it.” 

After  a pause,  Houston  asked  him  if  he  did  not  desire  some 
refreshment,  as  he  supposed  he  was  exhausted.  He  said  he 
did.  He  was  then  asked  if  he  desired  to  have  his  tents,  bag- 
gage, staff,  servants,  Ac.  He  replied  that  he  would  gladly 
have  them.  Colonel  Almonte  was  thereupon  directed  to  select 
them  ; and  the  prisoner’s  quarters  were  established  near  Hous- 
ton’s favorite  tree,  where  he  had  his  headquarters. 

General  Houston,  previous  to  Santa  Anna’s  retirement  from 
the  audience,  stated  to  him  that  he  must  forthwith  write  an 
order  to  his  second  in  command  to  evacuate  Texas,  and  fall 
back  to  Monterey.  His  despatch,  though  not  to  the  extent 
asked,  is  as  follows  : — 

“Army  of  Operations. 

“ Excellent  Sir  : Having  yesterday  evening,  with  the  small 
division  under  my  immediate  command,  had  an  encounter  with 
the  enemy,  which,  notwithstanding  I had  previously  taken  all 
possible  precautions,  proved  unfortunate,  I am,  in  consequence, 
a prisoner  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  Under  these  circum- 
stances, your  excellency  will  order  General  Gaona  with  his 


* Here  are  the  decrees  referred  to  by  Santa  Anna:  — 

“ 1.  Foreigners  landing  on  the  coast  of  the  republic,  or  invading  its  territory 
by  land,  armed,  and  with  the  intention  of  attacking  our  country,  will  be  deemed 
pirates,  and  dealt  with  as  such,  being  citizens  of  no  nation  presently  at  war 
with  the  republic,  and  fighting  under  no  recognised  flag. 

“2.  All  foreigners  who  shall  import,  by  either  sea  or  land,  in  the  places  occu- 
pied by  the  rebels,  either  arms  or  ammunition  of  any  kind  for  their  use,  will  be 
deemed  pirates,  and  punished  as  such. 

“ I send  you  these  decrees,  that  you  may  cause  them  to  be  fully  executed. 

“ Tornkl. 


Mexico,  December  30,  1835.’ 


150 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


division  to  countermarch  to  Bexar,  and  wait  for  orders.  Your 
excellency  will  also,  with  the  division  under  your  immediate 
command,  march  to  the  same  place.  The  division  under  com- 
mand of  General  Urrea  will  retire  to  Guadalupe  Victoria.  I 
have  agreed  with  General  Houston  for  an  armistice,  until 
matters  can  be  so  regulated  that  the  war  shall  cease  for 
ever. 

“ Your  excellency  will  take  the  proper  steps  for  the  support 
of  the  army,  which  from  this  time  remains  under  your  command, 
using  the  moneys  lately  arrived  from  Matamoras,  the  provis- 
ions on  hand  there,  as  well  as  those  at  Victoria,  and  also  the 
twenty  thousand  dollars  withdrawn  from  Bexar,  and  are  now 
in  that  treasury. 

“ I hope  your  excellency  will,  without  failure,  comply  with 
these  dispositions  — advising  me,  by  return  of  the  courier,  that 
you  have  already  commenced  their  execution.  God  and  lib- 
erty ! 

“ Camp  at  San  Jacinto,  April  22,  1836. 

“ Ant°.  Lopez  de  Santa  Anna. 

“To  his  Excellency  Don  Vicente  Filisola,  General  of  Division 

Santa  Anna,  at  the  same  time,  addressed  another  despatch 
to  General  Filisola,  charging  him  to  instruct  the  commandants 
of  the  several  Mexican  divisions  not  to  permit  any  injury  to  be 
done  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  country : also,  at  the  same  time, 
a third  note,  directing  Filisola  to  order  the  military  command- 
ant at  Goliad  to  set  all  the  prisoners,  taken  at  Copano  (as  be- 
fore related),  at  liberty,  and  send  them  forthwith  to  San  Felipe 
de  Austin. 

These  orders  were  despatched  by  Deaf  Smith.  The  troops 
under  Filisola  had  been  encamped  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the 
Brasos.  They  could  not  be  made  to  believe  the  report  of  the 
first  fugitive  from  the  battle-field  of  the  San  Jacinto ; but  when, 


TEXAS  FREE  BY  WORD  AND  DEED. 


151 


an  hour  afterward,  a second  one  come  in,  orders  to  retreat 
were  given,  and  they  recrossed  the  river.* 

The  22d  day  of  April  was  the  first  free  day  in  Texas.  Be- 
fore then,  her  people  had  declared  their  independence,  but  now 
they  had  won  it  in  a noble  contest.  The  victory  was  physi- 
cally and  morally  cbmplete.  The  blow  was  given  at  the  proper 
time,  and  in  a vital  part.  In  looking  back  at  the  events  of  the 
campaign,  we  can  see  no  time  when  it  could  have  succeeded  so 
well.  Providence  seemed  in  every  way  to  favor  the  result. 
It  was  a full  retribution  for  past  outrages.  Santa  Anna  had 
presided  over  a feast  of  blood  at  the  Alamo ; he  had  ordered 
a second  at  Goliad ; and  he  was  made  to  behold  another  at 
San  Jacinto.  The  Texans  had  their  revenge.  At  that  time, 
a thousand  troops  were  on  the  way  to  reinforce  their  army ; 
but  it  was  so  ordered  that  they  should  do  the  work  themselves. 
At  the  period  of  the  battle,  the  feeling  in  the  United  States 
was  most  intense.  An  agent  of  Texas,  writing  from  New  Or- 
leans after  the  action,  but  before  the  receipt  of  the  intelligence, 
says : “ News  received  here,  from  every  part  of  the  United 
States,  is  very  cheering.  The  cruelty  of  the  Mexicans,  and 

* Of  this  large  invading  force  brought  by  Santa  Anna  into  Texas,  but  few 
ever  reached  their  homes.  We  have  learned  something  of  those  that  came  from 
Yucatan.  It  was  in  the  winter  of  1835  that  Santa  Anna  ordered  a levy  of  eight 
hundred  men  from  that  state  for  the  invasion  of  Texas.  These  men  were  torn 
away,  by  military  force,  from  their  families  and  occupations,  to  go  on  the  cam- 
paign. The  sudden  use  of  harsh  means,  and  the  indignities  offered  them,  filled 
them  with  despair  (for  the  Yucatecos  are  greatly  attached  to  their  homes).  They 
entered  into  a conspiracy  against  their  officers;  but  it  was  discovered,  and  Gen- 
eral “Toro  (a  brother-in-law  of  Santa  Anna)  sent  to  Merida  for  a troop  of  Mexican 
cavalry,  who  disarmed  them,  and  forced  them  in  small  companies  to  embark  for 
Vera  Cruz,  where  they  were  again  supplied  with  arms,  and  incorporated  with 
the  invading  army.  It  was  a portion  of  this  body  of  poor  Indians  that  performed 
the  bloody  work  at  Goliad.  From  starvation,  and  the  incidents  of  war,  there 
were  not  so  many  as  fifty  of  them  that  ever  returned  to  see  their  wives  and 
children!  It  was  this  cruelty  in  carrying  away  her  citizens  that  exasperated 
Yucatan  against  Mexico,  and  caused  her  afterward  to  declare  her  independence. 
— Letter  of  George  Fisher , May  3,  1842. 


152 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


their  disgraceful  treachery,  have  caused  a general  burst  of  in- 
dignation from  North  to  South.  Fifty  men  leave  here  to-day 
by  way  of  Galveston.  General  Felix  Huston  leaves  Natchez, 
on  the  5th  of  May  next,  with  from  five  to  seven  hundred  men. 
He  will  be  accompanied  by  Rezin  P.  Bowie,  brother  of  Colonel 
Bowie,  who  fell  in  the  Alamo.  They  will  march  through  lower 
Louisiana,  directly  to  Harrisburg,  or  wherever  your  headquar- 
ters may  be  established.  Fifty  men  have  left  Philadelphia ; 
and,  by  the  latest  papers,  I see  that  a county  and  town  meet- 
ing has  been  called  for  the  relief  of  Texas.  A-meeting  has 
also  been  called  in  Baltimore.  Men  are  gathering  in  Tennes- 
see and  Kentucky ; and,  in  short,  in  every  part  of  the  United 
States,  the  barbarity  of  the  enemy  has  harrowed  up  the  hearts 
of  all  Americans,  and  a storm  is  gathering,  the  thunders  of 
which  will  reach  the  centre  of  Mexico.  The  whole  American 
press  is  in  our  favor.  ...  In  case  our  arms  are  successful,  I 
hope  our  soldiers  will  not  allow  their  passions  to  urge  them  to 
acts  of  barbarity,  and  thus  deprive  us  of  the  immense  moral 
strength  we  now  possess  in  the  sympathy  and  respect  of  all 
civilized  men.  Such  acts,  on  the  part  of  the  Mexicans,  have 
injured  them  more  than  our  arms  could  have  done ; and  retali- 
ation on  our  part,  I fear,  would  be  equally  fatal  to  Texas.  L 
am  happy  in  assuring  you  that  you  possess  many  warm  friends 
in  the  United  States,  and  that  the  prudent  course  you  have 
pursued  has  inspired  universal  confidence  as  to  the  eventual 
result  of  the  war.  It  is  sincerely  wished  that  a doubtful  en- 
gagement will  not  be  risked  by  you,  as  a very  short  time  must 
give  you  force  enough  to  place  the  contest  beyond  hazard.”* 
The  Texan  cabinet,  after  having  dispersed  at  Harrisburg, 
reassembled  at  Galveston  island. f The  news  of  the  arrival  of 

* Edward  Conrnd  to  Sam  Houston,  April  30,  1836. 

f President  Burnet  to  the  People  of  Texas,  No.  1.  Five  successive  papers, 


PRESIDENT  BURNETT  AT  SAN  JACINTO. 


153 


the  Texan  army  at  the  former  place  reached  the  officers  of  the 
government  at  Galveston  about  the  19th  of  April,  yet  they  re- 
ceived no  further  intelligence  from  the  army  until  the  26th. 
On  that  day,  and  previous  to  the  reception  of  the  news,  an 
order  was  sent  to  Houston,  if  he  considered  it  inexpedient  to 
risk  an  engagement,  and  a retreat  was  inevitable , to  march  the 
army  to  Galveston.*  But  the  intelligence  of  the  victory,  which 
shortly  afterward  reached  the  government,  assured  it  that  a 
retreat  was  not  necessary : and,  with  the  news  of  this  splendid 
achievement,  came  a special  request  from  Colonel  Rusk  to 
President  Burnet  to  repair  to  the  camp  at  San  Jacinto.  Ar- 
riving there  about  the  first  of  May,  he  was  informed  of  the 
armisticef  agreed  to  by  Houston  and  Santa  Anna,  the  object 
of  it,  and  the  consequent  orders  issued  by  the  latter  to  Filisola 
on  the  22d. 

The  effects  taken  in  the  battle  of  the  21st  were  first  disposed 
of.  The  property  was  ordered  to  be  sold,  and  the  distribution 
of  the  proceeds  and  of  the  enemy’s  military  chest  were  decreed 
by  the  government  to  be  divided  between  the  officers  and  men. 
Of  the  entire  amount — eighteen  thousand  one  hundred  and 
eighty-four  dollars  and  eighty-seven  cents  — three  thousand  dol- 

addressed  by  President  Burnet  to  the  people  of  Texas,  appeared  in  so  many 
successive  numbers  of  the  “Telegraph  and  Texas  Register,”  commencing  Sep- 
tember 6,  1836,  and  throw  much  light  upon  the  events  of  that  period.  They 
will  be  referred  to  by  numbers. 

* “ Department  of  War,  Galveston,  April  26,  1836. 

“To  General  Sam  Houston:  If  you  consider  it  inexpedient  to  risk  an  en- 
gagement with  the  enemy,  and  consider  a retreat  inevitable  from  the  position 
you  now  occupy,  you  are  hereby  ordered  to  march  with  the  army  under  your 
command  to  the  nearest  and  most  convenient  point  to  this  island,  giving  infor- 
mation of  the  same  to  this  department,  when  transports  will  be  sent  forthwith 
to  cross  the  troops  to  this  island. 

“Warren  D.  C.  Hall,  Acting  Secretary  of  War.” 

f President  Burnet  calls  it  a treaty.  Santa  Anna  was  distinctly  informed  by 
both  Houston  and  Rusk  that  the  Texan  government  alone  could  negotiate;  and 
the  former  so  understood  it.  The  treaty-making  power  had  been,  by  the  con- 
vention, specially  delegated  to  the  civil  government. 


154 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


lars  were  by  the  troops  unanimously  voted  to  the  navy,  and 
the  balance  distributed  according  to  the  decree.*  A poor  pit- 
tance to  those  gallant  men  ! — but  it  was  all  they  received  for 
many  a day. 

The  government  now  proceeded  to  negotiate  with  Santa 
Anna.  “Among  the  first  incidents  to  that  discussion,’’  says 
President  Burnet,  “ and  before  any  regular  cabinet  meeting 
was  had,  was  the  presentation  to  me  of  the  protocol  of  a treaty, 
in  pencil,  comprising  seven  or  eight  articles,  by  Mr.  Rusk,  the 
secretary  of  war.”f  These,  being  drawn  out  in  form,  were 

* Decree  of  the  President  and  Cabinet,  May  3,  1836.  Official  Report  of  John 
Forbes,  Commissary-General. 

f Address  No.  II.  As  this  was  the  first  treaty  made  by  the  new  republic,  a 
reference  to  its  origin  may  not  be  improper.  It  is  found  in  the  following  extract 
of  a letter  from  Houston  to  Rusk,  dated 

“ Headquarters  of  the  Army,  Camp  San  Jacinto,  May  3,  1836. 

“I  have  not  the  pleasure  to  know  on  what  basis  the  executive  government 
contemplate  the  arrangements  with  General  Santa  Anna,  but  I would  respect- 
fully suggest  that,  so  far  as  I have  been  enabled  to  give  my  attention  to  the 
subject,  the  following  points  should  have  some  weight:  — 

“The  recognition  of  the  independence  of  Texas  should  be  a sine  qua  non. 

“The  limits  of  Texas  should  extend  to  the  Rio  Grande,  from  the  mouth,  pur- 
suing the  stream  to  its  most  northwestern  source,  and  thence  northeast  to  the 
line  of  the  United  States. 

“ Indemnity  for  all  losses  sustained  by  Texas  during  the  war ; commissioners  to 
be  appointed  to  ascertain  the  fact  — one  Mexican,  one  Texan,  and  one  American. 

“ The  guaranty  to  be  obtained  from  the  United  States  for  the  fulfilment  of  the 
stipulation  on  the  part  of  the  contracting  parties. 

“ General  Santa  Anna  to  be  retained  as  a hostage,  with  such  other  officers  as 
the  government  may  think  proper,  until  they  are  recognised  or  ratified  by  the 
Mexican  government. 

“Immediate  restoration  of  Texan  or  Mexican  citizens,  or  those  friendly  to  the 
cause  of  Texas,  who  may  have  been  retained,  with  their  property. 

“Instantaneous  withdrawal  of  all  the  Mexican  troops  from  the  limits  of  Texas. 

“All  property  in  Texas  to  be  restored,  and  not  molested  by  the  troops,  or 
marauders,  in  falling  back. 

“ Cessation  of  all  hostilities  by  sea  and  land. 

“A  guaranty  for  the  safety  and  restoration  of  Mexican  prisoners,  so  soon  as 
the  conditions  shall  be  complied  with. 

“Agents  to  be  sent  to  the  United  States,  to  obtain  the  mediation  of  that  gov- 
ernment in  the  affairs  of  Mexico  and  Texas.”  — New  Orleans  Bulletin , July  12, 
1836. 


TREATIES  OF  PEACE  WITH  SANTA  ANNA. 


155 


presented  as  the  basis  of  a treaty.  After  considerable  discus- 
sion in  the  cabinet,  it  was  found  that  a minority  of  that  body 
were  opposed  to  making  any  treaty  with  the  Mexican  presi- 
dent. As  he  was  a prisoner,  they  urged,  with  reason,  that 
such  a treaty  would  not  be  binding.  Again,  they  said,  though 
with  less  reason,  that  such  had  been  his  barbarity  at  Goliad 
and  elsewhere,  that  he  ought  to  be  tried  and  put  to  death. 
But,  happily,  better  and  nobler  counsels  prevailed ; and  it  was 
concluded  by  the  majority  that  the  best  interests  of  Texas 
would  be  promoted  by  entering  into  a fair  and  honorable  treaty 
with  the  distinguished  captive,  stipulating  always  for  the  abso- 
lute independence  of  Texas. 

During  this  discussion,  it  became  necessary  to  remove  to 
other  quarters.  Accordingly,  in  a few  days,  the  president  and 
cabinet,  with  Santa  Anna  and  most  of  the  Mexican  officers  who 
were  captives,  took  passage  on  the  steamer  “ Yellowstone”  for 
Galveston.  But  the  entire  want  of  accommodation  at  this 
point  induced  a second  removal,  to  Velasco.  Here  the  nego- 
tiations were  continued.  As  Santa  Anna  desired  that  the  pro- 
jet of  the  treaty  which  had  been  submitted  to  him  should  be 
divided  into  a public  and  a secret  treaty,  his  wishes  were 
granted;  and  the  two  treaties  were  made  and  signed  at  Ve- 
lasco, on  the  14th  of  May,  1836. 

The  public  treaty  provided  for  the  cessation  of  hostilities 
between  the  two  armies  ; for  the  speedy  retirement  of  the  ene- 
my’s forces  beyond  the  Rio  Grande ; for  the  protection  of  pri- 
vate property  on  their  march ; for  the  restoration  of  property 
taken  by  the  Mexicans ; and  that  the  Texan  army  do  not  ad- 
vance nearer  the  retreating  army  than  five  leagues.  The  secret 
treaty  provided  that  Santa  Anna  would  give  his  orders  that, 
in  the  shortest  possible  time,  the  Mexican  troops  should  leave 
Texas  ; that  he  would  prepare  matters  in  the  cabinet  of  Mexico 


156 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


for  the  reception  of  Texan  commissioners,  and  that  by  negotia- 
tions all  differences  might  be  adjusted,  and  the  independence 
of  Texas  acknowledged  ; that  a treaty  of  commerce,  amity,  and 
limits,  should  be  established,  the  boundary  of  Texas  not  ex- 
tending beyond  the  Rio  Grande ; and  that  Texas  should  pro- 
vide for  the  prompt  return  of  Santa  Anna  to  Yera  Cruz,  to 
enable  him  to  perform  his  engagements.* 

Such  were  the  provisions  of  the  two  treaties,  written  in  Eng- 
lish and  Spanish,  and  signed  in  duplicate  by  Santa  Anna  on 
the  one  part,  and  by  the  president  ad  interim  and  three  of  the 
cabinet  on  the  other.  It  is  proper  to  state  here,  that  General 
Houston’s  wound  having  disabled  him  from  active  service, 
Thomas  J.  Rusk  was  placed  in  command  of  the  army,  under 
the  rank  of  a brigadier-general ; that,  in  consequence,  Mirabeau 
B.  Lamar  succeeded  Rusk  in  the  war  office  ; and  owing  to  the 
sickness  of  Samuel  P.  Carson,  the  secretary  of  state,  James 
Collingsworth  succeeded  him ; and  by  the  accidental  death  of 
David  Thomas,  the  attorney-general,  Peter  W.  Grayson  was 
appointed  to  fill  that  vacancy.  Messrs.  Lamar  and  Potter  were 
the  only  opponents  of  the  arrangement  with  Santa  Anna. 

These  treaties,  for  reasons  that  will  appear  hereafter,  were 
not  popular  in  Texas ; but  time  has  shown  that  President  Bur- 
net and  his  cabinet  acted  wisely.  The  rash  and  imprudent 
course  suggested  by  the  opposition  would  have  rendered  Texas 
obnoxious  to  the  charge  of  inhumanity,  aroused  and  united  the 
dormant  spirit  of  Mexico,  and — what  was  of  priceless  value 
to  Texas  — deprived  the  latter  of  the  active  sympathies  of  the 

* See  Appendix  No.  Y.  The  first  proposition  for  establishing  the  limits  of 
Texas  was  made  by  Jesse  Grimes,  in  the  convention  at  Washington:  it  proposed 
the  boundary  afterward  allowed.  Houston,  after  leaving  Washington  to  take 
command  of  the  army,  had  written  back  to  James  Collingsworth,  chairman  of 
the  military  committee,  to  offer  a resolution  declaring  Texas  a portion  of  Louisi- 
ana. The  convention,  however,  took  no  action  on  the  question  of  limits 


RedLEeld  Pu^lisKei 
Tslew  York 


THE  TREATIES  — ARARM  SUBSIDING. 


157 


civilized  world.  No  nation  lias  ever  suffered  for  being  humane 
and  generous.  In  the  nineteenth  century,  public  opinion  is 
worth  everything ; it  is  more  than  an  armed  host ; nor  can  any 
nation  long  resist  it.  At  that  moment,  when  the  eyes  of  the 
world  were  upon  the  deliberations  of  the  Texan  government, 
on  Buffalo  bayou,  the  slightest  acts  of  cruelty  or  inhumanity 
on  her  part  would  have  withered  her  hopes  for  ever.  But, 
thanks  to  her  good  fortune  and  rising  prospects,  her  better 
counsels  prevailed ; and,  by  those  treaties,  she  won  a brighter 
and  more  glorious  victory  than  that  of  San  Jacinto  — a victory 
over  herself  and  her  own  passions.  From  the  remotest  times, 
the  world  has  groaned  under  the  tread  of  conquerors  ; but  how 
few  have  learned  the  nobler  lessons  of  humanity ! 

In  point  of  time,  we  will  now  return  to  other  events.  As 
has  already  been  stated,  the  alarm  in  eastern  Texas,  conse- 
quent upon  the  approach  of  the  invading  army,  subsided  about 
the  16th  of  April.  General  Gaona,  at  the  head  of  a motley 
host  of  Mexicans  and  Indians,  did  not  debouche  from  the  for- 
ests of  the  upper  Trinity,  but  was  making  his  way  from  Bastrop 
to  San  Felipe.  Bolles,  the  Cherokee  chief,  indignant  at  the 
supposed  suspicion  of  his  good  faith  and  pacific  intentions,  sent 
in  his  denial.  Accordingly,  the  forces  destined  for  the  Texan 
army  set  out  on  the  march.  On  the  22d  of  April,  three  com- 
panies left  Robbins’s  ferry  on  the  Trinity,  and  on  the  23d  two 
others  followed  for  the  same  destination.*  These,  in  addition 
to  those  coming  from  the  United  States,  would  soon  have  pre- 
sented a formidable  army.  But  the  news  of  the  victory  antici- 
pated and  turned  many  of  them  back.  Despatches  were  sent 
to  eastern  Texas,  notifying  them  that  the  enemy  were  retreat- 
ing for  the  purpose  of  concentrating,  directing  the  troops  to 

* Letter  of  George  P.  Diggs,  Acting  Assistant  Quartermaster-General,  April 
23,  1836. 


158 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


turn  out,  and  also  desiring  the  people  to  plant  corn.*  Those 
who  had  fled  returned  rapidly  with  their  families  to  their  de- 
serted homes — very  many,  however,  only  to  behold  their  dwel- 
lings in  ashes,  and  their  stock  and  other  property  destroyed. 
Such  are  the  ravages  of  war — such  the  price  a nation  pays  for 
its  liberty. 

The  intelligence  of  the  victory  of  San  Jacinto  spread  over 
the  United  States  with  unexampled  rapidity,  and  was  received 
with  rejoicings,  bonfires,  public  meetings,  and  congratulations, 
not  surpassed  by  the  demonstrations  attending  the  triumph  at 
New  Orleans.  It  was  their  own  offspring  contending  for  the 
rights,  and  showing  the  spirit  of  the  mother,  that  gave  them  so 
much  joy.  It  must  not  be  supposed,  however,  that  Mexico 
beheld  this  kindred  feeling  and  sympathy  with  any  kind  of 
patience.  But  the  government  of  the  United  States  took  early 
steps  to  preserve  its  neutrality.  On  the  receipt  of  the  news 
of  the  battle  at  Gonzales,  in  1835,  letters  were  sent  to  the 
district  attorney  of  the  United  States  at  ^ew  Orleans,  and  to 
the  governor  of  Louisiana,  requesting  the  vigilant  suppression 
of  any  movements  in  violation  of  the  neutral  obligations  of  the 
United  States.  Two  days  after  these  instructions  were  de- 
spatched, Serior  Castillo,  the  Mexican  charge  d’affaires  at 
Washington,  gave  information  of  some  contemplated  military 
movements  at  New  York  and  New  Orleans  in  favor  of  Texas. f 
The  secretary  of  state,  in  reply  to  this,$  had  an  interview  with 
Senor  Castillo,  and  explained  to  him  the  nature  of  the  laws 
and  institutions  of  the  United  States  on  this  subject,  and  stated 
to  him  the  views  of  President  Jackson  in  the  matter.  On  the 
same  day  the  secretary  of  state  addressed  letters  to  the  district 

* Secretary  of  War  to  the  Troops  and  People  of  the  East.  Houston  to  the 
6ame:  April  26,  1836. 

t Castillo  to  the  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States,  October  29,  1835. 

\ November  4,  1835. 


NEUTRAL  POLICY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


159 


attorneys  of  the  United  States  at  different  points  on  the  fron- 
tier and  seacoast,  and  instructed  them  particularly  to  prevent, 
as  far  as  they  legally  could  do,  any  interference  in  the  pending 
contest  between  Mexico  and  her  rebellious  colonies. 

On  the  19th  of  November,  of  the  same  year,  the  secretary 
of  external  relations  in  Mexico  addressed  a letter  directly  to 
the  secretary  of  state  of  the  United  States,  complaining  of  such 
interference  on  the  part  of  the  people  of  Louisiana  in  behalf 
of  the  Texan  cause.  This  letter  was  written  in  consequence 
of  the  capture  of  the  Mexican  armed  schooner  Correo , Captain 
Thompson,  by  the  Texan  vessel  the  San  Felipe , Captain  Hurd, 
as  previously  related,  in  September,  1835.  The  secretary,  in 
his  reply,*  after  explaining  the  character  of  the  laws  of  the 
United  States,  and  stating  the  measures  which  had  been  taken 
by  that  government  to  prevent  a violation  of  the  neutrality 
laws,  informed  Senor  Monasterio  that  the  United  States  could 
not  be  held  responsible  for  the  conduct  of  individuals,  who  left 
her  territory  as  such ; and  that  she  could  only  proceed  against 
them  when  they  went  organized  and  in  armed  array. 

It  was  in  consequence  of  this  exposition  of  the  laws  and 
policy  of  the  United  States,  that  the  Mexican  government 
adopted  the  decree  (given  on  a previous  page)  declaring  all 
such  intrusive  foreigners  to  be  pirates,  to  whom  no  quarter 
should  be  given  ; and  in  execution  of  which  the  bloody  scenes 
at  Goliad  and  the  Alamo  were  enacted. 

In  the  meantime,  Senor  Gorostiza,  having  been  accredited 
as  Mexican  embassador  to  the  government  at  Washington  city, 
complained  of  the  movements  of  General  Felix  Huston,  of 
Natchez,  and  of  the  ladies  of  Nashville,  in  raising  troops  for 
Texas.  The  American  secretary  of  the  state  referred  him  to 
instructions  previously  given  to  nearly  all  the  United  States 

* Secretary  of  State  of  United  States  to  Sefior  Monasterio,  January  29,  1836. 


160 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


attorneys.  The  minister,  in  reply,  rather  doubted  whether  the 
United  States  attorneys  had  performed  their  duty.  He  was 
requested  to  point  out  an  instance,  and  the  delinquent  should 
be  dismissed ; but  he  failed  to  do  it.*  Thus  the  government 
of  the  United  States  did  what  it  could  to  preserve  its  faith 
with  Mexico,  and  the  people  did  what  they  could  to  aid  Texas. 

* Gorostiza  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  April  4,  1836;  Secretary  of  State  to 
Gorostiza,  April  9,  1836.  Gorostiza  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  July  21,  1836  ; 
Secretary  of  State  to  Gorostiza,  July  26,  1836. 


FILISOLA  AND  THE  MEXICAN  RESERVE. 


161 


CHAPTER  VI. 

To  return  to  the  movements  of  General  Filisola,  now  in  com- 
mand of  the  invading  army.  It  seems  that  the  destruction  of 
Vince’s  bridge  not  only  facilitated  the  capture  of  the  enemy 
who  had  crossed  it,  but  prevented  the  main  body  from  receiv- 
ing information  of  the  battle  of  the  21st  of  April  until  the  23d. 
“ On  the  afternoon  of  the  23d,”  says  Filisola,  “ I was  conclu- 
ding the  operation  of  sending  across  the  river  the  section  with 
which  General  Gaona  was  to  march  to  Nacogdoches,  when  a 
soldier  of  the  frontier  dragoons  presented  to  me  a small  piece 
of  paper,  written  with  a pencil,  by  Colonel  Mariano  Garcia, 
first  aide  of  Guerrero,  in  which  he  informed  me  of  the  unfortu- 
nate occurrence  of  the  afternoon  of  the  21st.  A short  time 
after,  some  fugitives  arrived,  and  among  them  Captain  Miguel 
Aguirre,  of  the  Tampico  regiment,  wounded  in  the  action  in 
the  thigh,  by  a rifle-ball,  who  said  that  the  defeat  had  been 
perfect,  and  the  existence  of  the  president  quite  doubtful. 
Such  news  made  me  immediately  suspend  the  passage  of  the 
river  by  the  force  that  was  to  have  gone  with  Gaona,  and  to 
send  a picket  of  cavalry  in  the  direction  of  the  battle-ground, 
as  much  to  acquire  correct  information  of  the  actual  fate  of  the 
president,  as  to  protect  the  fugitives  who  might  have  escaped. 
But  the  enemy  had  burnt  the  bridge,  which  was  the  only  road 
for  retreating  ; and  consequently  the  picket  accomplished  little 
Vol.  II.  — 11 


162 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


or  nothing  in  either  respect,  for  all  had  been  killed  or  made 
prisoners.  Alarm  and  discouragement  was  general  among  all 
classes,  for  it  was  believed  that  all  the  prisoners,  the  president 
included,  would  have  been  shot,  as  a reprisal  for  the  conduct 
observed  with  theirs  at  Bexar  and  Goliad.”* 

Before  day,  on  the  24th,  the  Mexicans  had  all  reached  the 
right  bank  of  the  Brasos.  Orders  were  immediately  given  to 
retreat,  and  to  concentrate  at  Mrs.  Powell’s,  on  the  road  to 
Victoria,  and  fifteen  miles  distant  from  Fort  Bend.  On  the 
25th,  the  divisions  under  Filisola,  Gaona,  Urrea,  and  Sesma, 
all  concentrated  there.  A council  of  war  was  holden,  and  it 
was  unanimously  agreed  that  they  should  repass  the  Colorado, 
establish  communications  with  the  capital,  and  await  assistance 
and  advice. f Filisola  had  under  his  command  four  thousand 
and  seventy-eight  men, if  and  stood  more  in  need  of  provisions 
than  of  additional  troops.  As  had  been  predicted  by  the  Texan 
commander,  the  retreat  and  pursuit  across  the  Brasos  had  ex- 
hausted the  enemy’s  provisions.  For  many  days  they  had  not 
eaten  bread.  The  officers  were  in  want  of  everything.  Corn 
was  sold  in  the  camp  at  twenty-two  dollars  per  bushel,  a loaf 
of  bread  at  three  dollars,  a pint  of  brandy  at  eight  dollars ! 
Moreover,  the  greater  part  of  the  soldiers  were  barefooted, 
and  wanting  in  clothing.  Add  to  all  this  the  alarm  produced 
by  the  report  of  the  overwhelming  defeat  of  Santa  Anna,  and 
we  have  the  reasons  that  operated  upon  the  Mexican  council 
of  war  in  favor  of  a retreat.  Accordingly,  on  the  27th,  they 
marched  from  Mrs.  Powell’s,  intending  to  cross  the  Colorado 
at  Cayce’s  ferry.  They  passed  the  first  prong  of  the  San  Ber- 
nard, and  encamped  that  night  “ without  having  a place  to 
stand  on  that  was  not  covered  with  water.”  Arriving  at  the 

\ Filisola’s  Defence,  p.  39.  f Filisola  to  Tornel,  May  14,  1836. 

\ Filisola’s  Defence,  p.  80. 


RETREAT  OF  THE  MEXICAN  ARMY. 


163 


second  prong,  they  found  it  not  fordable.  On  the  afternoon 
of  the  28th,  Deaf  Smith  overtook  them,  and  delivered  to  Gen- 
eral Filisola  the  orders  of  Santa  Anna  of  the  22d  of  April.* 
But  the  Mexican  general  needed  no  command  to  retreat.  He 
was  already  hastening  that  operation.  The  rains  were  nearly 
constant.  The  streams  were  all  overflowing  their  banks,  and 
the  foundations  of  the  roads  were  broken  up.  Deaf  Smith 
represents  the  retreat  as  a flight — the  way  being  strewn  with 
wagons,  artillery,  horses,  and  baggage,  abandoned  by  the  ene- 
my. Finding  they  could  not  reach  Cayce’s  ferry,  they  turned 
up  to  the  Atasco  sito  crossing,  and,  after  innumerable  hard- 
ships and  privations,  so  feelingly  described  by  Filisola  in  his 
letter  to  Tornel,  they  passed  the  Colorada  on  the  9th  of  May, 
and  on  the  14th  arrived  at  Victoria.  They  there  hastened  to 
find  provisions,  but  in  this  they  were  partly  disappointed.  A 
quart  of  corn  was  sold  in  camp  for  a dollar,  and  a pound-and- 
a-half  loaf  for  three  dollars  ! Filisola  eomplains  of  the  immense 
amount  of  baggage  with  which  he  was  encumbered,  and  like- 
wise of  the  great  number  of  mules  and  women  in  the  train  of 
the  army. 

Colonel  Alcerrica,  who  commanded  a battalion  of  Mexicans 
at  Matagorda,  as  soon  as  he  heard  of  Santa  Anna’s  defeat,  with- 
out waiting  for  orders,  retreated  by  sea  to  Matamoras.  Thus, 
on  the  day  the  treaty  was  signed  with  Santa  Anna  at  Velasco, 
the  whole  of  the  Mexican  army,  who  were  not  prisoners,  were 
on  the  Guadalupe,  or  west  of  it.  It  is  proper  also  to  state 
that,  as  Filisola  feared  the  news  of  his  chief’s  capture  might 
produce  disturbances  at  Matamoras,  or  in  its  neighborhood,  he 
despatched  General.  Urrea  with  eight  hundred  troops  directly 
to  that  point. 

* Filisolu’s  Defence,  p.  42.  We  follow  Filisola  here,  who,  in  his  account  of 
the  retreat,  can  certainly  be  relied  on.  No  enemy  could  make  it  worse. 


164 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


On  the  receipt  of  the  order  of  Santa  Anna  of  the  22d  of 
April,  General  Filisola,  in  reply,  stated  that  he  would  repass 
the  Colorado,  and  cease  hostilities,  unless  the  Texans  should 
give  occasion  for  their  continuance.  He  likewise  promised  to 
respect  the  property  of  the  Texans  on  the  route.  But,  inas- 
much as  Santa  Anna  did  not  state  in  his  communications  the 
basis  of  the  armistice  therein  named,  Filisola  despatched  Gen- 
eral Adrian  Woll  to  the  headquarters  of  the  Texan  army  to 
learn  the  particulars.*  General  Woll,  bearing  a flag  of  truce, 
entered  the  Texan  lines  before  he  was  known,  or  the  nature 
of  his  mission  explained.  He  was  conducted  to  the  general-in- 
chief, courteously  received  and  treated,  but  detained  as  a pris- 
oner, and  consigned  to  the  care  of  Major  Teal.  He  appealed 
to  the  flag  he  bore,  and  remonstrated  with  some  indiscreetness 
against  such  treatment.  But,  at  that  time,  negotiations  with 
Santa  Anna  were  pending ; it  was  known  that  the  enemy’s 
force  had  concentrated ; and  it  was  important  that  General 
Woll  should  be  detained  until  these  negotiations  were  con- 
cluded, and  the  Mexican  army  safely  across  the  Colorado. 
This  step  appeared  to  be  necessary,  inasmuch  as  the  immedi- 
ate return  of  Woll,  after  observing  the  Texan  camp,  and  con- 
versing freely  with  Santa  Anna,  might  have  endangered  the 
consummation  of  the  business  on  hand.  It  was  desirable  that 
Texas  should  secure  her  rights,  if  possible,  without  a further 
effusion  of  blood,  and  that  the  invading  army  should  quietly 
repass  the  Rio  Grande ; for  it  was  believed  that  if  this  object 
could  be  effected,  and  time  given  for  reflection,  no  army  of  like 
force  would  ever  again  be  sent  from  Mexico  to  Texas.  Be- 
sides, Texas  desired  repose ; she  wanted  time  to  plant  corn, 
and  to  recruit  her  impoverished  garners. f 

An  advance  was  sent  forward,  under  Colonel  Burleson  and 

* Filisola  to  Santa  Anna,  April  28,  1836.  \ Colonel  Forbes’s  Notes. 


SEPARATION  OF  HOUSTON  AND  THE  ARMY. 


165 


Captain  Karnes,  to  watch  the  motions  of  the  enemy.  Captain 
Seguin  also  did  good  service  in  reporting  the  progress  of  the 
retreat.  These  officers  were  instructed  not  to  molest  the 
Mexicans,  so  long  as  they  continued  to  retreat,  and  did  not 
encroach  upon  the  citizens  or  their  property.*  On  the  5th  of 
May,  General  Houston  surrendered  the  command  of  the  army 
to  Brigadier-General  Busk,  and  the  latter  shortly  afterward 
moved  up  to  Harrisburg. f From  this  point  the  Texans  con- 
tinued near  the  enemy,  but  strictly  observing  the  articles  of 
the  armistice. 

The  Mexican  army  having  moved  from  Victoria  to  Goliad, 
after  being  reinforced  by  the  detachment  of  Andrade  from  San 
Antonio,  continued  the  retreat  until  the  26th  of  May,  when,  at 
the  Mugerero,  it  was  overtaken  by  Colonel  Benjamin  F.  Smith 
and  Captain  Henry  Teal,  commissioners,  sent  with  the  public 
treaty  of  the  14th  of  May,  with  full  authority  to  ratify  it  on 
the  part  of  General  Rusk,  and  to  ask  its  ratification  on  the  part 
of  General  Filisola.  General  Tolsa  and  Colonel  Amat  having 
been  appointed  commissioners  on  the  part  of  the  latter  com- 
mander, the  papers  were  duly  examined,  and  the  agreement 


* Order  to  Karnes,  May  3,  1836. 

f Extract  from  General  Houston’s  order  of  May  5,  1836  : — 

“Comrades:  Circumstances  connected  with  the  battle  of  the  21st  render  our 
separation  for  the  present  unavoidable.  I need  not  express  to  you  the  many 
painful  sensations  which  that  necessity  inflicts  upon  me.  I am  solaced,  however, 
by  the  hope  that  we  will  soon  be  reunited  in  the  great  cause  of  liberty.  Briga- 
dier-General Rusk  is  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  army  for  the  present.  I 
confide  in  his  valor,  his  patriotism,  and  his  wisdom.  His  conduct  in  the  battle 
of  San  Jacinto  was  sufficient  to  insure  your  confidence  and  regard.  The  enemy, 
though  retreating,  are  still  within  the  limits  of  Texas.  Their  situation  being 

known  to  you,  you  can  not  be  taken  by  surprise In  taking  leave  of  my 

brave  comrades-in-arms,  I can  not  suppress  the  expression  of  that  pride  which  I 
so  justly  feel  in  having  had  the  honor  to  command  them  in  person  ; nor  will  I 
withhold  the  tribute  of  my  warmest  admiration  and  gratitude  for  the  prompt- 
ness with  which  my  orders  were  executed,  and  union  maintained  through  the 
army.” 


166 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


ratified  by  the  respective  commissioners,  and  approved  by  Gen- 
eral Filisola.  These  matters  being  adjusted,  the  latter  con- 
tinued his  retreat  toward  the  Rio  Grande. 

It  is  not  our  purpose  to  enter  into  the  controversy  between 
the  generals  of  the  retreating  army.  The  position  of  Filisola 
was  most  unenviable.  He  foresaw  that  the  storm  of  disap- 
pointment would  fall  upon  his  head,  whatever  he  might  do ; 
nor  would  his  situation,  and  the  absolute  want  of  provisions, 
enable  him  to  do  much.  His  official  letter,  conveying  the  sad 
news  of  the  great  battle,  and  the  capture  of  the  president, 
reached  the  Mexican  capital  on  the  15th  of  May.  It  was  im- 
mediately answered  by  Tornel,  secretary  of  war  and  marine. 
Filisola  was  directed  to  address  the  Texan  general,  “ exacting 
from  him,  by  decorous  means,  the  liberty  of  the  president  gen- 
eral-in-chief,  or  at  least,  during  the  time  this  point  should  be 
arranged,  the  consideration  due  to  his  high  dignity.”  He  was 
further  directed  to  use  all  his  efforts  to  save  the  remainder  of- 
the  army,  by  concentrating  it  in  some  place  convenient  for  pro- 
visions. He  was  further  instructed  that  the  preservation  of 
Bexar  was  of  “ absolute  necessity.”  And,  in  spite  of  the  de- 
cree declaring  the  Texans  taken  with  arms  in  their  hands  to 
be  pirates , he  was  authorized  to  “ propose  exchanges,  and  to 
preserve  for  that  purpose,  because  humanity  required  it,  the 
lives  of  the  prisoners  made,  and  that  might  be  made,  from  the 
enemy.”*  When  Filisola  received  that  letter,  the  treaty  with 
Santa  Anna  had  already  been  ratified  by  him,  Bexar  had  been 
already  evacuated,  and  the  Mexican  army  was  marching  on 
half-rations  or  less  beyond  the  Neuces.  As  to  provisions,  the 
little  navy  of  Texas  had  picked  up  the  supply  forwarded  from 
New  Orleans,  and  the  merchants  there  would  risk  no  more.f 
The  Mexican  government  having  received,  through  General 
* Tornel  to  Filisola,  May  15,  1836.  f Filisola  to  Tornel,  May  31,  1836. 


ACTION  OF  THE  MEXICAN  GOVERNMENT. 


167 


Filisola,  the  armistice  agreed  to  between  Houston  and  Santa 
Anna,  approved  the  conduct  of  Filisola  in  its  observance ; but 
at  the  same  time  stated  that  they  desired  the  latter  to  “ act 
with  extreme  caution,  and,  while  he  endeavored  not  to  com- 
promit,  in  any  manner,  the  life  of  the  illustrious  general  Santa 
Anna,  he  should  also  avoid  pledging  the  honor  of  the  nation.” 
It  was  a knotty  point — the  government  could  not  resolve  it; 
but,  while  they  forbade  anything  like  an  acknowledgment  of 
Texan  independence,  which  they  declared  the  nation  never 
would  agree  to,  they  left  all  to  the  discretion  of  Filisola,  and 
again  reminded  him  how  deeply  they  were  interested  in  the 
salvation  of  Santa  Anna.* 

Subsequently  recovering,  however,  from  the  consternation 
produced  by  the  blow  given,  the  central  authorities  urged  Fili- 
sola to  retreat  no  farther,  but  await  reinforcements,  as  they 
would  soon  despatch  four  thousand  additional  troops  by  water 
from  Vera  Cruz  to  Matamoras.  But  it  was  too  late:  Filisola 
did  not  like  Texas ; he  pronounced  it  a country  of  “ mud  and 
sand,”  and  left  it.  Nor  did  the  reinforcement  arrive. 

The  government  of  the  United  States  was  not  satisfied  with 
mere  diplomatic  letters,  but  was  to  some  extent  affected  by 
the  proximity  of  these  contending  forces.  General  Edmund 
P.  Gaines  was  intrusted  with  the  command  of  the  southwestern 
military  division  of  the  United  States.  He  felt  a deep  and 
earnest  sympathy  for  Texas,  and  was  only  prevented  by  his 
position  from  taking  part  in  her  behalf.  His  instructions  for- 
bade his  advancing  beyond  the  territory  then  in  the  possession 
of  the  American  Union,  unless  the  Indians  were  employed  im- 
mediately upon  the  border,  or  unless  armed  parties  of  the  bel- 
ligerents should  approach  the  frontier  so  near  as  manifestly  to 
show  that  they  meant  to  violate  the  territory  of  the  United 

* Tornel  to  Filisola,  May  15,  1836  (second  of  that  date). 


168 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


States.  But  if  the  Indians  should  engage  in  the  war,  or  cir- 
cumstances should  distinctly  show  the  necessity  of  crossing  the 
possessory  boundary 'for  the  protection  of  the  country  adjoining 
the  scene  of  operations  in  Texas,  then  he  should  cross  that 
boundary,  which  was  the  Sabine,  making  known  to  any  armed 
parties  the  object  of  such  step.  At  the  same  time  he  was  in- 
structed in  no  event  to  co-operate  with  either  party,  or  suffer 
them  to  join  him.  And,  should  he  pass  that  boundary,  he  was 
ordered  to  return  as  soon  as  circumstances  would  permit.* 
Under  these  instructions,  General  Gaines,  after  ordering  the 
sixth  regiment  of  infantry  from  Jefferson  Barracks  to  Fort 
Jesup,  came  in  person  to  the  frontier.  There  he  received  in- 
telligence from  General  John  T.  Mason,  of  Nacogdoches,  of 
the  warlike  attitude  of  the  Indians,  and  their  reported  com- 
bined movement.  He  therefore  immediately  despatched  Lieu- 
tenant Bonnell  to  the  Caddo  villages,  to  persuade  them  to 
peace.  Bonnell  found  that  Manuel  Flores,  a Mexican  agent, 
had  been  among  them,  exerting  every  effort  to  induce  them  to 
declare  war  against  Texas.  Gaines,  in  the  meantime,  had 
advanced  with  fourteen  companies  to  the  borders  of  the  Sa- 
bine.f Further  to  strengthen  himself,  he  made  a requisition 
upon  the  governors  of  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  and  Tennessee, 
for  a brigade  each  of  volunteers,  and  upon  the  governor  of 
Alabama  for  a battalion.  To  appreciate  the  apparent  neces- 
sity for  these  forces,  we  must  recur  to  the  information  (then 
believed  to  be  true)  in  General  Gaines’s  possession.  General 
Mason,  then  commandant  of  the  militia  of  Nacogdoches,  sent 
him  an  express,  which  reached  him  at  Natchitoches,  on  the 
night  of  the  13th  of  April,  informing  him  “ of  the  concentra- 
tion of  a large  number  of  Indians  about  sixty  miles  from  Nac- 

* Lewis  Cass,  Secretary  of  War,  to  Edmund  P.  Gaines,  May  12,  1836. 

f Letter  of  J.  Bonnell,  May  5,  1836. 


MOVEMENT  OF  AMERICAN  TROOPS. 


169 


ogdoches,  and  thirty  miles  north  of  the  San  Antonio  road ; 
that  one  thousand  mounted  Mexicans  were  with  them,  and  that 
their  combined  force  was  at  least  twenty-five  hundred  men.” 
He  was  further  informed  by  Mr.  Dart,  the  bearer  of  the  ex- 
press, that  there  were  at  least  three  hundred  families  between 
the  Trinity  and  the  Neelies,  who  would  fall  into  the  hands  of 
the  enemy  ; and  that  Nacogdoches  and  its  vicinity  had  already 
been  abandoned  by  the  families  there  resident.*  Under  these 
circumstances,  he  made  the  requisition  for  troops,  as  before 
related,  and  took  his  position  on  the  western  verge  of  the  neu- 
tral ground.  After  the  news  of  the  signal  victory  of  the  21st 
of  April,  there  seemed  to  be  no  further  necessity  for  the  stay 
of  General  Gaines  on  the  banks  of  the  Sabine,  for  the  Indians 
were  then  ready  to  take  sides  with  the  whites;  and  the  Mexi- 
cans under  Gaona  were  retreating  rapidly  upon  Matamoras. 

This  movement  of  American  troops  was  made  known  to  the 
Mexican  government  by  President  Jackson  himself.  Goros- 
tiza,  the  Mexican  minister,  having  called  on  him,  the  subject 
of  Santa  Anna’s  cruelty  came  up  in  conversation.  Gorostiza 
alleged  that  it  was  necessary  to  the  consolidation  of  the  dicta- 
tor’s liberal  policy  that  rebel  blood  should  be  sacrificed.  Jack- 
son  replied  that  it  was  a sacrifice  of  American  blood.  “ True, 
your  excellency,”  said  the  minister,  “ but  among  the  candi- 
dates for  land,  we  could  not  discriminate.”  — “ Well,  well,” 
answered  the  president,  “ but  Santa  Anna,  and  all  others,  will 
find  such  immolations  very  unsavory  and  indigestible.  The 

* Samuel  P.  Carson,  Texan  Secretary  of  State,  to  Sam  Houston,  April  14,  1836. 
Carson  also  says  to  the  Texan  commander:  “My  view  is,  that  you  should  fall 
hack,  if  necessary , to  the  Sabine.  I am  warranted  in  saying  that  volunteer 

troops  will  come  on  in  numbers  from  the  United  States You  must  fall 

back,  and  hold  out,  and  let  nothing  goad  or  provoke  you  to  a battle,  unless  you 
can,  without  doubt , whip  them,  or  unless  you  are  compelled  to  fight.”  Had 
Houston  taken  all  the  advice  that  wras  given  him,  he  would  have  been,  in  his 
own  language,  “in  the  situation  of  the  ass  between  the  two  stacks  of  hay!” 


170 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


Americans  will  never  submit  to  that  system.  It  is  my  duty  to 
preserve  neutrality  ; and,  with  that  view,  I have  ordered  Gen- 
eral Gaines  to  a position  favorable  to  a speedy  execution  of 
the  boundary  treaty,  and  to  prevent  interference  with  the  In- 
dian s.,,  As  Mexico  had  at  that  time  her  agents  among  the 
Indians,  and  her  minister  knew  that  Jackson  was  aware  of  it, 
the  last  reply  was  significant. 

Though  there  was  much  that  was  not  true  in  regard  to  the 
reports  of  the  Indian  movements  in  eastern  Texas,  there  is  no 
doubt  but  that  the  savages  were  collected  in  large  numbers  on 
the  frontier,  were  greatly  excited,  and  that  nothing  but  the 
defeat  of  the  Mexicans  prevented  them  from  making  an  attack 
upon  the  settlements.  As  it  was,  they  did  not  disperse  with- 
out committing  an  act  of  barbarism.  On  the  19th  of  May, 
1836,  about  nine  o’clock  in  the  morning,  several  hundred  of 
them  arrived  at  Fort  Parker,  on  the  head-waters  of  the  Nava- 
soto,  about  sixty  miles  above  the  settlements.  The  fort  was 
at  that  time  occupied  by  six  men  and  several  women  and  chil- 
dren. Four  other  men,  belonging  to  the  fort,  had  gone  out  to 
the  field  to  work.  The  Indians  presented  a white  flag,  and 
sent  two  of  their  number  to  the  fort,  to  say  that  they  were 
friendly,  and  desired  to  treat.  One  of  the  inmates,  Benjamin 
Parker,  went  out  to  see  the  main  body  of  the  Indians,  but  soon 
returned  and  reported  unfavorably.  However,  he  went  out  a 
second  time,  hoping  to  make  peace,  but  was  surrounded  and 
killed.  Those  in  the  fort  attempted  to  fly,  but  the  most  of 
them  were  cruelly  massacred,  and  their  bodies  mutilated.  The 
fort  was  then  plundered,  and  the  savages  retreated,  with  some 
of  the  women  and  children  as  prisoners.* 

* Narrative  of  Rachel  Plummer,  p.  5.  Letter  of  G.  W.  Browning,  May  23,  1836. 
Many  have  read  the  touching  narrative  of  Mrs.  Plummes,  and  the  many  wan- 
derings of  her  father,.  James  W.  Parker,  in  search  of  his  daughter  and  her  son. 


OPPOSITION  TO  SANTA  ANNA’S  RELEASE. 


171 


We  will  now  return  to  the  Texan  cabinet  at  Velasco.  In 
pursuance  of  the  provisions  of  the  treaty  with  Santa  Anna,  the 
Texan  authorities  were  making  arrangements  to  send  their 
captive  to  Vera  Cruz.  Accordingly,  on  the  1st  of  June,  the 
dictator  and  his  suite,  consisting  of  Colonel  Almonte,  Colonel 
Nunes,  and  his  private  secretary  Caro,  went  on  board  the  armed 
schooner  Invincible , commanded  by  Captain  J.  Brown.  Lo- 
renzo de  Zavala,  the  vice-president,  and  Bailey  Hardiman,  the 
secretary  of  the  treasury,  being  selected  as  commissioners,  un- 
der the  treaty,  to  accompany  Santa  Anna  to  Mexico,  were  pre- 
paring to  embark  ; but  on  that  day  (the  1st  of  June),  General 
Thomas  J.  Green,  with  two  hundred  and  thirty  volunteers,  ar- 
rived on  board  the  steamer  “ Ocean”  from  New  Orleans.  The 
opposition  to  the  release  of  Santa  Anna,  which  had  been  for 
some  time  gaining  strength,  was  greatly  increased  by  the  arri- 
val of  these  volunteers.  Public  meetings  were  held,  and  vio- 
lent speeches  made  against  the  measure.*  “ In  this  state  of 
things,”  says  General  Green,  “ President  Burnet  addressed 
me  a note,  requesting  an  interview,  and  asking  my  opinion  in 
this  emergency.  I told  him  that,  as  to  any  violence  being 
offered  to  him  or  his  cabinet,  I pledged  my  honor  to  shield 
him  and  them  with  my  life  ; but  that  I was  of  opinion  that,  in 
accordance  with  the  overwhelming  public  will  of  the  citizens 
of  the  country,  he  should  remand  the  prisoner  ashore,  and 
await  the  public  will  to  determine  his  fate.  The  president 
promptly  replied  that  he  would  do  so.”f  Accordingly,  he 
issued  an  order  to  Captain  Brown  to  bring  the  prisoners  on 
shore.  Santa  Anna,  who  had  gone  on  board  the  vessel  by 

* President  Barnet’s  Address,  No.  3. 

f Green’s  Mier  Expedition  (Appendix  No.  IX.),  p.  484.  President  Burnet 
and  General  Green  differ  somewhat  as  to  this  matter.  The  former  does  not 
state  that  he  called  upon  the  latter  for  his  advice,  though  this  may  have  been 
done,  without  being  noticed  in  the  address. 


172 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


order  of  the  government,  and  on  the  faith  of  the  treaty  which 
had  been  solemnly  signed  by  both  parties,  and  who,  with  the 
knowledge  of  the  government,  had  published  a short  farewell 
to  the  Texan  army,*  positively  refused  to  debark.  The  presi- 
dent then  appointed  Messrs.  Smith,  Hardiman,  Hunt,  and  Hen- 
derson, to  wait  upon  the  prisoners,  make  known  the  will  of  the 
government,  and  bring  them  ashore.  This  was  accordingly 
done,  and  they  were  landed  at  the  village  of  Quintana,  oppo- 
site to  Velasco. 

On  the  same  day,  but  probably  after  the  prisoners  had  been 
brought  on  shore,  President  Burnet  received  from  certain  offi- 
cers of  the  army,  purporting  to  act  for  themselves  and  the  sol- 
diers under  them,  a strange  document.  It  is  proper  to  state 
that,  on  the  11th  of  May,  General  Houston  had  sailed  on  board 
the  “ Flora”  for  New  Orleans,  to  procure  better  medical  aid  and 
comfort  for  his  wounded  limb  than  could  be  had  in  the  camp ; 
and  that  previous  to  his  departure  he  left  an  address  to  the 
troops  on  Galveston  island  and  those  that  should  afterward 
arrive,  urging  “ obedience  to  the  constituted  authorities  and 
laws  of  the  country  as  the  first  duty  of  a soldier  ; that  it  would 
adorn  his  martial  virtues,  and  qualify  him  for  the  highest  rights 
of  citizenship.”!  But  those  who  signed  and  assented  to  this 
address  to  President  Burnet,  forgetting  or  disregarding  this 
salutary  advice,  and  while  they  declared  that  they  abhorred 
the  idea  of  interfering  in  the  management  of  the  government, 
assumed  to  dictate  to  it,  and  to  claim  its  control ! “ We  shall 

* Farewell  of  Santa  Anna  to  the  Texan  army:  — 

“ My  Friends  : I have  been  a witness  of  your  courage  in  the  field  of  battle, 
and  know  you  to  be  generous.  Rely  with  confidence  on  my  sincerity,  and  you 
shall  never  have  cause  to  regret  the  kindness  shown  me.  In  returning  to  my 
native  land,  I beg  you  to  receive  the  thanks  of  your  grateful  friend.  Farewell! 

“Ant®.  Lopez  de  Santa  Anna. 

“ Velasco,  June  1,  1836.” 

f Houston’s  Address,  May  11,  1836. 


ADDRESS  TO  PRESIDENT  BURNETT. 


173 


not,  however,  address  you,”  say  they,  “ in  that  spirit  of  irrita- 
tion and  indignation  which  pervades  every  one  in  this  army, 
but  in  the  tone  which  should  ever  characterize  the  intercourse 
between  the  ruling  parties  in  a country.”*  After  setting  forth 
their  privations  and  want  of  provisions,  they  continue:  “And 
to  whom  are  we  to  charge  these  injuries  ? Surely  to  you,  as 
the  president  of  this  republic  ! It  was  your  duty  to  have  paid 
particular  attention  to  the  army ; to  have  inquired  out  their 
wants,  and  relieved  them.  It  was  surely  your  duty  to  have 
caused  provisions,  at  least,  to  have  been  furnished,  and  to  have 
dropped  all  other  matters  until  this  was  done ; and  you  will 
not  be  surprised  to  learn  that  the  indignation  and  exasperation 
of  the  army  is  now  very  great  at  the  total  failure  to  pay  atten- 
tion to  them,  and  the  consequences  may  be  serious  if  redress 
is  not  had.  And  we  now  require  that  this  army  be  immedi- 
ately furnished  with  a sufficiency  of  such  provisions  and  clothes 
as  the  public  may  possess  or  can  be  procured In  con- 

clusion,” say  they,  “ we  repeat  to  you,  General  Santa  Anna 
must  be  safely  secured , and  placed  at  the  disposition  of  the 
coming  Congress.” 

The  poor  president ! what  could  he  do  ? The  government 
was  as  destitute  as  the  army.  He  doubtless  felt  grateful  to 
the  troops  for  their  heroic  services,  but  the  new  republic  had 
no  treasury,  and  his  private  means  were  limited.  “At  the 
time  of  my  visit  to  Velasco,”  says  Colonel  Forbes,  “in  May, 
1836,  the  president’s  style  and  manner  of  living  were  most 
simple.  His  residence  was  but  little  more  than  a mere  shanty. 
His  amiable  and  accomplished  lady,  without  any  servants  or 
hired  help,  superintended  and  managed  in  person  her  domestic 
arrangements ; and  their  household  and  table  comforts  were 

* Address  to  President  Burnet  from  “Encampment  at  Victoria,”  May  26, 
1836. 


174 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


sufficiently  sparse  and  limited  to  have  called  forth  the  admira- 
tion of  the  Spartan  lawgiver.” 

Yet  the  address  in  question  had  been  presented  to  the  presi- 
dent— the  military  had  usurped  the  civil  authority.  The  good 
faith  of  Texas,  in  the  first  treaty  she  ever  made,  was  broken 
and  trampled  under  foot — not  by  the  government,  but  by  the 
army — a matter  of  painful  foreboding  to  President  Burnet. 

“ Landing  at  Quintana,  upon  the  western  bank,”  says  General 
Green,  “ we  met  President  Burnet,  and  surrendered  the  pris- 
oner to  him.  The  president  turned  to  me  and  said,  ‘ General 
Green,  I deliver  the  prisoner  over  to  your  charge,  and  shall 
hold  you  responsible  for  his  safe  keeping.’  ”*  This  is  the 
statement  of  General  Green  ; but  it  appears,  from  a letter  writ- 
ten by  the  president  to  him  on  the  1st  of  July,  1836,  that  he 
only  requested  him  to  point  out  a suitable  officer  to  take  charge 
of  Santa  Anna ; and  General  Green  named  Captain  Hubbell, 
in  whose  custody  the  prisoner  was  placed  by  the  president-! 

* Mier  Expedition,  Appendix  IX.,  p.  486. 

\ Extract  from  “ El  Curreo  Atlantico ” of  New  Orleans:  — 

“ Velasco,  June  4,  1836. 

“ We  arrived  at  Galveston  on  the  30th  of  May,  and  on  the  2d  of  June  were 
ordered  to  repair  to  this  place,  where  we  arrived  on  the  same  evening,  on  board 
the  ‘Ocean.’  We  found  the  place  in  great  confusion  in  consequence  of  the  cabi- 
net having  sent  Santa  Anna  on  board  of  a vessel  to  seud  him  home,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  having  a treaty  ratified  which  was  made  by  them.  The  people  were 
opposed  to  his  going,  but  had  not  an  individual  commissioned  to  be  their  leader. 
On  the  morning  of  the  3d  instant,  I came  forward  as  their  leader,  and  formed 
my  company  equipped  for  service,  and  sent  to  the  cabinet  to  have  him  [Santa 
Anna]  and  his  suite  brought  on  shore.  There  was  at  first  some  objection,  but 
they  at  last  complied,  and  I now  have  him  and  suite  in  my  charge.  He  was 
delivered  over  to  me  to-night,  and  I am  at  this  time  on  duty  with  a strong  guard 
under  my  command.  General  Cos,  and  four  or  five  hundred  Mexicans,  are  still 
on  Galveston  island  as  prisoners.  “H.  A.  Hubbell.” 

“ Executive  Department,  Velasco,  July  1,  1836. 

“ To  Brigadier - General  Thomas  J.  Green : — 

“Sir:  I enclose  you  a copy  of  a letter  found  in  ‘ El  Correo  Atlantico'  and 
published  originally  in  the  ‘New  Orleans  Bulletin.’ 

“This  redoubtable  * leader’  is,  I presume,  the  same  you  introduced  to  me  as  a 


SANTA  ANNA  NOT  RELEASED  — GENERAL  AUSTIN.  175 


On  the  9th  of  June,  Santa  Anna  sent  in  his  protest  against 
the  conduct  of  Texas  in  breaking  the  treaty,  particularly  in 
respect  to  his  debarkation  and  reconfinement.  On  the  follow- 
ing day  the  protest  was  answered  by  President  Burnet,  who, 
in  reference  to  the  last  particular,  was  bound  in  truth  to  make 
the  humiliating  confession  that  Texas  had  not  complied  with 
that  portion  of  the  treaty,  but  was  prevented  by  “ the  influence 
of  a highly-excited  popular  indignation.”  The  facts  were  all 
known  to  Santa  Anna : the  Texan  government  was  powerless, 
and  he  saw  it.* 

The  interest  felt  for  Texas  by  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  and  the  material  aid  by  them  furnished,  were  greatly 
increased  through  the  influence  of  the  distinguished  agents  sent 
there.  General  Austin  was  particularly  successful ; his  long 
services  in  Texas,  and  his  known  truthfulness  and  simplicity 
of  character,  gave  great  weight  to  what  he  said.  Though  not 
an  orator,  he  spoke  with  clearness  and  judgment,  and  enforced 
his  positions  with  facts  that  were  irresistible.  His  address  at 
Louisville,  which  was  widely  published,  presented  the  claims 
of  Texas  upon  the  civilized  world  for  sympathy  and  aid  in  such 
manner  as  to  bring  her  both.f  “ Austin  is  doing  wonders 
among  us  for  his  country ,”  says  a sensible  writer  of  Virginia ; 
“ he  is  a Franklin  in  patience  and  prudence.’ 5 f 

The  changed  condition  of  affairs,  however,  required  other 

confidential  officer,  to  whom  the  custody  of  the  prisoners  might  be  committed 
with  perfect  safety.  If  he  had  then  been  known  as  the  author  of  the  letter  en* 
closed  (in  which  it  is  difficult  to  determine  whether  impudence  or  falsehood 
predominates),  he  certainly  would  never  have  borne  a commission  in  the  service 
of  Texas,  with  the  approbation  of  this  government.  You  will  please  to  signify 
this  to  Captain  Hubbell,  whose  speedy  resignation  would  be  very  cheerfully 
accepted,  and  would  save  me  the  trouble  of  a more  peremptory  suggestion. 

“Your  obedient  servant,  David  G.  Burnet.” 

* President  Burnet’s  Address,  No.  5. 

\ Austin’s  Address,  March  7,  1836.  Holly’s  Texas,  p.  268. 

X Letter  of  A.  M'Call,  May  24,  1836. 


176 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


agents,  with  power  to  act  upon  different  matters.  The  excite- 
ment of  the  21st  of  April  had  scarcely  abated  on  the  battle- 
field, before  the  desire  for  annexation  to  the  United  States 
arose  in  every  bosom ; and  as  the  victory  gave  rise  to  hope,  so 
was  the  desire  strengthened.  In  accordance  with  this  univer- 
sal wish,  James  Collingsworth  and  Peter  W.  Grayson  were, 
on  the  30th  of  May,  appointed  by  President  Burnet  commis- 
sioners to  proceed  to  the  city  of  Washington,  and  obtain  access 
to  the  executive  of  the  American  government,  presenting  them- 
selves as  duly  empowered  to  ask  the  friendly  mediation  of  that 
power  in  procuring  the  recognition  by  Mexico  of  the  indepen- 
dence of  Texas,  and  to  use  their  best  efforts  in  obtaining  a like 
recognition  on  the  part  of  the  United  States.  They  were  also 
instructed  to  state  that,  in  the  opinion  of  the  Texan  govern- 
ment, the  annexation  of  their  republic  to  the  American  Union, 
as  a member  of  that  confederacy,  would  be  highly  acceptable 
to  the  people  of  the  former.  And,  should  the  authorities  at 
Washington  city  appear  to  listen  kindly  to  those  matters,  in- 
quiries might  be  made  as  to  the  terms  on  which  they  would 
accept  Texas.  At  the  same  time  the  commissioners  were  to 
point  out  what  the  latter  would  consider  indispensable  condi- 
tions : 1.  Her  laws  then  in  force  should  be  respected  and  held 
valid.  2.  All  bona-fide  land-titles  to  be  held  sacred,  and  all 
entitled  to  lands  to  receive  them.  3.  Slave-property  to  be  re- 
spected. 4.  Texans  owing  debts  contracted  previous  to  their 
immigration,  to  have  a specified  time  for  the  payment  thereof. 
5.  Liberal  appropriations  of  land  to  be  made  for  educational 
purposes.  6.  All  forfeitures  and  confiscations  to  remain  as 
found  by  annexation. 

It  appears  that,  immediately  after  the  treaty  of  Velasco  was 
known  at  Washington  city,  there  was  in  the  American  Con- 
gress a general  feeling  in  favor  of  the  acknowledgment  of  Texan 


ANNEXATION  FEELING  IN  1836. 


177 


independence,  and  also  to  have  the  republic  annexed  to  the 
Union.  General  Austin,  writing  from  New  Orleans,  on  the 
16th  of  June,  1836,  says  : “ I shall  do  all  I can  to  procure  the 
annexation  of  Texas  to  the  United  States,  on  just  and  fair 
principles The  first  step  is,  a recognition  of  our  inde- 

pendence ; that  done,  the  way  is  clear  and  open.  If  official 
reports  in  manuscript  of  all  the  principal  facts  in  regard  to  the 
political  and  military  state  of  things  in  Texas  had  been  sent 
by  the  executive  government  of  Texas  to  their  agents  at  Wash- 
ington, I could  now  have  had  the  recognition  of  our  indepen- 
dence to  take  home.  Nothing  but  the  want  of  such  official 
documents  was  wanted  when  I left  Washington.*  I believe 
that  a report  from  you,  signed  by  yourself,  would  have  been 
fully  sufficient.  There  were  no  accounts  of  the  battle  of  San 
Jacinto,  except  those  in  the  newspapers.” 

The  new  commissioners  set  out  on  their  journey  to  the  Uni- 
ted States.  The  Texan  army,  having  followed  the  retreating 
enemy  as  far  as  Goliad,  collected  the  bones  of  those  who  had 
been  massacred,  and  buried  them  with  military  honors.  They 
then  returned  to  Victoria.  General  Houston  arrived  at  New 
Orleans  on  the  22d  of  May,  and  remained  until  his  wound  was 
sufficiently  recovered,!  when  he  returned  to  Texas  by  way  of 
San  Augustine,  which  point  he  reached  on  the  5th  of  July. 

Various  speculations  were  had  in  Texas  as  to  the  value  of 
Santa  Anna,  and  the  effect  of  his  detention  on  the  Mexican 
nation.  One  thing,  however,  was  beginning  to  be  tolerably 

* General  Austin  left  Washington  city  on  the  24th  of  May.  — Austin  to  Hous- 
ton, June  16,  1836.  General  Austin  concludes  his  letter  thus : “lam  of  opinion 
that  our  independence  will  be  acknowledged,  and  that  Texas  will  be  admitted 
into  these  United  States,  if  they  are  regularly  asked  for.” 

f Houston  to  Lamar,  dated  New  Orleans,  June  4,  1836:  “My  wound  has  im- 
proved. Some  twenty  or  more  pieces  of  bone  have  been  taken  out  of  it  My 
general  health  seems  to  improve  slowly.  It  is  only  within  the  last  four  or  five 
days  that  I have  been  enabled  to  sit  up  any  portion  of  the  day.” 

Vol.  II.  — 12 


178 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


clear  — that  the  longer  he  was  kept,  the  less  would  be  his 
value  to  Texas  ; so  that  even  those  who  were  willing  to  violate 
a solemn  treaty,  began  to  wish  him  disposed  of.  At  home,  he 
was  but  the  head  of  the  central  party.  The  federalists,  his 
opponents,  the  most  enlightened  portion  of  the  Mexicans,  de- 
sired anything  rather  than  his  return.  In  his  absence,  they 
were  every  day  gaining  power.  The  president  pro  tempore , 
Jose  J.  Corro,  made  known  the  captivity  of  Santa  Anna  by  a 
proclamation  to  the  nation.  He  declared  that  the  national 
grief  was  immense,  but  it  would  not  be  useless ; that,  for  the 
liberty  of  the  president,  and  for  the  honor  of  the  nation,  the 
government  would  raise  all  possible  resources.  Unabated 
efforts  were  made  to  raise  another  army.  The  pro-tempore 
government  was  in  favor  of  continuing  Filisola  in  the  chief 
command,  but  the  officers  clamored  for  his  removal,  and  the 
appointment  of  Urrea.  At  length,  the  latter  received  the  com- 
mand, and  made  his  headquarters  at  Matamoras.  It  was  un- 
derstood that  troops  were  to  be  sent  by  water  to  land  some- 
where on  the  coast  of  Texas,  and  that  others  were  to  come  by 
land  to  concentrate  at  Matamoras.  Accordingly,  about  the 
middle  of  July,  four  thousand  troops  under  General  Urrea, 
with  General  Andrade  as  second  in  command,  had  assembled 
at  that  town.  But  they  were  in  a condition  so  wretched  as  in 
every  way  to  render  them  unfit  to  march.  Most  of  them  were 
without  discipline,  and  destitute  of  clothing  or  provisions.  In 
addition  to  this,  serious  domestic  troubles  were  about  to  begin 
in  the  nation.  The  centralists  were  trembling  on  the  seat  of 
power ; some  of  the  states  had  already  proclaimed  in  favor  of 
federalism,  and  others  were  on  the  point  of  doing  so  ; and  thus 
the  invasion  of  Texas  was  postponed. 

To  add  to  the  confusion  in  Mexico,  there  appeared,  about 
this  time,  in  the  capital,  a pamphlet,  entitled  “ The  Trial  of 


179 


“THE  TRIAL  OP  SANTA  ANNA.” 

Santa  Anna.”  It  was  written  with  spirit,  and  arraigned  him 
before  the  bar  of  public  opinion,  setting  forth  with  truthful 
detail  his  political  career.  The  following  may  be  given  as  a 
specimen : “ Don  Antonio,  like  Icarus,  in  attempting  to  soar 
too  high,  was  precipitated  into  the  abyss  below.  We  would 
ask,  who  is  this  protector  of  religion  ? A man  loaded  with 
vice  in  all  its  forms.  The  particular  attribute  of  religion  is 
charity ; it  knows  not  how  to  cause  evil  or  pain  to  any  one. 
Nevertheless,  Don  Antonio  has  shown  himself  vicious  by  in- 
stinct ! He  rose  successively  against  Iturbide,  Victoria,  Bus- 
tamente,  and  Gomez  Farias : no  commotion  occurred  in  which 
he  did  not  take  an  active  part.  His  aim  was  always  disorder, 
and  for  no  other  purpose  than  the  satisfaction  of  disturbing  the 
public  tranquillity.  We  have  seen  him  at  one  time  for  the 
Yorkists,  and  at  another  for  the  Scotch.  . . . The  pretensions 
of  this  monster  have  caused  the  death  of  many  citizens  at  Vera 
Cruz,  Tolome,  Oajaca,  El  Palmar,  Puebla,  Posados,  Casa  Blanca, 
Otumba,  Queretaro,  Guanajuato,  San  Luis,  Los  Carmelos,  Za- 
catecas, &c.  At  the  time  of  the  presumptuous  campaign  of 
Tampico,  he  put  to  death,  without  any  cause,  a number  of 
Mexicans  ; and  now,  in  Texas,  he  has  given  cause  to  horrible 
reprisals  by  his  inhuman  conduct.  If  it  were  possible  to  pile 
one  upon  the  other  the  bodies  of  the  dead,  whose  untimely 
end  has  been  promoted  by  General  Santa  Anna,  they  would 
doubtless  form  a mountain  higher  than  that  of  Popocatepetl ! 
— and  we  would  say  to  his  flatterers,  ‘ Behold  a monument 
erected  to  humanity  and  the  protector  of  religion  /’  ” 

The  very  fact  that  such  a pamphlet  had  a wide  circulation 
in  Mexico,  or  that  it  was  permitted  to  circulate  at  all,  was  evi- 
idence  of  the  dictator’s  declining  power.  The  Texans,  how- 
ever, were  preparing  to  meet  the  invading  force  under  Urrea. 
That  the  enemy  were  in  earnest  about  a second  invasion,  there 


180 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


can  be  no  doubt.  And,  to  this  end,  they  endeavored  to  keep 
the  Texans  from  obtaining  any  information  of  their  doings  at 
Matamoras.  The  commissioners  who  proceeded  there  under 
the  treaty  were  arrested  and  detained  until  it  was  too  late  for 
the  Texans  to  prepare  for  defence.  General  Rusk,  however, 
was  advised  of  the  threatened  danger,  and  issued  an  order, 
announcing  the  advance  of  the  enemy,  calling  in  those  absent 
on  furlough,  and  ordering  drafts  to  headquarters.*  Again,  on 
the  27th  of  June,  he  issued  a stirring  address  to  the  people  of 
Texas,  summoning  them  to  the  field. 

It  was  on  the  29th  of  May  that  General  Rusk  ordered  Major 
Isaac  W.  Burton,  commanding  a company  of  mounted  rangers, 
to  scour  the  coast  from  the  Guadalupe  to  Refugio.  The  com- 
pany consisted  of  but  twenty  men,  though  well  mounted  and 
armed.  On  the  2d  of  June,  they  received  news  of  a suspicious 
vessel  in  the  bay  of  Copano.  By  the  break  of  day  the  next 
morning  they  were  in  ambush  on  the  beach,  and  at  eight 
o’clock  a signal  was  made  for  the  vessel  to  send  its  boat 
ashore,  which  was  promptly  answered,  and  five  of  the  enemy 
landed  from  the  boat.  These  were  made  prisoners,  and  the 
boat  manned  by  sixteen  of  Burton’s  rangers,  who  took  the 
vessel  — the  “Watchman”  — loaded  with  provisions  expressly 
for  the  Mexican  army.  The  vessel  was  ordered  round  to  Ve- 
lasco, but,  being  detained  by  contrary  winds  till  the  17th  of 
June,  the  “ Camanchc”  and  the  “ Fanny  Butler,”  also  freighted 
with  provisions  for  the  enemy,  anchored  off  the  bar.  The  cap- 
tain of  the  “ Watchman”  was  made  to  decoy  the  commanders 
of  the  other  vessels  on  board  his  own,  when  they  also  were 
captured,  and  all  three,  with  their  valuable  freights,  sent  into 
the  port  of  Velasco  and  condemned.  From  these  bold  achieve- 
ments, Major  Burton  and  his  rangers  were  known  as  the  horse - 

* Order  from  Victoria,  June  17,  1836. 


SANTA  ANNA’S  APPEAL  TO  GENERAL  JACKSON.  181 

marines.  The  freight,  worth  some  twenty-five  thousand  dol- 
lars, was  of  great  service  in  supporting  the  Texan  army.* 
Thus  passed  away  the  month  of  June,  with  little  else  of  a 
public  character  to  be  noted.  The  Texans,  fully  persuaded 
that  there  would  be  a renewal  of  the  war,  were  prepared  for 
it.  The  enemy  essayed,  indeed,  to  recommence  it ; but,  for 
want  of  union,  means,  and,  above  all,  a head,  they  failed  to 
advance. 

General  Austin  returned  to  Texas  in  the  first  days  of  July, 
and  visited  Santa  Anna  in  Columbia  (whither  the  latter  had 
been  taken).  The  prisoner  now  made  another  effort  toward 
an  adjustment  of  the  difficulties  between  the  two  countries. 
He  proposed  to  Austin  the  friendly  mediation  of  the  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States,!  and,  with  that  view,  addressed  a 
letter  to  President  Jackson. J In  this  communication,  after 
giving  a pretty  correct  sketch  of  recent  events,  he  stated  that 
the  home  government  of  Mexico,  not  understanding  matters, 
had  displaced  Filisola,  and  appointed  Urrea  to  the  command 
of  the  army,  who  had  advanced,  as  was  understood,  as  far  as 
the  Nueces,  which  had  increased  the  excitement  of  the  public 
mind  in  Texas,  and  the  chance  of  further  bloodshed,  unless 
some  powerful  hand  would  interpose  and  cause  the  voice  of 
reason  to  be  heard ; that  in  his  opinion  Jackson  was  the  only 
man  who  could  do  good  to  humanity  by  acting  as  mediator  in 
having  the  treaties  carried  out.  He  accordingly  called  upon 
him  to  act  as  such.  At  the  same  time  he  wrote  a letter  to 
Urrea,  and  gave  it  as  his  opinion  that  the  war  should  at  once 
cease,  and  that  the  existing  differences  should  be  settled  by 
diplomacy ; that  Urrea  should  halt  at  some  convenient  place, 

* “Telegraph,”  August  2,  1836. 

f Burnet  to  Collingsworth  and  Grayson,  July  8,  1886. 

t Santa  Anna  to  Jackson,  July  4,  1886. 


182 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


and  proceed  no  farther;  “and  then,”  continued  Santa  Anna, 
“ I have  not  the  least  doubt  that  so  soon  as  you  officially  say 
to  the  Texan  commander  that,  4 so  soon  as  my  person  will  be 
in  absolute  liberty  to  join  you,  then  you  will  retreat,  beyond  the 
Rio  Grande,  and  cease  hostilities/  I shall  effect  my  departure 
to  join  you,  and  proceed  on  my  way  to  the  capital.”  He  fur- 
ther stated  to  Urrea  that  he  need  not  regard  the  orders  sent 
from  Mexico ; for  that,  as  soon  as  he  received  his  liberty  and 
reached  the  capital,  he  would  hold  him  harmless.  This  was 
an  ingenious  thought,  and  seemed  to  carry  with  it  some  idea 
of  sincerity. 

At  the  same  time,  General  Austin  wrote  to  General  Houston, 
stating  that  it  was  very  desirable  that  General  Gaines  should 
establish  his  headquarters  at  Nacogdoches,  and  recommended 
Houston  to  use  his  influence  for  effecting  that  object.  “ And,” 
continued  he, 44  if  he  would  visit  this  place,  and  give  the  people 
assurances  of  the  good  faith  of  Santa  Anna”  — that  is,  if  he 
was  satisfied  of  the  fact  after  seeing  him — he  (General  Austin) 
thought  it  would  have  a decided  influence  in  paving  the  way 
to  end  the  war.* 

General  Houston  received  this  letter  at  Sublett’s,  on  the 
25th  of  July,  and  referred  it  to  General  Gaines,  merely  adding 
that  such  a step  would  save  Texas.  The  letter  from  Santa 
Anna  to  President  Jackson  was  transmitted  through  General 
Gaines ; and,  in  order  that  the  Texan  agents  at  Washington 
city  might  be  properly  advised,  copies  of  the  public  and  secret 
treaty  were  sent  to  them.  They  were  also  put  in  possession 
of  the  movements  of  the  Indians  ; and  General  Gaines  was  like- 
wise fully  advised  of  their  employment  by  the  Mexicans  as 
auxiliaries  in  the  war.f  General  Houston  again  addressed 

* Austin  to  Houston,  July  4,  1836. 

\ Burnet  to  Collingsworth  and  Grayson,  July  8,  1836. 


DISAFFECTION  IN  THE  TEXAN  ARMY. 


183 


General  Gaines  on  the  13tli  of  July,  enclosing  the  statements 
of  P.  J.  Menard  and  Miguel  Cortimas,  in  relation  to  the  hos- 
tile movements  of  the  Indians. 

In  the  meantime,  General  Gaines,  induced  by  these  threat- 
ened hostilities,  made  a second  requisition  upon  the  southwest- 
ern states  for  volunteers.  The  enemy  at  Matamoras  had  made 
three  attempts  to  advance  upon  Texas,  but,  for  some  cause, 
had  as  often  failed.  The  failure  was  said  to  have  been  occa- 
sioned by  desertions.  It  is  probable  that  the  letter  of  Santa 
Anna  to  Urrea  had  some  effect  upon  these  operations.  Urrea 
dared  not  obey  any  order  coming  from  him ; yet  he  did  not 
know  how  soon  Santa  Anna  might  regain  power,  and  he  was 
afraid  to  disoblige  him. 

The  Texan  army,  now  grown  to  twenty-three  hundred  strong, 
was  likely  to  get  into  great  confusion.  Having  at  that  time 
but  little  to  do,  each  one  was  engaged  in  his  own  projects. 
General  Houston,  yet  at  Nacogdoches,  could  only  give  his 
advice  by  letter.  General  Rusk  doubtless  did  what  he  could 
to  preserve  order ; but  there  were  too  many  who  wished  the 
command.  An  eye-witness  says,  “ There  were  very  few  above 
the  rank  of  captain  who  did  not  aspire  to  be  commander-in- 
chief !”  To  add  to  the  confusion,  the  executive  and  cabinet, 
about  the  first  of  July,  appointed  Colonel  Mirabeau  B.  Lamar 
major-general  of  the  army.  He  reached  headquarters  on  the 
14th  of  that  month.  The  account  of  his  reception  we  give 
from  General  Felix  Huston,  who  had  shortly  before  arrived 
with  a considerable  force : — 

“ I arrived  at  the  army  on  the  4th  of  July.  I had  no  ac- 
quaintance with  General  Rusk,  or  any  of  the  officers,  except 
Adjutant-General  Smith,  Colonel  Millard,  and  Captains  Mill- 
roy  and  Wiggington,  all  of  whom  I had  known  but  a day  or 
two.  I mention  this  to  show  that  I was  detached  from  the 


184 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


intrigues  of  the  army,  even  were  I capable  of  entering  into  the 
disgraceful  contests  for  office,  which  are  so  often  the  bane  of 
order  and  discipline. 

“ A few  hours  after  my  arrival  I was  waited  on  by  an  officer, 
who  requested  me  to  act  as  chairman  of  a meeting  of  officers, 
convened  for  the  purpose  of  determining  on  the  reception  of 
General  Lamar.  I accepted  the  appointment.  At  the  meet- 
ing many  suggestions  were  made,  and  I obtained  much  infor- 
mation that  was  new  to  me.  All  present  appeared  to  estimate 
General  Lamar  highly,  but  were  disposed  to  reject  him  as  com- 
mander-in-chief, upon  the  grounds  that  the  cabinet  had  no  right 
to  supersede  General  Sam  Houston,  and  because  they  would 
not  consent  to  the  destruction  of  General  Rusk,  which  they 
deemed  to  be  the  object  of  the  cabinet  in  making  the  appoint- 
ment. Seeing  the  disposition  of  the  officers,  and  having  a high 
opinion  of  General  Lamar  from  character,  I suggested  the  pro- 
priety of  appointing  a committee  to  draft  resolutions,  as  re- 
spectful as  possible  to  him.  The  suggestion  was  adopted,  and 
I was  added  to  the  committee.  When  the  committee  met,  I 
exerted  my  influence  to  have  the  resolutions  so  drawn,  that 
General  Lamar’s  feelings  should  not  be  wounded  ; that  he 
should  see  that  the  objections  to  his  appointment  were  not  per- 
sonal to  him,  but  that,  on  the  contrary,  all  the  officers  esteemed 
him  highly.  The  committee  adopted  my  plan.  . . . General 
Rusk  had  no  connection  whatever  with  the  meeting  or  resolu- 
tions.* 

* “Resolved,  That  this  meeting  highly  appreciate  the  gallantry  and  worth  of 
General  Lamar,  and  will  be  at  all  times  ready  to  receive  him  with  the  cordiality 
and  respect  due  to  his  personal  and  military  acquirements. 

“ Resolved,  That  Colonel  B.  F.  Smith  and  Colonel  H.  Millard  be  appointed  a 
committee  to  wait  on  General  Lamar,  and  tender  him  the  respects  of  this  meet- 
ing, and  inform  him  that,  there  being  some  question  of  the  propriety  of  his  ap- 
pointment by  the  president  as  major-general  of  the  Texan  army,  by  which  he  is 
directed  to  assume  the  chief  command  of  the  army,  he  is  requested  by  the  offi- 


APPOINTMENT  OF  LAMAR  AS  COMMANDER-IN-CIIIEF.  185 

“ When  I ascertained  that  General  Lamar  was  approaching 
the  camp,  I sent  two  officers  to  wait  on  him  with  the  resolu- 
tions. Previous  to  their  starting,  General  Rusk  had  ordered 
the  usual  salutes  to  be  fired  for  his  reception.  On  their  return- 
ing and  informing  me  that  General  Lamar  acceded  to  the  prop- 
osition, I countermanded  the  order  for  firing  the  salutes,  with- 
out consulting  General  Rusk.  When  General  Lamar  arrived 
in  camp,  he  was  cordially  received ; and  I hoped  he  would 
consult  with  the  officers,  and  that  the  matter  might  be  amica- 
bly settled : but  I soon  understood  that  he  determined  to  lay 
the  subject  of  his  reception  before  the  whole  army,  and  take 
their  vote.  Accordingly,  at  his  request,  the  army  were  paraded 
in  the  evening  by  General  Rusk.  After  the  square  was  formed, 
General  Rusk  presented  him  to  the  army  in  almost  these  words  : 
1 Fellow-soldiers,  I have  the  honor  to  present  to  you  Major- 
General  Lamar,  appointed  by  the  cabinet.’  General  Lamar 
then  addressed  the  army,  and  recounted  his  deeds  in  a glow- 
ing form.  He  stated  that  he  had  fought  in  the  ranks,  Ac. ; 
that  lie  was  about  returning  to  the  United  States,  when  the 
late  news  of  the  returning  enemy — the  Mexicans — reached 
him ; that  he  immediately  determined  to  return  to  the  army, 
when  the  cabinet,  unsolicited  by  him,  had  conferred  on  him  the 
office  of  commander-in-chief;  that,  on  his  arrival  in  camp,  he 
had  learned  that  there  were  some  objections,  by  some  of  the 
army,  to  his  appointment ; that  he  was  not  ambitious  of  the 
office  — he  did  not  desire  to  wear  tinsel  on  his  shoulders ; that 
the  voice  of  man  made  generals,  but  God  made  heroes,  Ac. 
And  he  repeatedly  stated  that  if  his  appointment  was  not  ac- 
ceptable to  the  army,  he  would  cheerfully  go  into  the  ranks 


cers  present  not  to  act  in  his  official  capacity  of  rnajor-general  until  the  sub- 
ject nmy  be  more  maturely  considered  by  the  meeting  of  the  officers  of  the 

army.” 


186 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


and  fight  by  their  sides,  and  lead  the  van  to  victory,  guided 
by  the  flash  of  his  sword. 

“ From  some  remarks  made  by  General  Lamar,  General 
Green  appeared  to  think  that  some  allusion  was  made  to  him ! 
and  he  addressed  the  army  in  a short  manner,  stating  that  he 
thought  that  General  Sam  Houston  was  the  proper  commander- 
in-chief  ; and  he  said  something  about  the  impropriety  of  the 
cabinet  making  the  appointment  over  the  head  of  General  Rusk, 
who  had  the  confidence  of  the  army  and  the  people.  General 
Lamar  replied,  in  an  excited  manner,  that  he  did  not  disclaim 
the  desire  of  being  commander-in-chief ; and  made  some  re- 
marks about  some  letters  of  General  Rusk  to  the  cabinet,  re- 
questing a major-general  to  be  appointed. 

“ After  General  Lamar  concluded,  General  Rusk  addressed 
the  meeting,  and  complained  that,  when  the  army  was  reduced 
to  three  or  four  hundred  men,  when  it  was  dispirited  by  the 
loathsome  office  of  gallanting  a defeated  enemy  from  the  coun- 
try, Ac.,  he  had  written  to  the  president,  advising  the  appoint- 
ment of  a major-general,  that  the  army  should  be  increased,  as 
the  Mexicans  were  retiring,  induced  by  their  pay,  and  that  the 
war  was  not  at  an  end,  Ac.  He  said  that  his  expectation  then 
was,  to  visit  his  family,  and  attend  to  his  private  affairs ; but 
that,  when  the  enemy  were  expected  to  return  in  force,  when 
the  army  was  increasing  rapidly,  and  when  it  would  be  dis- 
graceful for  him  to  abandon  his  post,  his  letters,  written  under 
different  circumstances,  were  used  as  the  pretext  for  making 
the  appointment,  Ac. 

“ After  these  speeches,  there  were  a great  many  calls  by  the 
troops  — a few  ‘ Lamar  /’  a number  ‘ Rusk  /’  and  a great  num- 
ber ‘ Houston  !’  Some  few  called  out  particularly  for  me.  I 
advanced,  and  stated  that  I was  aware  that  the  great  mass  of 
the  calls  for  ‘ Houston ’ were  intended  for  Sam  Houston,  the 


lamar’s  appointment — taking  a vote.  18T 

true  4 commander-in-chief that  I had  no  pretensions  to  the 
command,  and,  in  a jocund  manner,  observed  that  the  only 
gauntlet  thrown  which  I would  take  up  was  the  remark  of  one 
of  the  generals,  that  he  would  lead  the  van  — that,  so  long  as 
my  name  was  Felix  Huston,  I would  lead  the  van. 

“ Thus  ended  the  speeches.  After  a little  delay  and  some 
confusion,  I applied  to  General  Lamar,  and  asked  him  how  he 
would  have  the  question  put ; and  told  him  I would  put  it  to 
the  army  as  he  desired.  He  then  stated  the  question,  4 Were 
the  army  willing  to  receive  him  as  commander-in-chief?’  I 
ordered  silence,  and  stationed  two  officers  for  the  voters  to 
form  on,  and  put  the  question  in  these  words : 4 Those  who 
are  in  favor  of  receiving  General  Lamar  as  commander-in-chief 
of  the  army,  will  form  on  Major  Ward,  stationed  on  my  right; 
and  those  opposed  to  receiving  General  Lamar  as  commander- 
in-chief  of  the  army,  will  form  on  Colonel  Morehouse,  stationed 
on  my  left.’  When  I stated  the  question,  Major  Handy,  acting 
as  aide  to  General  Lamar,  observed  that  he  did  not  think  the 
question  was  stated  as  General  Lamar  desired.  I requested 
him  to  see  General  Lamar.  He  did  so,  and  said  that  I was 
right.  At  that  time  another  gentleman  rode  up,  and  said  to 
me  that  General  Lamar  did  not  know  whether  it  was  under- 
stood in  his  speech  that  he  would  only  hold  the  appointment 
temporarily,  until  the  arrival  of  General  Sam  Houston,  and 
wished  I would  so  state,  which  I did,  turning  to  the  different 
parts  of  the  army,  repeating  his  request,  and  the  question,  and 
asking  if  they  all  understood  me.  I then  gave  the  word  — 
4 March  /’  The  tellers  whom  I had  appointed  reported  one 
hundred  and  seventy-nine  votes  for  General  Lamar ; and,  as 
there  appeared  about  fifteen  hundred  votes  against  him,  I stated 
it  was  not  worth  while  to  count  them. 

44  On  the  next  day  I was  informed  Lamar  intended  to  insist 


188 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


on  the  command.  I waited  on  him,  in  company  with  General 
Green.  In  the  course  of  the  conversation,  General  Lamar 
stated  that  General  Sam  Houston,  by  leaving  Texas,  had  for- 
feited his  station  as  commander-in-chief.  General  Green  stated 
that  he  understood  that  he  was  absent  on  a furlough  for  three 
months.  General  Lamar  said  he  was  not  aware  of  such  being 
the  case ; and  if  so,  he  would  have  known  it,  as  he  was  secre- 
tary of  war  when  General  Sam  Houston  left.  During  the  next 
day  I understood  that  General  Lamar  had  commenced  acting 
as  commander-in-chief,  and  had  signed  a furlough  under  that 
title.  The  camp  was  in  great  agitation : many  persons  com- 
menced leaving  it.  I felt  great  uneasiness,  and  expressed  a 
fear  that  serious  difficulties  might  take  place.  This  state  of 
affairs  lasted  till  General  Lamar  had  a meeting  of  the  officers 
called.  He  addressed  them,  and  I understood  him  to  refer  it 
to  them  whether  he  should  resign  or  not.  After  a pause,  and 
some  remarks  of  General  Green  and  Major  Miller,  he  signified 
his  intention  to  retire.  On  the  next  day  left  the  army  *' 


TEXAN  CREDIT  — AN  EMPTY  TREASURY. 


189 


CHAPTER  VII. 

At  this  period,  the  credit  of  Texas  was  in  low  repute.  By 
some,  her  bad  credit  was  attributed  to  her  agents  ; by  others, 
to  different  causes.  It  is  probable  that  the  chief  cause  of  her 
want  of  credit,  next  to  her  poverty,  was  the  appointment  of 
the  Messrs.  Toby  and  brothers  as  principal  agents,  in  lieu  of 
others  who  perhaps  had  been  more  faithful.  This  appointment, 
too,  was  made  after  they  had  failed  in  New  Orleans  for  a con* 
siderable  amount.  It  is  due  to  the  government  to  say  that 
it  was  not  apprized  of  the  failure.*  Texas  had  a large  army 
to  support,  a growing  navy,  and  also  a civil  list,  and  an  empty 
treasury.  The  practice  of  impressment  had  grown  so  burden- 
some, that  it  had  exhausted  itself.  The  people  had  raised 
scarcely  any  crops,  and  they  had  but  little  property : hence  it 
became  necessary,  either  to  stop  the  impressments,  or  ruin  the 
citizens.  The  former  course  was  taken  by  President  Burnet, 
in  his  proclamation  of  the  14th  of  July,  1836,  and  also  by  an 
order  of  General  Houston. 

As  the  enemy  did  not  advance,  and  the  Texans  had  a con- 
siderable force — able  to  defeat  five  times  their  number  at 
home — it  was  proposed  to  attack  Matamoras.  Detachments 
were  accordingly  sent  out  to  Bexar  and  the  Nueces,  and  efforts 
were  made  to  procure  vessels  to  transport  troops,  munitions, 

* Letter  of  Samuel  Ellis,  July  6,  1836. 


190 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


and  provisions,  by  water,  to  Brasos  Santiago,  to  co-operate 
with  the  force  proceeding  by  land.  The  better  to  commence 
this  enterprise,  the  army  advanced  to  the  Coleta. 

General  Houston,  being  advised  of  this  contemplated  expe- 
dition, opposed  it  for  the  reasons  that,  without  an  efficient 
navy  and  more  ample  means,  an  invading  army  could  not  sus- 
tain itself  in  Mexico ; and,  what  was  more  important  to  the 
good  faith  of  Texas,  General  Santa  Anna  had  invoked  the  me- 
diation of  the  United  States,  and  the  Texan  authorities  had 
concurred  in  laying  the  matter  before  President  Jackson.* 

After  the  unpleasant  affair  in  relation  to  the  commandancy- 
in-chief,  many  of  the  troops  retired  from  the  service ; so  that, 
by  the  2d  of  August,  the  number  was  reduced  from  twenty- 
three  to  thirteen  hundred  men.f  In  this  state  of  affairs,  for 
want  of  means,  the  co-operation  of  the  cabinet,  as  also  of  the 
navy,  the  descent  on  Matamoras  was  abandoned.  It  is  proba- 
ble that  the  army  was  not  in  possession  of  the  fact  of  the  pro- 
posed mediation  of  the  United  States,  or  it  would  have  con- 
curred more  fully  with  the  cabinet.  General  Houston,  who 
was  still  at  Nacogdoches,  and  as  yet  unable  to  perform  active 
service,  was  loudly  called  for  by  the  army.  Numerous  letters 
and  petitions  were  sent  to  him  by  officers  and  men,  desiring 
his  presence.  It  is  not  improbable,  however  that  his  services 
where  he  was  were  very  useful  to  Texas.  Being  in  full  pos- 
session of  the  knowledge  of  passing  events,  he  transmitted  it, 
with  his  views,  not  only  to  the  army,  but  to  General  Gaines. 

* Edmund  P.  Gaines  to  Sam  Houston,  August  12,  1836.  General  Gaines  says: 
“Your  views,  urging  the  propriety  of  concentration  within  supporting  distance 
of  the  settled  parts  of  Texas,  and  pointing  out  the  inevitable  and  worse  than 
useless  risk  of  operations  upon  Matamoras,  or  upon  any  other  part  of  your  west- 
ern frontier,  without  a superiority  of  naval  force,  evince  an  extent  and  a justness 
of  reflect  ion,  comprehension,  forecast,  and  military  mind,  which,  if  sustained,  can 
not  but  insure  triumph  — complete  triumph  — to  the  cause  of  Texas.” 

f Letter  of  General  Felix  Huston,  August  2,  1836. 


ACTION  OF  THE  AMERICAN  CONGRESS.  191 

To  carry  out  more  effectually  the  provision  contained  in  the 
thirty-third  article  of  the  treaty  between  the  United  States  and 
Mexico,  General  Gaines  sent  a detachment  of  American  regu- 
lar troops,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Whistler,  to  take 
post  near  the  town  of  Nacogdoches.  This  had  the  effect  to 
overawe  the  surrounding  tribes  of  Indians  (the  most  of  whom 
were  immigrants  from  the  United  States),  and  left  the  people 
of  eastern  Texas  free  to  meet  the  threatened  invasion  by  the 
Mexicans. 

In  the  meantime,  and  upon  receipt  of  official  news  of  what 
had  occurred  in  Texas,  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  had 
taken  up  the  question  of  the  acknowledgment  of  the  indepen- 
dence of  the  new  republic.  President  Jackson  had  despatched 
Henry  M.  Morfit  to  Texas,  to  ascertain  and  report  upon  her 
military,  civil,  and  political  condition.*  After  some  discus- 
sion in  the  house  of  representatives,  it  was  resolved  by  a large 
majority  that  the  independence  of  Texas  ought  to  be  acknowl- 
edged by  the  United  States,  whenever  satisfactory  information 
should  be  received  that  it  had  in  successful  operation  a civil 
government  capable  of  performing  the  duties  and  fulfilling  the 
obligations  of  an  independent  power.!  That  body  likewise 
approved  the  step  taken  by  the  president  to  acquire  that  infor- 
mation. 

By  the  middle  of  August,  the  Texan  army  had  again  in- 
creased to  its  former  strength.  Brigadier-General  Felix  Hus- 
ton occupied  San  Patricio,  on  the  Nueces,  with  five  hundred 
mounted  men.  Two  companies,  also  mounted,  were  at  Bexar, 
rather  to  protect  that  place  from  the  incursions  of  the  Indians 
than  against  the  Mexicans.  The  remainder  of  the  army,  under 

* Message  of  President  Jackson,  December  21,  1886.  See  Morfit’s  Reports, 
Executive  Document  No.  36,  Twenty-fourth  Congress,  second  session. 

f Passed  on  the  4th  of  July,  1886,  by  a vote  of  one  hundred  and  twenty-eight 
to  twenty. 


192 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


General  Rusk,  was  on  the  Coleta,  about  fifteen  miles  east  of 
Goliad.  The  Texan  navy  consisted  of  the  Invincible,  carrying 
eight  port-guns  and  one  pivot  nine-pounder ; the  Brutus,  of 
like  force  ; the  Independence,  of  eight  guns  ; and  the  Liberty , 
of  three  guns,  undergoing  repairs. 

Santa  Anna  was  removed  to  Columbia,  and  thence,  about 
the  first  of  August,  to  Orazimba,  on  the  Brasos,  about  forty- 
five  miles  from  Velasco. * This  removal  was  made  to  prevent 
his  rescue,  as,  but  a short  time  before,  an  attempt  of  that  kind 
had  been  made  by  the  Mexican  consul  at  New  Orleans,  through 
the  instrumentality  of  Bartholomew  Pages.  The  Texans  still 
retained  about  fifty  officers  and  five  hundred  privates  of  the 
enemy  as  prisoners  in  and  about  Galveston  island,  the  support 
of  whom  was  a heavy  burden  upon  the  young  republic.  With 
the  small  naval  force  on  hand,  the  ports  of  Matamoras  and 
Brasos  Santiago  were  blockaded,  and  the  enemy  annoyed  and 
overawed.  Thus,  upon  the  whole,  the  affairs  of  Texas  were 
prospering  ; and,  further  to  brighten  her  hopes,  the  season  was 
most  propitious  to  the  planter,  so  that,  under  all  the  circum- 
stances, good  crops  were  produced  in  those  parts  of  the  coun- 
try not  previously  overrun. 

On  the  28d  of  July,  President  Burnet  issued  his  proclama- 
tion for  the  election  of  president  and  vice-president,  and  for 
representatives  to  the  first  Congress  of  Texas,  under  the  new 
constitution  ; also  to  decide  upon  the  adoption  or  rejection  of 
that  constitution  ; and  likewise  upon  the  question  of  annexa- 
tion to  the  United  States.  The  election  was  ordered  to  tran- 
spire on  the  first  Monday  of  the  following  September,  and  the 
new  government  to  meet  for  installation  at  the  town  of  Colum- 
bia, on  the  first  Monday  in  October.  For  the  high  office  of 
president,  two  distinguished  names  had  been  announced : Ste- 
* Morfit  to  Forsyth,  August  13,  1836. 


HOUSTON  NOMINATED  FOR  PRESIDENT. 


193 


phen  F.  Austin,  a man  endeared  to  the  country  by  years  of  toil, 
privation,  and  faithful  service ; and  Henry  Smith,  the  former 
governor  of  revolutionary  Texas.  On  the  20th  of  August,  Sam 
Houston  was  nominated  by  more  than  six  hundred  persons  at 
Columbia  ;*  also  by  a large  meeting  at  San  Augustine,  on  the 
15th  of  August : and  by  other  assemblages  in  various  parts  of 
the  republic.!  The  public  wish  on  that  point  was  so  manifest, 
that  he  had  no  alternative  but  to  accept.  Ilis  reasons  for  so 
doing  are  given  by  himself : “ After  the  capture  of  Santa  Anna,” 
says  he,|  “ I was  compelled  to  go  to  New  Orleans,  in  the  month 
of  May,  for  surgical  as  well  as  medical  aid.  On  my  arrival,  I 
met  a number  of  Texans  there,  and  they  requested  me  to  be- 
come a candidate  for  the  presidency.  This  I positively  refused 
to  do.  From  that  time  up  to  within  fourteen  days  of  the  elec- 
tion, I refused  to  let  my  name  be  used,  nor  would  I,  if  elected, 
consent  to  serve  in  the  office.  General  Austin  and  Governor 
Smith  were  the  candidates,  and  with  these  gentlemen  my  rela- 
tions were  most  kind.  It  was  not  a desire  to  obtain  the  office 
of  president  which  ultimately  caused  me  to  let  my  name  be 
used  ; but,  there  wrere  two  parties  in  Texas,  which  were  known 
as  the  ‘ Austin"  and  ‘ Wharton  parties.  I intend  no  disparage- 
ment to  either  of  the  distinguished  gentlemen  or  either  of  their 
friends,  but  it  is  necessary  thus  to  describe  the  condition  of  the 
political  elements  then  in  Texas.  Governor  Smith  was  the 
ostensible  head  of  the  ‘ Wharton’  party.  So  far  as  I could 
judge,  the  parties  were  pretty  equally  balanced.  In  this  pos- 
ture of  affairs,  I was  firmly  impressed  with  a belief  that,  if 
either  of  the  gentlemen  should  be  eleeted,  it  would  be  next  to 
impossible  to  organize  and  sustain  a government ; as,  whoever 
he  might  be,  he  would  be  compelled  to  fill  all  the  offices  with 

* “Telegraph,”  August  23,  1836.  f lb.,  August  30,  1836. 

\ Letter  to  Guy  M.  Bryan,  November  15,  1852. 

VOL.  II.  — 13 


194 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


his  own  friends,  and  those  of  opposite  feelings  would,  of  course, 
oppose  the  administration,  which,  in  the  then  condition  of  the 
country,  could  only  be  sustained  by  the  united  efforts  of  the 
community.  Not  being  identified  with  either  of  the  parties, 
I believed  I would  be  enabled  so  to  consolidate  the  influence 
of  both,  by  harmonizing  them,  as  to  form  an  administration 
which  would  triumph  over  all  the  difficulties  attendant  upon 
the  outset  of  the  constitutional  government  of  Texas.” 

It  will  be  remembered  that,  at  that  time,  the  majority  of  the 
people  of  Texas  was  composed  of  immigrants  from  different 
portions  of  the  civilized  world ; and  that  she  had  in  her  midst 
very  many  enterprising  adventurers,  whose  ambitious  preten- 
sions were  not  checked  by  that  local  patriotism  which  restrains 
such  persons  in  countries  long  settled.  The  army  was  propor 
tionably  large,  and  the  most  of  its  members  had  come  to  reap 
fame  and  distinction.  The  elements,  though  calm,  were  not 
cohesive.  A single  spark  would  inflame  the  entire  body. 
Hence  the  organization  of  the  new  government  would  require 
a palinurus , who  was  ever  watchful,  at  the  helm.  The  elec- 
tion resulted  in  the  choice  of  Sam  Houston  as  president  by  a 
large  majority,  and  Mirabeau  B.  Lamar  was  elected  vice- 
president.  The  constitution  was  also  adopted,  and  the  vote 
for  annexation  was  nearly  unanimous. 

It  is  proper  to  state  here  a movement  in  the  army,  conse- 
quent upon  the  attempt  of  Pages  to  rescue  Santa  Anna.  It 
was  the  wish  of  many,  and  was  generally  reported,  that,  by  a 
vote  of  that  body,  it  was  resolved  to  conduct  the  captive  to 
headquarters,  and  place  him  before  a courLmartial.  General 
Houston,  then  at  Aies  Bayou,  being  informed  of  these  alleged 
proceedings,  despatched  his  protest  against  them.*  He  pro- 

* Protest  of  July  26,  1836.  In  regard  to  this  protest,  General  Gaines  says: 
“No  inconsiderable  portion  of  your  fame,  resulting  from  your  late  campaign, 


SANTA  ANNA  — HOUSTON’S  PROTEST. 


195 


tested  against  it,  because  all  the  advantages  accruing  to  Texas 
by  his  capture  would  thus  be  destroyed ; because  Texas  was 
bound  by  every  rule  of  morality  and  humanity  to  abstain  from 
every  act  of  passion  or  inconsiderateness,  so  unproductive  of 
positive  good ; because  it  would  endanger  the  lives  of  the  Texan 
prisoners  then  in  Mexico,  and  it  would  compromit  the  safety 
of  the  North  Americans  resident  in  that  republic;  because 
Texas,  to  be  respected,  should  be  considerate,  politic,  and  just, 
in  her  actions,  and  Santa  Anna  would  be  of  incalculable  ser- 
vice to  her  in  her  then  present  crisis ; because,  in  cool  blood, 
to  offer  up  the  living  to  the  manes  of  the  departed,  only  found 
examples  in  the  religion  and  warfare  of  savages ; and  because, 
as  the  attention  of  the  United  States  was  then  called  to  the 
pending  differences  between  Texas  and  Mexico,  to  proceed  at 
that  time  to  extreme  measures  would  be  treating  the  American 
government  with  great  disrespect.  The  protest,  reaching  the 

the  great  victory  of  San  Jacinto,  will  be  found  in  the  magnanimity  and  moral 
courage  displayed  by  you  in  preserving  the  lives  of  your  prisoners,  and  more 
especially  the  life  of  President  Santa  Anna,  when  taken  in  connection  with  the 
great  provocation  given  in  his  previous  conduct  at  the  Alamo  and  at  Goliad. 
The  government  and  infant  republic  of  Texas  will  derive  imperishable  fame 
from  their  and  your  forbearance  and  humanity  in  this  case.  All  civilized  and 
enlightened  men,  in  all  time  and  geographical  space,  will  unite  ki  filling  the 
measure  of  glory  and  honor  due  for  such  magnanimity,  forbearance,  and  hu- 
manity.”— Gaines  to  Houston , August  3,  1836. 

On  the  same  subject  General  Jackson  says:  “I  take  the  liberty  of  offering  a 
remark  or  two  upon  a report  which  is  current  here,  that  Santa  Anna  is  to  be 
brought  before  a military  court,  to  be  tried  and  shot.  Nothing  now  could  tar- 
nish the  character  of  Texas  more  than  such  an  act  as  this.  Sound  policy  as  well 
as  humanity  approved  of  the  counsels  which  spared  him  his  life.  It  gave  pos- 
session of  Goliad  and  the  Alamo  without  blood,  or  the  loss  of  any  portion  of 
your  army.  His  person  is  still  of  much  consequence  to  you.  He  is  the  pride 
of  the  Mexican  soldiers,  and  the  favorite  of  the  priesthood.  While  he  is  in  your 
power,  the  difficulties  of  your  enemy,  in  raising  another  army,  will  continue  to 
be  great.  The  soldiers  of  Mexico  will  not  willingly  march  into  Texas,  when 
they  know  that  their  advance  may  cost  their  favorite  general  his  life.  Let  not 
his  blood  be  shed,  unless  imperious  necessity  demands  it  as  a retaliation  for 
future  Mexican  massacres.  Both  wisdom  and  humanity  enjoin  this  course  in 
relation  to  Santa  Anna.”  — Jackson  to  Houston , September  4,  1836. 


196 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


army,  was  sent  to  Columbia.  A captain  with  his  command 
had,  just  before  its  arrival,  gone,  as  was  said,  after  the  pris- 
oner, to  bring  him  to  the  army ; and  the  protest  only  reached 
Captain  Patton,  who  had  the  captive  in  charge,  in  time  to  pre- 
vent his  removal.  Captain  J.  H.  Sheppard,  the  bearer  of  the 
document,  says  the  pleasant  change  of  affairs  filled  Santa  Anna 
with  joy,  and  he  embraced  him  as  one  who  had  saved  his  life.* 

The  Mexicans  still  slumbering  in  their  quarters  at  Matamo- 
ras,  and  endeavoring  by  a forced  loan  to  raise  means  to  carry 
on  the  war,  the  Texans  began  to  turn  their  attention  to  more 
peaceful  concerns.  Immigrants  and  land-buyers  began  to  come 
in.  New  settlements  and  new  towns  also  began  to  spring  up 
and  gladden  the  wilderness.  Among  the  latter  was  the  town 
of  Houston.  The  Messrs.  A.  C.  Allen  and  J.  K.  Allen,  pro- 
prietors, having  laid  off  the  place  into  lots,  presented  them  for 
sale  on  the  last  of  August,  and,  with  an  enterprise  worthy  of 
the  future  mart  of  a large  portion  of  Texas,  went  to  work  in 
building  a saw-mill,  hotel,  Ac.,  and  in  encouraging  steamboats 
to  make  it  a place  of  business.  Exclusive  of  her  natural  ad- 
vantages, Houston  owes  much  to  these  early  pioneers. 

Nor  should  we  omit,  in  speaking  of  the  progress  of  Texas, 
to  refer  to  her  first  permanent  newspaper,  “ The  Telegraph.” 
It  was  commenced  at  San  Felipe,  about  the  10th  of  October, 
1835  ; and  remained  there,  issuing  a number  weekly,  until  the 
advance  of  the  Mexicans  forced  it  to  retreat  to  Harrisburg. 
There  it  set  up  again,  and  issued  a number  on  the  14th  of 
April,  1836,  when  it  was  borne  down  and  its  materials  de- 
stroyed by  the  enemy.  On  the  2d  of  August  following,  it 
reappeared  at  Columbia.  Since  that  time  it  has  been  regularly 
published.  Texas  had  no  better  or  more  useful  friend  during 
the  dark  period  of  her  Revolution.  On  the  great  points  of 

* Captain  Sheppard’s  Notes. 


MEETING  OF  THE  FIRST  TEXAN  CONGRESS. 


19T 


difference  between  the  two  countries,  and  the  movements  of 
armed  parties,  it  sprehd  light  and  information  over  the  whole 
country.  By  means  of  this  potent  lever,  the  government  was 
greatly  aided,  and  Texas  made  free. 

General  Houston,  after  taking  proper  measures  to  conciliate 
the  Indians,  and  sending  a request  to  the  chiefs  to  meet  him 
at  Robbins’s  ferry,  on  the  Trinity,  on  the  26th  of  September, 
left  Nacogdoches  for  Columbia.  He  arrived  at  the  latter  place 
on  the  9th  of  October,  and  found  the  first  Texan  Congress  in 
session.  The  message  of  President  Burnet,  which  was  deliv- 
ered on  the  4th,  is  an  important  state  paper,  and  presented  to 
the  people’s  representatives  an  animated  account  of  his  admin- 
istration, with  suggestions  for  their  future  action.  The  report 
of  the  auditor  exhibited  an  audited  indebtedness  of  upward  of 
a quarter  of  a million  of  dollars.  If  to  this  be  added  nearly  a 
half-million  due  for  supplies,  over  a half-million  pay  due  the 
army  and  navy,  and  a hundred  thousand  dollars  for  the  civil 
list,  the  total  indebtedness  of  Texas  at  the  meeting  of  the  first 
Congress  was  not  far  from  a million  and  a quarter  of  dollars.* 

The  population  of  the  young  republic,  at  that  time,  did  not 
perhaps  exceed  thirty  thousand  Americans,  and  twenty-two 
thousand  Mexicans,  Indians,  and  negroes. f Thus  we  behold 


* Morfit  to  Forsyth,  September  4,  1836. 
f Estimated  population  of  Texas  in  September,  1836:  — 

Anglo-Americans 30,000 

Mexicans  — at  San  Antonio,  2,000;  Nacogdoches,  800;  La 

Bahia,  600;  Victoria,  120;  and  San  Patricio,  60 8,470 


Indians — Wacoes,  400;  Twowokanies,  200;  Tonkawas,  800; 
Cooshatties,  350;  Alabamas,  250;  Camanchea,  2,000;  Cad- 
does,  600;  Lipans,  900;  small  bands,  800:  to  which  add 
the  civilized  tribes  — Cherokees,  Kickapoos,  Choctaws, 
Chickasaws,  Potawatamies,  Delawares,  and  Shawnees  — 


8,000 14,200 

Negroes 5,000 

Aggregate 62,670 


Morjit  to  Forsyth,  August  27,  1886. 


198 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


a country,  larger  than  most  of  the  leading  states  in  Europe, 
more  fertile  than  any  of  them,  and  with  a most  congenial  cli- 
mate, so  tom  by  the  ravages  of  war,  and  trampled  down  by 
the  iron  heel  of  tyranny,  that,  for  a century  and  a half  after  its 
first  settlement  by  Europeans,  it  has  made  little  or  no  progress. 
But  a better  fate  awaits  Texas.  As  yet,  however,  all  was  con- 
fusion ; the  people  had  not  become  located,  and  the  channels 
of  travel  and  trade  were  not  determined.  Galveston  island, 
since  the  departure  of  Lafitte,  had  been  a sunny  solitude.  At 
the  time  of  which  we  write,  and  for  some  months  previous,  the 
eastern  end  of  the  island  was  occupied  by  a hundred  Texan 
troops,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Margan,  where  they  had 
hastily  thrown  up  a mud  fort,  and  mounted  a few  pieces  of 
artillery.  They  had  charge  of  the  Mexican  prisoners,  and  the 
whole  occupied  some  hundred  tents  and  huts  around  the  fort.* 
How  changed  the  scene  in  eighteen  years,  when  the  freebooters 
of  Christendom  had  gathered  there  under  the  great  Lafitte, 
and  were  waging  war  by  land  upon  the  Carankawaes,  and  by 
sea  against  everybody!  But  Galveston  was  ambitious,  and 
sent  Mr.  Millin  to  represent  her  interests  in  the  first  Congress. 
That  body,  however,  could  not  find  Galveston  among  the  dis- 
tricts entitled  to  representation,  nor  could  they  find  that  it 
formed  a portion  of  any  particular  county,  and  so  Mr.  Millin 
was  dismissed. f 

On  Saturday,  the  22d  of  October,  President  Houston  was 
duly  installed  into  office,  and  delivered  to  the  two  houses  in 
convention  an  inaugural  address  admirable  alike  in  manner 
and  matter.  At  the  close  of  his  address,  he  delivered  to  the 
speaker  his  sword,  the  emblem  of  the  military  authority  with 
which  he  had  been  clothed,  and  said : “ It  now  becomes  my 

* Morfit  to  Forsyth,  August  28,  1886. 

f House  Journal,  First  Congress,  p.  92. 


INAUGURATION  OP  HOUSTON  AS  PRESIDENT. 


199 


duty  to  make  a presentation  of  this  sword,  the  emblem  of  my 
past  office.  I have  worn  it  with  some  humble  pretensions  in 
defence  of  my  country ; and  should  the  danger  of  my  country 
again  call  for  my  services,  I expect  to  resume  it,  and  respond 
to  that  call,  if  needful,  with  my  blood  and  my  life.”  At  the 
same  time,  Vice-President  Lamar  was  sworn  into  office,  and 
addressed  the  convention  of  the  two  houses  in  his  usuall  happy 
manner.* 

It  is  not  intended  here  to  enter  into  a detail  of  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  first  Congress  of  Texas.  Its  duties  in  organi- 
zing the  government  were  sufficiently  arduous,  and  it  is  be- 
lieved the  members  performed  them  with  a singleness  of  pur- 
pose rarely  found  in  legislative  bodies.  The  president  was 
authorized  to  appoint  his  cabinet,  and,  in  so  doing,  the  office 
of  secretary  of  state  was  given  to  Stephen  F.  Austin,  and  that 
of  the  treasury  to  Henry  Smith.  The  volunteers  and  forces  in 
the  army,  and  who  had  been  in  the  service,  were  amply  pro- 
vided for  in  lands  and  the  promise  of  pay.  To  raise  funds  for 
meeting  the  public  wants,  the  president  was  authorized  to  con- 
tract a loan  of  five  millions  of  dollars.  The  judiciary,  a much- 
neglected  branch  of  government,  was  fully  organized,  and  judges 
were  elected  for  the  supreme  and  subordinate  courts.  Previ- 
ous to  this  period  there  had  been  but  one  nisi  prius  common- 
law  judge  in  Texas.  This  office  had  been  created  and  filled 
by  the  government  ad  interim , by  the  appointment  of  Benjamin 
C.  Franklin,  who  had  the  honor  of  being  the  first  judge  in  Texas 
with  common-law  and  maritime  jurisdiction.!  Provisions  were 
also  made  for  an  increase  of  the  navy ; for  the  protection  of 
the  frontier,  by  calling  out  rangers,  erecting  blockhouses,  &c. ; 
also  for  defining  and  paying  the  civil  list ; also  the  establish- 

* House  Journal,  First  Congress,  p.  84. 

f President  Burnet’s  Message,  October  4,  1836. 


200 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


ment  of  regulations  for  the  government  of  the  army  and  navy  ; 
also  for  the  reorganization  of  the  army,  and  fixing  the  military 
establishment  of  the  republic.  These,  with  an  organization  of 
the  postoffice  department,  and  the  enactment  of  various  special 
and  police  laws,  constituted  the  labors  of  the  first  session  of 
the  first  Congress ; after  which  the  two  houses  adjourned,  to 
meet  again  on  the  first  Monday  in  May,  1837,  at  the  new  town 
of  Houston,  to  which  place  the  seat  of  government  had  been 
removed  by  a law  of  the  session. 

The  Mexican  government,  after  receiving  intelligence  of  the 
capture  of  Santa  Anna  and  his  treaty  with  Texas,  notified  the 
United  States  that  his  functions  as  president  were  suspended. 
President  Jackson,  therefore,  on  receipt  of  Santa  Anna’s  letter, 
and  in  answer  thereto,*  after  expressing  a great  desire  for  the 
restoration  of  peace  between  Mexico  and  Texas,  informed  the 
dictator  that  the  government  of  the  United  States  had  been 
notified  of  his  suspension,  and  that  good  faith  to  Mexico  for- 
bade him  from  taking  any  step  in  the  matter ; but  if  the  latter 
power  would  signify  its  willingness  to  avail  itself  of  the  good 
offices  of  the  United  States,  it  would  afford  them  great  pleasure 
to  devote  their  best  services  to  it. 

But  differences  had  arisen  between  the  United  States  and 
Mexico,  which  prevented  the  latter  from  asking  any  such  favor. 
The  former  had  large  and  long-standing  unadjusted  claims 
against  the  Mexican  government,  which  ought  to  have  been 
paid.  On  the  20th  of  July,  1836,  the  American  minister  at 
Mexico  was  directed  to  lay  these  claims  anew  before  that  gov- 
ernment, and,  if  no  satisfactory  answer  was  received  within 
the  space  of  three  weeks,  then  to  declare  to  the  government 
that,  unless  those  claims  were  adjusted  without  unnecessary 
delay,  his  further  residence  there  would  be  useless.  If  the 

* Jackson  to  Santa  Anna,  September  4,  1836. 


UNITED  STATES  AND  MEXICO  — DIFFERENCES. 


201 


matter  was  still  delayed,  the  minister  was  directed  to  give  the 
government  two  weeks’  further  time  to  make  a satisfactory  an- 
swer, before  he  asked  for  his  passports.  Mr.  Ellis,  in  obedi- 
ence to  his  instructions,  after  presenting  the  claims,  finally,  on 
the  4th  of  November,  gave  the  two  weeks’  notice ; when,  no 
satisfactory  answer  having  been  returned,  he  demanded  and 
received  his  passports. 

On  the  part  of  Mexico,  she  had  taken  great  offence  at  the 
occupation  of  Nacogdoches  by  the  American  troops.  Goros- 
tiza,  the  Mexican  minister  at  Washington,  had  been  favored 
with  frequent  conferences  on  the  subject.  He  was  referred  to 
the  thirty-third  article  of  the  treaty  between  the  two  powers, 
whereby  each  of  them  was  bound,  by  all  the  means  at  its  com- 
mand, to  preserve  peace  and  harmony  among  the  border  tribes 
of  Indians ; and,  the  better  to  attain  that  object,  both  parties 
bound  themselves  expressly  to  restrain  by  force  all  hostilities 
and  incursions  on  the  part  of  the  Indian  nations  living  in  their 
respective  boundaries,  so  that  the  Indians  on  either  side  of  the 
border  should  not  be  permitted  to  attack  the  Indians  or  citi- 
zens on  the  other  side.  Gorostiza  was  also  informed  that  the 
Indians  west  of  the  supposed  boundary,  and  on  the  “ neutral 
ground ,”  were  assuming  a warlike  and  dangerous  attitude; 
that  Mexico  was  not  there  with  her  forces  to  keep  them  quiet, 
nor  had  she  the  ability  to  do  so,  as  her  troops  were  driven  by 
the  Texans  west  of  the  Rio  Grande ; and  it  became  necessary 
that  the  United  States  should  assume  an  advanced  position, 
temporarily,  and  for  her  own  defence.  And  the  president  fur- 
ther stated  that  he  seriously  doubted  the  sufficiency  of  the 
causes  assigned  by  General  Gaines  to  justify  the  removal  of 
troops  to  Nacogdoches.*  Nevertheless,  this  did  not  suit  the 
policy  of  Mexico,  as  she  desired  to  employ  the  Indians  against 

* President  Jackson’s  Message,  December  6,  1836. 


202 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


Texas,  and,  while  the  American  troops  remained  at  Nacogdo- 
ches, she  could  not  do  so.  On  the  other  hand,  the  presence 
of  those  troops  at  Nacogdoches  secured  the  eastern  Texans 
against  the  savages,  enabling  them  to  leave  their  homes  and 
go  to  the  defence  of  their  country.  Gorostiza,  therefore,  ab- 
ruptly left  his  post  on  the  15th  of  October,  1836,  and  all 
diplomatic  intercourse  between  the  two  countries  was  conse- 
quently broken  off. 

The  Mexican  authorities  had  used  all  their  efforts  to  effect 
a second  invasion  of  Texas,  but  domestic  troubles  and  want  of 
means  prevented.  At  length,  Urrea,  on  account  of  his  lean- 
ings toward  federalism , was  removed  from  the  command  of  the 
army,  and  General  Nicholas  Bravo  appointed  in  his  stead. 
Great  efforts  were  made  by  the  authorities  to  convict  Filisola ; 
but  his  conduct  in  retreating,  and  thus  saving  the  lives  of  so 
many  prisoners,  as  was  believed  by  the  masses  in  Mexico, 
made  him  popular  with  them.  Since  the  capture  of  Santa 
Anna,  a gradual  change  had  been  going  on  in  the  confederacy ; 
and,  in  December,  General  Bustamente  returned  from  his  exile 
in  France,  and  his  friends  proclaimed  him  a candidate  for  the 
presidency,  at  the  election  to  be  held  on  the  first  of  the  follow- 
ing March. 

The  year  1836  did  not  close  in  Texas  without  serious  be- 
reavements. On  the  15th  of  November,  Lorenzo  de  Zavala, 
the  late  vice-president,  died  at  his  residence  on  the  San  Ja- 
cinto. His  life  had  been  eventful  and  useful.  Providence 
had  cast  his  lot  in  a land  of  revolutions  and  of  blood,  but  at 
all  times  and  under  all  circumstances  he  had  been  a constant 
and  ardent  lover  of  liberty  and  humanity.  His  remains  lie  in 
a free  country,  and  his  name  will  be  remembered  while  that 
freedom  endures.  As  misfortunes  seldom  come  alone,  on  the 
27th  of  December,  Stephen  F.  Austin  also  died.  His  remains, 


DEATH  OF  AUSTIN  — RELEASE  OF  SANTA  ANNA.  203 

followed  by  the  officers  of  the  government  and  a large  con- 
course of  citizens,  were  placed  on  the  steamer  “ Yellowstone,” 
at  Columbia,  and  conveyed  to  Peach  Point.  On  arriving  at 
the  Point,  the  procession  was  met  by  a portion  of  the  first 
regiment  of  infantry,  when  suitable  funeral  honors  were  paid 
to  the  distinguished  dead.  By  order  of  the  government,  the 
army  and  navy  were  put  in  mourning,  and  minute-guns  were 
fired,  in  token  of  the  nation’s  grief.  That  nation  has  erected 
no  monument  to  the  memory  of  Austin  ; but  this  he  did  him- 
self, while  he  lived,  in  laying  the  foundation  of  a great  state, 
and  building  it  up  on  principles  of  moderation  and  freedom. 
Austin  lived  to  see  his  work  completed — his  country  free, 
prosperous,  and  happy.  His  history  is  a noble  lesson  to  those 
who,  by  patience,  toil,  and  enterprise,  would  do  a great  and 
good  work.* 

President  Houston,  after  his  induction  into  office,  visited 
Santa  Anna  in  his  prison.  He  treated  him  with  great  kind- 
ness, while  in  confinement  and  made  his  condition  more 
comfortable.  They  had  a long  and  free  conversation  on  the 
subject  of  the  differences  between  their  respective  countries,! 
and  many  plans  were  suggested  for  their  adjustment.  Houston 
at  length,  being  satisfied  that  any  further  detention  of  Santa 
Anna  would  add  nothing  to  the  interests  of  Texas,  by  consent 
of  the  prisoner,  placed  him  and  Colonel  Almonte  in  the  custody 
of  George  W.  Hockley,  inspector-general  of  the  army,  with 

* General  M.  B.  Lamar  long  since  promised  the  public  a life  of  Austin.  Such 
a work  has  been  greatly  needed  in  Texas.  It  is  believed  that  a writer  of  Gen- 
eral Lamar’s  fine  abilities,  with  the  aid  of  the  private  papers  of  the  deceased, 
would  do  ample  justice  to  his  memory. 

f After  Santa  Anna  visited  Washington  city,  it  was  currently  reported,  and 
by  many  believed,  that  he  had  made  a treaty  with  President  Jackson,  by  which 
Texas  was  ceded  to  the  United  States.  As  it  is  probable  there  was  not  a word 
said  by  either  of  them  on  that  subject,  the  rumor  must  have  had  its  foundation 
in  Santa  Anna’s  letter,  of  the  6th  of  November,  to  President  Houston.  See  Ap- 
pendix No.  VI. 


204 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


Colonel  Barnard  E.  Bee  and  Major  William  H.  Patton  as  an 
escort,  and  gave  instructions  to  conduct  them  to  Washington 
city.*  Santa  Anna  desired  to  take  that  route  on  his  return  to 
Mexico,  as  it  would  be  most  safe  to  his  person.  The  party 
immediately  set  out,  and  arrived  at  Washington  city  on  the 
17th  of  January,  1837. f Santa  Anna  was  received  with  great 
kindness  by  President  Jackson,  had  several  friendly  interviews 
with  him,  and  while  there  spoke  as  freely  in  favor  of  Texan  in- 
dependence as  he  had  done  in  Texas.  He  remained  in  Wash- 
ington till  the  26th  of  January,  during  which  time  he  dined 
with  the  president  and  his  cabinet,  and  had  his  portrait  taken 
by  the  painter  Earl.  Leaving  the  capital,  he  “ embarked  at 
Norfolk  in  the  ‘ Pioneer ,’  a public  vessel  provided  for  him  by 
the  president,”  and  sailed  to  Yera  Cruz.  On  arriving  there, 
he  was  coldly  received : “ None  but  a few  curious  loungers 
met  him  on  the  mole  ; no  array  of  troops  met  the  commander- 
in-chief.”  He  retired  to  his  country-seat  of  Mango  de  Clavo , 
about  twelve  miles  distant  from  Yera  Cruz,  where  he  waited 
patiently  (as  he  had  often  done  before)  the  troubling  of  the 

waters  4 

The  Texans  had  detained  Santa  Anna  too  long ; the  power 
of  their  captive  was  gone  in  his  own  country.  At  the  presi- 
dential election  in  Mexico  on  the  first  of  March,  1837,  of  sixty- 
nine  electoral  votes,  Santa  Anna  received  but  two ! Busta- 
mente,  the  late  exile;  was  chosen  by  an  overwhelming  majori- 
ty. Santa  Anna,  however,  did  not  despair,  but  returned  to  his 
country-seat,  and  prepared  his  famous  manifesto , in  which  he 
unsaid  much  that  he  had  declared  while  a prisoner ; but  one 

* Houston’s  order  to  Hockley,  November  20,  1836. 

f Hockley  to  Houston,  January  20,  1837.  The  Texan  Congress  had  declared 
in  favor  of  a still  further  detention  of  Santa  Anna,  but  it  did  not  meet  with  the 
executive  approval.  — Journal  of  the  House,  1836,  p.  144. 

t “Democratic  Review,”  1838,  p.  314. 


GENERAL  HAMILTON,  OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA.  205 

thing  he  had  resolved — and  in  that  he  was  most  sincere  — 
never  again  to  set  his  foot  on  the  soil  of  Texas. 

It  is  proper  here  to  state  that  President  Houston  appointed 
General  Rusk  to  a seat  in  the  cabinet,*  which  left  the  command 
of  the  army  in  the  hands  of  General  Felix  Huston.  On  the 
22d  of  December,  the  Texan  Congress,  by  a joint  resolution, 
requested  the  president  to  open  a correspondence  with  Gen- 
eral James  Hamilton,  of  South  Carolina,  to  ascertain  if  he 
would  accept  the  command  of  the  Texan  army.  In  the  discus- 
sions in  that  state,  touching  the  independence  of  Texas  (which 
Governor  M‘Duffie  strangely  opposed),  General  Hamilton  had 
shown  himself  a warm  friend  of  the  infant  republic.  In  the 
reorganization  of  the  army,  provision  was  made  for  one  major- 
general  ; and  the  government  of  Texas  desired  to  manifest  its 
gratitude  to  her  distinguished  advocate  in  that  chivalrous  old 
commonwealth  for  his  noble  services.  The  president  lost  no 
time  in  making  known  to  him  the  wish  of  the  new  republic, 
with  the  expression  of  a hope  that  he  would  accept  the  high 
position,  and  be  in  Texas  by  the  first  of  March,  as  a formida- 
ble invasion  was  anticipated.! 

At  the  close  of  1836,  the  Texan  army  consisted  of  about 
seven  hundred  men  enlisted  for  the  period  of  the  war,  and 
eighty  who  had  six  months  longer  to  serve.  The  troops  had 
neither  flour  nor  bread ; beef-cattle  there  were  in  abundance 
on  the  prairies,  but  no  horses  in  camp  to  drive  them  up.  They 
had  likewise  a good  supply  of  ammunition,  but  were  without 

flints.^ 

* General  Rusk  shortly  afterward  resigned,  in  order  to  attend  to  his  private 
affairs,  whioh  had  been  much  neglected  during  his  long  absence  in  the  public 
service. 

f Houston  to  Hamilton,  December  31,  1836.  Duplicate,  February  11,  1837. 
Circumstances  of  a private  nature  prevented  General  Hamilton  from  accepting 
the  appointment.  — Hamilton  to  Houston , February  16,  1837. 

t General  Felix  Huston’s  official  despatch,  December  16,  1836. 


206 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


The  Mexicans  had  again  increased  their  forces  in  and  about 
Matamoras.  At  the  latter  point  there  were  thirteen  hundred 
and  thirty-five  infantry,  six  hundred  and  seventy  cavalry,  and 
four  hundred  chained  convicts,  ready  to  be  distributed  among 
the  several  companies.  They  had  twenty-eight  pieces  of  can- 
non and  two  mortars.  There  were  also  en  route , from  San 
Luis  Potosi,  one  hundred  and  fifty  cavalry,  three  hundred  in- 
fantry, and  four  pieces  of  artillery.  Besides  these  forces,  there 
were  at  Saltillo  twenty-five  hundred  men  of  all  arms,  and  at 
Laredo  one  hundred  and  fifty  cavalry  — making  in  all  an  ag- 
gregate of  over  five  thousand  troops,  ready  to  invade  Texas.* 
Yet  it  was  believed  by  many  that  the  object  of  the  Mexican 
government  was  rather  to  present  a hostile  appearance,  and 
thus  prevent  the  United  States  from  recognising  Texas  as  an 
independent  state,  than  to  invade  the  Texan  settlements.  The 
troubles  in  the  interior  of  Mexico  between  the  federal  and  cen- 
tral factions  guarantied  the  peace  of  Texas.  In  fact,  she  was 
in  a poor  condition  to  meet  the  enemy.  The  situation  of  her 
army  has  already  been  stated.  This  condition  was  not  owing 
to  the  fault  of  the  government,  but  to  the  want  of  credit.  She 
had  relied  upon  the  sale  of  her  land-scrip  to  meet  her  pressing 
wants,  until  some  portion  or  all  of  the  five  millions  loan  could 
be  realized,  or  until  her  revenues  should  replenish  her  empty 
coffers.  This  scrip,  passing  through  the  hands  of  the  Messrs. 
Toby  and  brothers,  of  New  Orleans,  had  failed  to  answer  the 
intended  purpose.  This  was  partly  charged  to  the  agents. 
Drafts  drawn  on  them  were  accepted,  payable  “when  in  funds” 
These  payments  were  procrastinated  ; the  drafts  were  hawked 
and  peddled  through  the  city,  until  the  credit  of  the  republic 
was  sunk  to  its  lowest  ebb.  The  Texan  vessels-of-war  were 
lying  idle  for  want  of  funds  ; the  recruiting-service  was  inac- 

* Statement  furnished  by  John  Ricord.  January  26,  1837. 


DESTITUTE  CONDITION  OF  THE  ARMY. 


207 


tive  ; and  the  president  was  compelled  to  bind  himself  person- 
ally for  the  payment  of  beef  to  feed  the  army  !*  The  post  at 
Galveston  island  — important,  as  having  in  charge  so  many 
prisoners  — was  in  a starving  condition  ; so  likewise  were  those 
prisoners  transferred  to  Anahuac.  To  provide  for  themselves, 
they  made  forays  upon  the  cattle  along  the  coast,  in  Liberty 
county.  Many  of  the  owners  of  these  cattle  had  never  been 
on  the  best  terms  with  the  Texan  authorities,  but  had  rather 
opposed  the  Revolution.  Consequently,  these  arbitrary  drafts 
upon  their  stock  soon  exhausted  their  patriotism,  and  some 
disturbances  arose  in  that  quarter. f To  remedy  the  destitute 
condition  of  the  army,  the  president  made  a visit  to  headquar- 
ters in  January,  and,  having  fully  ascertained  its  wants,  and 
the  resources  of  the  surrounding  country,  took  such  steps  as 
he  could  to  provide  for  them. 

The  question  of  the  recognition  of  Texan  independence  had 
been  long  the  subject  of  discussion  in  the  United  States.  There 
was  considerable  opposition  to  the  measure,  arising  from  the 
antislavery  feeling  in  the  northern  portion  of  the  Union.  How- 
ever, a resolution  to  that  effect  was  introduced  into  the  senate 
by  Robert  J.  Walker,  of  Mississippi.  On  the  1st  of  March  it  was 
called  up,  and,  after  a warm  discussion,  was  passed,  by  a vote 
of  twenty-three  to  twenty-two.  On  the  following  day  a motion 


* Houston  to  George  Robinson,  January  13,  1837.  The  army  had  other 
troubles.  Under  the  recent  law  directing  its  reorganization,  the  president  had 
appointed  Colonel  A.  S.  Johnson  to  the  command  as  general-in-chief.  He  ar- 
rived in  camp  on  the  4th  of  February.  Some  difference  arising  between  him 
and  General  Felix  Huston,  induced  the  latter  to  call  him  out.  They  met  on  the 
morning  of  the  5th,  and,  after  an  exchange  of  four  or  five  shots,  in  which  Gen- 
eral Johnson  was  severely  wounded,  the  matter  was  settled.  The  affair  pro- 
duced considerable  confusion  in  the  army.  — Letter  of  Captain  J.  B.  Irvine , 
February  5,  1837. 

f Letter  of  William  Hardin,  February  13,  1837.  Colonel  Hardin  had  charge 
of  the  Mexican  officers  taken  prisoners  at  San  Jacinto,  and  who  had  been  sent 
to  Anahuac. 


208 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


was  made  to  reconsider,  but  it  was  lost  by  a vote  of  twenty- 
four  to  twenty-four.  The  house  of  representatives  made  an 
appropriation  for  a diplomatic  agent  from  the  United  States  to 
the  government  of  Texas  ; and  the  last  official  act  of  President 
Jackson,  previous  to  his  retirement  from  the  executive  chair, 
was  the  nomination  of  Alcee  Labranche  as  charge  d'affaires  to 
that  republic.  In  a few  days  afterward,  an  official  audience 
was  given  to  the  Texan  ministers  in  Washington,  and  they 
were  duly  recognised  as  such  to  the  government  of  the  United 
States.*  Thus  one  of  the  first  powers  had  formally  admitted 
that  Texas  was  able  to  take  care  of  herself.  It  was  an  era  in 
her  history  worthy  of  remembrance.  It  was  not  a boon,  but  a 
just  admission  of  her  good  conduct  and  firm  purposes. 

Having  acknowledged  her  independence,  the  question  of  her 
annexation  legitimately  came  up  for  discussion.  The  Texan 
ministers  lost  no  time  in  laying  the  matter  before  the  cabinet  at 
Washington.  The  recognition  of  the  independence  of  Texas, 
and  her  annexation  to  the  Union,  were  very  different  questions. 
In  determining  with  respect  to  the  first,  the  United  States  did 
not  take  the  question  of  right  between  Mexico  and  her  rebel- 
lious province  into  consideration.  Their  duty  to  the  two  coun- 
tries permitted  them  to  look  at  the  fact  merely : for  if  Texas 
was  in  fact  independent,  it  was  their  duty  and  interest  to  ad- 
mit it. 

But  in  regal’d  to  annexation  — so  long  as  Texas  should  re- 
main at  war  with  Mexico,  and  the  United  States  at  peace  with 
the  latter,  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  the  American  Union 

* Letters  of  Memucan  Hunt,  March  7,  1837,  and  J.  H Houghton,  March  2, 
1837.  General  Hunt  says  : “I  can  not  permit  this  opportunity  to  pass  without 
expressing  my  gratitude  and  admiration  of  the  zealous  efforts  of  Messrs.  Walker, 
Preston,  Calhoun,  and  Parker,  in  behalf  of  Texas.  Their  names  are  most  promi- 
nently identified  with  the  success  of  the  first  recognition  of  the  independence 
of  our  republic.” 


ANNEXATION  — TEXAN  LAND-SCRIP. 


209 


would  involve  the  government  of  the  United  States  in  a breach 
of  treaty  with  Mexico,  and  necessarily  induce  a war.*  Such 
was  the  reasoning  of  the  American  secretary  of  state.  And, 
lest  the  United  States  might  be  suspected  of  a disregard  of  her 
treaty  of  friendship  with  Mexico,  she  did  not  even  reserve  the 
subject  for  further  consideration,  but  dismissed  it  at  once. 
This  disposition  of  the  matter  was,  no  doubt,  at  that  time,  cor- 
rect. The  question  then  came  before  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  as  one  of  time.  That  these  kindred  peoples  would  be 
united,  there  could  be  no  doubt : how  long,  then,  did  good 
faith  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  require  her  to  wait  upon 
the  fruitless  efforts  of  Mexico  to  reclaim  her  revolted  and  vic- 
torious colony?  We  will  notice  the  gradual  solution  of  this 
question. 

The  increasing  number  of  volunteers,  and  the  consequent 
expenditure  of  land-scrip  to  keep  them  in  supplies,  bore  so 
heavily  upon  the  credit  of  Texas,  that  some  step  became  ne- 
cessary to  check  the  movement.  Accordingly,  an  order  was 
issued  on  the  10th  of  March,  1837,  refusing  all  volunteers  ex- 
cept such  as  received  the  passport  of  Colonel  A.  S.  Thruston, 
Texan  agent  at  New  Orleans ; and  he  was  instructed  to  pass 
only  those  who  should  furnish  themselves  with  good  arms,  six 
months’  clothing,  and  two  months’  rations.  This  order  had 
the  desired  effect ; and,  though  it  would  have  been  unsafe  be- 
fore that  time,  it  had  now  become  practicable.! 

Meanwhile,  the  threatening  attitude  of  Mexico  was  daily  de- 
creasing. A revolt,  growing  out  of  the  depreciation  of  the 
copper  currency,  broke  out  in  the  capital.  The  soldiers  were 
called  out,  and,  firing  on  the  mob,  killed  several.  Again, 
there  was  a rebellion  in  the  southern  part  of  the  confederacy, 

* Forsyth  to  Hunt,  August  25,  1837. 

f Order,  March  10.  1837.  Instructions  to  Thruston,  March  16,  1837. 

VOL.  II.  — 14 


210 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


and  troops  were  ordered  to  that  quarter.  Indeed,  such  were 
the  troubles  in  the  capital,  and  so  strong  the  demand  for  the 
federation,  that  General  Bravo  left  the  army  at  Matamoras, 
and  hastened  to  the  scene  of  confusion.  The  Mexican  govern- 
ment, however,  having  procured  and  equipped  several  small 
vessels-of-war,  declared  the  coast  of  Texas  in  a state  of  block- 
ade. The  news  of  the  recognition  of  Texan  independence  by 
the  United  States  was  received  in  Mexico  about  the  close  of 
March.  It  had  a wonderful  effect  in  abating  the  ardor  of  the 
nation.  The  secretary  of  war  declared,  in  a speech  to  the 
Mexican  Congress,  that  the  event  had  been  dexterously  ar- 
ranged by  the  United  States  many  years  before ; that  they 
had  all  witnessed  the  management  and  intrigue  by  which  that 
nation  had  endeavored  to  acquire  a portion  of  the  territory  of 
the  Mexican  republic ; and  that,  with  the  same  Punic  faith,  it 
had  acquired  possession  of  the  Floridas  from  Spain  ! He  fur- 
ther charged  the  United  States  with  preparing  armed  expedi- 
tions to  aid  the  rebel  colonists  of  Texas ; with  insulting  Mexi- 
can vessels,  and  conducting  them  into  American  ports,  and 
there  treating  them  as  pirates,  while  the  true  pirates  displayed 
an  unknown  flag  in  the  same  American  ports,  and  received 
every  kind  of  assistance  and  protection.  4 And,”  said  he, 44  our 
men  are  now  ready  to  enter  on  that  ungrateful  soil,  and  the 
God  of  battles  will  be  with  them,  for  it  is  a war  of  justice.”* 
Deaf  Smith,  who,  with  a mounted  force  of  twenty-one  men, 
had  been  ranging  west  of  San  Antonio,  set  out  on  the  6th  of 
March  with  a view  to  plant  the  Texan  flag  at  Laredo.  On  the 
evening  of  the  16th  he  reached  the  Chanson,  a small  stream 
five  miles  east  of  Laredo,  where  he  was  discovered  by  the 
scouts  of  the  enemy.  On  the  following  day,  having  moved 
back  a mile  or  two,  to  obtain  better  grass  for  his  horses,  the 

* “ Diario  del  Gobierno,”  April  2,  1837. 


FUNERAL  HONORS  TO  THE  ALAMO  VICTIMS. 


211 


Mexican  cavalry,  to  the  number  of  forty,  were  seen  about  a 
mile  distant,  advancing  in  fine  order.  Smith  and  his  party 
took  a position  in  a thicket  of  mosquites , when  the  enemy  be- 
gan the  attack  at  a distance  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards. 
Smith  gave  orders  to  his  men  not  to  fire  until  they  were  sure 
of  their  aim.  After  an  engagement  of  forty-five  minutes,  the 
Mexicans  retreated,  having  ten  killed,  and  as  many  wounded. 
Smith  had  but  two  of  his  men  wounded.  Learning  from  the 
enemy’s  wounded  that  there  was  a considerable  force  at  La- 
redo, he  returned  to  San  Antonio.* 

Of  the  Mexicans  who  were  natives  of  Texas,  it  has  been 
said  that  there  were  two  parties.  From  these,  two  hostile 
companies  were  raised : the  one  under  the  command  of  Colo- 
nel J.  N.  Seguin,  and  the  other  under  Captain  Rodriguez. 
The  former  kept  his  headquarters  about  San  Antonio,  and  the 
latter  at  Matamoras.  They  both  ranged  over  the  territory 
between  the  two  places,  and  gave  to  their  respective  superiors 
such  news  as  they  could  gather — the  most  of  which  was  to- 
tally unreliable,  yet  still  calculated  to  produce  uneasiness  and 
uncertainty  on  the  frontiers. 

We  must  not  omit  to  mention  here  the  solemn  ceremony  of 
collecting  and  devoting  to  funeral  honors  the  ashes  of  the  he- 
roes of  the  Alamo.  It  was  performed  on  the  25th  of  February 
by  Colonel  Seguin  and  his  command,  under  orders  from  the 
general-in-chief  of  the  army.  The  dead  had  been  burnt  in 
three  piles.  The  ashes  were  collected  and  placed  in  a neat 
black  coffin,  on  the  inside  of  the  lid  of  which  were  engraved 
the  names  of  Travis,  Bowie,  and  Crockett ; a solemn  procession 
was  formed,  and  the  remains  borne  to  the  place  of  interment, 
where,  after  suitable  orations,  they  were  buried  with  military 
honors. 

* Deaf  Smith’s  report  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  March  27,  1837. 


212 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


The  appearance  of  the  Mexican  fleet  in  the  gulf  was  followed 
by  some  damage  to  Texas.  The  “ Champion,”  freighted  with 
provisions,  <fcc.,  for  the  army,  was  taken  by  the  enemy;  and 
also,  on  the  12th  of  April,  the  “ Julius  Caesar,”  whose  cargo 
was  valued  at  thirty  thousand  dollars.  President  Houston  had 
previously  issued  an  order  for  the  release  of  the  Mexican  pris- 
oners ; but,  learning  that  those  on  board  the  captured  vessels 
had  been  taken  into  Matamoras  and  confined,  he  revoked  the 
order  of  release. 

This  blockading  navy  of  the  enemy  necessarily  came  in  con- 
tact with  the  commerce  of  the  United  States  ; and  the  Mexican 
brig-of-war  Urrea , having  captured  some  American  vessels  and 
property,  was  taken  by  the  United  States  sloop-of-war  Natchez , 
and  sent  into  Pensacola  as  a pirate.  On  the  17th  of  April,  the 
Texan  schooner  Independence , having  a crew  of  thirty-one  men, 
besides  several  passengers  — among  whom  was  William  H. 
Wharton,  on  his  return  from  his  mission  to  the  United  States 
— was  met,  about  thirty  miles  from  Velasco,  by  two  Mexican 
brigs-of-war,  the  Libertador , having  sixteen  eighteen-pounders 
and  one  hundred  and  forty  men,  and  the  Vincedor  del  Alamo , 
carrying  six  twelves  and  one  long  eighteen-pounder,  and  one 
hundred  men.  After  a severe  fight,  in  which  the  Texans  be- 
haved most  gallantly,  the  Independence  was  overpowered  and 
taken  into  Brasos  Santiago,  whence  the  crew  and  passengers 
were  transferred  to  Matamoras  and  confined.  In  this  engage- 
ment, Captain  Wheelwright,  of  the  Independence , was  severely 
wounded.* 

The  Texan  navy,  on  leaving  Galveston  in  May,  proceeded 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  but,  failing  to  find  any  of  the 
enemy  there  after  a cruise  of  seven  or  eight  days,  turned  to 

* Official  report  of  Lieutenant  J.  W.  Taylor,  April  21,  1837.  Letter  of  Sur- 
geon Levy,  May  5,  1837. 


THE  TEXAN  NAVY  — INDIAN  OUTRAGES. 


213 


the  coast  of  Mexico.  The  Texans  made  some  small  prizes 
about  the  island  of  Mugere,  and  thence  proceeded  to  Yucatan, 
where  they  cannonaded  the  town  of  Sisal  for  some  three  hours, 
but  with  little  effect.  The  Texan  schooner  Invincible  took  and 
sent  into  port  as  a prize  the  Mexican  schooner  Alispa , of  eighty 
tons  ; and  the  Brutus  captured  and  sent  in  the  schooner  Tele- 
graph. The  Texans  also  made  repeated  landings  along  the 
coast,  and  burnt  eight  or  nine  towns.  This,  though  sufficiently 
annoying  to  the  enemy,  and  in  accordance  with  their  mode  of 
warfare,  has  not  been  considered,  in  modern  times,  the  most 
humane  way  of  conducting  a war.  Another  vessel,  the  Eliza 
Russell , of  one  hundred  and  eighty  tons,  belonging  to  English 
subjects,  which  was  taken  by  the  Invincible  off  the  Alicranes, 
and  brought  into  Galveston,  not  being  freighted  with  a contra- 
band cargo,  was  afterward  properly  restored,  with  damages, 
by  the  republic.* 

The  frontiers  of  Texas  during  the  winter  and  spring  of  183T 
had  been  unsettled.  The  Indians,  actuated  by  the  persuasions 
of  Mexican  agents,  and  the  imprudence  of  many  white  people 
living  near  them,  kept  up  a very  annoying  predatory  warfare. 
They  began  their  depredations  by  the  murder  of  three  men  on 
the  Trinity  at  Fort  Houston ; then  by  the  murder  of  two  more 
on  the  Neches ; and  these  were  followed  by  numbers  of  others 
along  the  frontier.  Besides  these  outrages,  many  horses  were 
stolen.  The  government  did  what  it  could  to  make  treaties 
with  the  savages,  and  to  keep  up  a vigilant  ranging-service ; 
but  still,  while  the  Mexican  emissaries  were  among  them,  they 
could  not  be  quieted. 

On  the  first  of  May,  the  first  Congress  met  for  its  second 
session,  agreeably  to  its  adjournment,  at  the  town  of  Houston. 
The  president  had  some  time  before  preceded  the  members. 

* “ Matagorda  Bulletin.” 


214 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


As  the  town  was  not  yet  a year  old,  it  will  not  be  supposed 
that  the  accommodations  were  extensive.  The  president’s 
house  was  a log-cabin,  consisting  of  two  rooms  or  pens — the 
one  having  a puncheon-floor,  and  the  other  a floor  of  earth. 
Yet  in  that  humble  dwelling  the  representatives  of  the  repub- 
lic and  a large  number  of  visiters — among  whom  were  the 
British  agent  Crawford,  sent  to  look  at  the  country,  and  the 
distinguished  Audubon  — attended  the  levees. 

The  message  of  the  president  advised  the  Congress  that  the 
cloud  of  invasion,  which  a short  time  before  had  threatened  to 
break  upon  them,  had  passed  away.  In  recurring  to  the  great 
subject  of  the  finances,  he  informed  them  that  the  agents  in- 
trusted with  the  sale  of  land-scrip  had  proved  so  unfaithful, 
that  further  sales  were  suspended ; and,  owing  to  the  depressed 
state  of  the  money-market,  none  of  the  five  millions  loan  had 
been  taken.* 

The  Congress  continued  in  session  until  the  13th  of  June. 
Among  its  enactments  were,  a law  to  raise  public  revenue  by 
imposts ; modifying  the  land-law  of  the  previous  session,  and 
repealing  all  laws  allowing  further  bounties  to  volunteers  ; im- 
posing direct  taxes  ; authorizing  the  issuing  of  the  promissory 
notes  of  the  government ; and  a law  consolidating  and  funding 
the  public  debt.  These  were  the  principal  laws  of  a general 
nature  passed  at  this  session.  A joint  resolution  (suggested 
by  the  visit  of  Mr.  Crawford  to  Texas)  was  also  adopted,  rec- 
ommending the  appointment  of  an  agent  to  proceed  to  England, 
to  procure  the  recognition  of  the  independence  of  the  republic 
by  that  nation. 

It  has  already  been  stated  that  there  was  a revolt  in  the 
Mexican  capital,  growing  out  of  a decree  scaling  the  copper 
coin  fifty  per  cent.  This  emeute , as  before  remarked,  induced 


* Message,  May  5,  1837. 


REVOLT  IN  MEXICO  — WANT  OF  MONEY. 


215 


Bravo  to  leave  the  army  at  Matamoras,  and  repair  to  the  city. 
Filisola  was  sent  to  take  again  the  command.  The  troops  in 
that  town  received  no  pay,  nor  had  they,  to  any  extent,  since 
the  evacuation  of  Texas.  The  officers  were  leaving  whenever 
they  could,  and  the  soldiers  deserted  daily.  In  the  meantime, 
General  Moctezuma  had  declared  for  the  constitution  of  1824, 
and  took  his  position  at  the  Rio  Verde,  fifty  leagues  from  San 
Luis  Potosi,  where  the  federalists,  to  the  number  of  over  three 
thousand,  rallied  around  him.  About  the  first  of  May,  Gen- 
eral Valencia  left  Matamoras  with  eleven  hundred  troops,  un- 
der orders  to  assist  in  the  overthrow  of  Moctezuma.  This 
reduced  the  force  at  the  latter  place,  under  Filisola,  to  about 
two  thousand  men.  On  the  26th  of  June,  Moctezuma  was  sur- 
prised by  the  centralists,  himself  killed,  and  his  army  cut  to 
pieces. 

Such  were  some  of  the  scenes  enacted  in  Mexico.  Her  gov- 
ernment had  become  faithless  and  penniless,  and  her  paper 
was  not  worth  twenty  cents  in  the  dollar.  It  was  manifest 
that  a crisis  was  approaching,  for  she  must  have  money ; and 
the  priesthood,  having  the  control  of  it,  would  make  no  volun- 
tary surrender.  Forcible  proceedings  would  at  once  produce 
a revolution,  for  the  priests  controlled  the  masses  in  that  coun- 
try ; and  they  knew  very  well  that  they  had  in  Santa  Anna  a 
potent  friend,  who  was  ready  to  act  at  their  request. 

Texas  was  as  poor  as  Mexico ; and  President  Houston,  see- 
ing the  burden  the  young  republic  had  to  bear,  was  anxious  to 
discharge  the  most  of  the  troops.  Yet,  having  nothing  with 
which  to  pay  them,  he  followed  the  precedent  of  the  United 
States  at  the  close  of  the  Revolutionary  war  — he  gave  them 
furloughs.*  Thus  two  thirds  of  the  Texan  soldiers  quietly 

* Order  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  May  18,  1837 ; also  order  of  the  19th  of 
May,  1837. 


216 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


dispersed  to  their  homes,  leaving  the  service  in  confident  reli- 
ance upon  the  good  faith  of  the  government. 

Colonel  John  H.  Wharton,  desirous  of  making  an  effort  to 
release  his  brother  from  the  prison  of  Matamoras,  obtained 
permission  and  a flag,  and  proceeded  with  thirty  Mexican  pris- 
oners to  that  town,  to  make  an  exchange.  But,  on  landing, 
he  was  made  a prisoner  and  confined  in  a dungeon.  After  an 
imprisonment  of  six  days,  he  made  his  escape,  and  returned 
to  Texas.  In  the  meantime,  his  brother,  William  H.  Whar- 
ton, through  the  aid  of  the  well-known  Captain  Thompson,  of 
the  Mexican  navy,  also  escaped  and  reached  home.  It  was 
intended  that  Thompson  should  desert  the  enemy’s  service, 
and  leave  with  him ; but  Thompson’s  departure  was  precipi- 
tated by  some  information  given  to  the  Mexican  authorities, 
and  he  arrived  in  Texas  before  either  of  the  Whartons.*  This 
barbarous  conduct  on  the  part  of  the  enemy  induced  the  presi- 
dent of  Texas  to  readmit  the  granting  of  letters  of  marque  and 
reprisal  against  them,  which  he  had  suspended  on  his  entrance 
into  office. f 

On  the  25th  of  August,  the  Brutus  and  the  Invincible  ar- 
rived off  the  bar  at  Galveston,  having  in  tow  a Mexican  armed 
schooner  which  they  had  captured  near  the  banks  of  Campea- 
chy.  On  the  same  evening,  the  Brutus  and  the  prize  entered 
the  harbor,  but  the  Invincible  could  not  get  in.  On  the  follow- 
ing morning  the  latter  was  attacked  by  two  of  the  enemy’s 
armed  brigs.  The  Brutus , in  attempting  to  go  out  to  her  aid, 
ran  aground ; so  the  Invincible  was  obliged  to  continue  the 
unequal  contest  alone  during  the  day.  Toward  evening  she 
attempted  a retreat,  but  struck  on  the  breakers  near  the  south- 
east channel.  The  crew  landed  in  safety,  but  during  the  night 

* “Telegraph,”  June,  1837. 

f President’s  Proclamation,  September  15,  1837/ 


MEETING  OP  THE  TEXAN  CONGRESS. 


217 


the  vessel  went  to  pieces.  The  Invincible  was  a favorite  craft 
in  the  Texan  navy,  and  her  loss  much  regretted.* 

Difficulties  having  arisen  in  the  meanwhile  between  the  au- 
thorities of  the  United  States  and  those  of  Texas  in  relation 
to  the  yet  undefined  boundary-line  between  the  two  countries, 
and  conflicts  having  occurred  between  their  respective  citizens 
along  the  border  in  regard  to  land-claims,  President  Houston 
convoked  the  Texan  Congress  in  extra  session  on  the  25th  of 
September,  and  laid  the  matter  before  that  body  for  its  action. 
As  the  extra  session  extended  into  the  annual  session,  the  ex- 
ecutive, on  the  21st  of  November,  addressed  to  the  two  houses 
his  annual  message.  The  important  and  complicated  subject 
of  the  finances  and  currency  of  the  republic  occupied  a promi- 
nent place  in  this  document.  The  president  stated  the  ex- 
traordinary fact  that,  since  the  commencement  of  his  adminis- 
tration, only  the  small  sum  of  five  hundred  dollars  in  specie 
had  been  paid  into  the  national  treasury.  He  declared  the 
sale  of  land-scrip,  as  a means  of  supplying  the  wants  of  the 
treasury,  to  be  “ an  imaginary  and  unfortunate  expedient.” 
The  act  of  the  previous  Congress,  authorizing  the  issuance  of 
a half-million  of  treasury-notes,  had  already  gone  into  opera- 
tion. These  notes  were  received  in  payment  of  public  dues, 
and  were  deemed  a better  currency  than  the  notes  of  the  non- 
specie-paying banks  of  the  United  States  (for  the  year  1837, 
it  will  be  remembered,  was  a period  of  unexampled  commer- 
cial prostration  and  financial  embarrassment,  which  caused  a 
general  suspension  of  the  banking  institutions  of  the  Union). 
The  president  believed  that,  so  long  as  an  excessive  issue  of 
these  notes  was  avoided,  they  would  have  a sound  currency, 
the  credit  of  which  would  extend  to  those  countries  with  which 
the  republic  had  commercial  intercourse  ; but  that,  if  an  excess 

* “ Telegraph,”  September  2,  1837. 


218 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


were  issued,  the  depreciation  would  be  in  proportion  to  such 
excess. 

The  report  of  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  exhibited  an  au- 
dited indebtedness  of  a little  over  a million  of  dollars ; but  to 
this  should  be  added  the  outstanding  debt  yet  to  be  audited, 
which  perhaps  amounted  to  a million  more.* 

* The  author  of  the  “Fiscal  History  of  Texas”  has  not  considered  this  unau- 
dited portion  of  the  debt  of  Texas  (page  73).  Mr.  Gouge,  so  distinguished  for 
his  works  on  banking  and  the  currency,  has  not  done  himself  justice  in  his 
“ Fiscal  History  of  Texas.”  Without  looking  at  the  heroic  efforts  of  Texas  to 
relieve  herself  from  the  shackles  of  a tyrant,  and  the  blood  of  her  gallant  sons 
so  freely  shed  in  that  struggle,  his  eye  has  been  fixed  only  on  her  poverty  and 
her  empty  treasury.  True,  he  has  been  industrious  in  collecting  financial  facta, 
and  has  arrayed  them  in  a masterly  manner ; but  it  is  always  with  a sneer,  a 
reproach  of  her  poverty  and  humble  beginnings.  We  see  in  his  work,  not  the 
soul  of  the  lover  of  his  race,  but  of  the  Wall-street  broker!  Surely,  Mr.  Gougo 
has  lived  long  enough  to  know  that  something  else  than  money  constitutes  tho 
man  and  the  nation . In  regard  to  good  faith,  he  will  turn  his  fine  abilities  to  a 
comparison  between  Texas  and  the  United  States  at  the  close  of  their  respective 
Revolutions.  If  Texas  suffers  in  the  comparison,  the  point  will  be  surrendered. 


THE  EARLY  MISSIONS  IN  TEXAS. 


219 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

No  people  can  live  and  do  well  without  faith.  That  which 
is — of  which  we  have  no  demonstrative  proof — we  must  re- 
ceive by  faith.  Our  views  are  limited,  and  the  more  so,  if  we 
are  wanting  therein.  To  all  such  no  voice  is  heard,  no  vision 
is  seen,  beyond  the  dark  veil  of  the  future ; to  them  the  stars 
speak  not,  the  graves  are  silent ; they  read  no  lessons  in  the 
sky  nor  in  the  teeming  world  around  them.  As  individuals 
or  as  a nation  they  do  not  live,  but  simply  vegetate.  It  may 
be  said  that  the  greatness  of  a nation  is  co-ordinate  with  its 
aggregate  faith.  The  future  glows  in  the  bosom  of  the  man 
of  faith ; this  begets  hope,  which  cheers  to  labor  and  to  enter- 
prise. What  else  was  it  that  brought  the  Franciscan  friars  to 
the  wilds  of  Texas,  and  caused  them  to  devote  days  and  years 
of  peril  and  of  want  to  the  instruction  and  culture  of  the  sav- 
age mind  ? and  what  but  faith  drew  around  the  sanctuary  of 
God  these  wild  children  of  America  ? Thus  a great  work  was 
begun,  and  a faint  glimpse  obtained  of  man’s  high  destiny. 
But  there  was  to  be  an  end  of  this  missionary  movement  in 
Texas.  Perhaps  it  had  completed  its  work  when,  in  1794,  the 
missions  were  secularized  by  order  of  Don  Pedro  de  Nava, 
commandant-general  of  the  northeastern  internal  provinces. 
After  that  time,  and  up  to  the  period  of  the  Texan  Revolution, 
the  religious  movements  in  the  province  were  under  the  direc- 


220 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


tion  and  jurisdiction  of  the  ordinary , or  bishop  of  Monterey. 
They  can  not  be  said  to  have  had  much  vitality.  So  far  as 
Texas  was  concerned,  they  were  stationary.  In  fact,  the  re- 
peated wars  and  conflicts  of  which  she  was  the  theatre  caused 
religion  to  decline. 

The  emigrants  to  Texas  under  the  colonization  system  did 
not  fall  into  the  Roman  catholic  mode  of  worship.  That  they 
had  faith,  their  works  abundantly  attest ; but  theirs  was  the 
protestant  form  of  worship,  and  they  saw  nothing  among  their 
new  neighbors  to  induce  them  to  abandon  the  religion  of  their 
fathers.  It  is  true  that  the  law  of  their  immigration  required 
them  to  profess  the  catholic  faith  ; but  they  winked  at  this  law, 
and  tacitly  disclaimed  the  papal  jurisdiction.  Nor  did  the 
Mexican  rulers  attempt  to  enforce  it  upon  their  consciences. 
It  is  due  to  truth  to  say  that,  among  all  their  grievances,  they 
had  little  complaint  to  make  on  the  score  of  religious  intoler- 
ance. Some  practical  difficulties  occasionally  arose : for  in- 
stance, marriage,  being  regarded  by  the  catholics  as  a sacra- 
ment, required  the  action  of  the  priest;  whereas,  the  immi- 
grants, looking  at  it  only  as  a civil  contract,  were  content  to 
be  married  by  a civil  officer,  by  the  captain  of  a military  com- 
pany, or  even  by  a bond  executed  by  the  parties  in  the  pres- 
ence of  witnesses.*  But  the  protestants  were  not  persecuted 
in  Texas. 

This  tolerant  spirit  brought  many  protestant  missionaries 
into  the  province  before  the  Revolution.  As  early  as  the  year 
1818,  the  Rev.  Henry  Stephenson,  of  the  methodist  church, 
preached  on  the  Texan  side  of  Red  river.  In  1822,  he  ex- 

* By  the  ordinance  of  the  council,  January  16,  1836  (Orders  and  Decrees,  p. 
135),  all  judges,  alcaldes,  commisarios,  and  ministers  of  the  gospel,  could  cele- 
brate the  rites  of  matrimony.  By  the  act  of  June  5, 1837  (Laws  of  Texas,  p.  233), 
the  former  marriages  by  bond  were  legalized.  This  law  was  further  extended 
in  1841  (Laws,  vol.  v.,  p.  176). 


LABORS  OF  PROTESTANT  MISSIONARIES. 


221 


tended  his  visits  farther  west ; and,  in  1824,  he  preached  the 
first  protestant  sermon  west  of  the  Brasos,  at  the  camp  of  John 
Rabb,  near  San  Felipe.  In  1826,  Rev.  Joseph  Bays,  of  the 
baptist  church,  preached  at  the  house  of  Moses  Shipman,  west 
of  the  Brasos.  In  the  latter  part  of  1827,  he  removed  to  San 
Augustine,  where  he  continued  his  labors  till  he  was  compelled 
to  desist,  it  has  been  said,  by  the  Mexican  authorities,  but  more 
probably  by  desperate  men  of  the  American  stock : for  in  the 
history  of  those  times,  the  great  hindrance  to  the  exertions  of 
the  American  missionaries  was  found  in  the  opposition  of  the 
heroes  of  the  neutral  ground.  In  1828,  Rev.  Sumner  Bacon, 
of  the  Cumberland  presbyterian  church,  penetrated  as  far  west 
as  San  Felipe,*  and  preached  wherever  he  could.  In  1829, 
Rev.  Thomas  Hanks,  of  the  baptist  church,  also  preached  west 
of  the  Brasos.  It  was  during  this  year  that  the  baptists  had 
the  honor  of  establishing  the  first  Sunday-school  in  Texas.  It 
was  organized  at  San  Felipe,  under  the  guidance  of  T.  J. 
Pilgrim. 

The  baptists  and  the  methodists  have  not  yet  settled  the 
question  as  to  which  denomination  reared  the  first  church  in 
the  Texas  wilderness.  The  former  was  organized  in  1833 
west  of  the  Brasos ; the  latter  was  organized  at  a camp-meet- 
ing, ten  miles  east  of  San  Augustine,  the  same  year.  About 
the  same  time  a church  was  organized  by  Rev.  Milton  Estill, 
of  the  Cumberland  presbyterian  faith,  in  what  is  now  Red 
River  county.  Thus,  under  the  Mexican  government,  the  prot- 
estants  commenced  their  labors  in  Texas.  In  1832,  Sumner 
Bacon,  through  the  instrumentality  of  Rev.  Benjamin  Chase, 
of  Natchez,  was.  appointed  agent  for  the  distribution  of  the 
Bible  in  the  province.  Bacon  was  a fearless  man,  and  scat- 

* For  an  account  of  the  first  labors  of  the  several  protestant  denominations  in 
Texas,  see  Appendix  No.  VIL 


222 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


tered  the  word  of  God  from  San  Antonio  to  the  Sabine.  He 
met  with  serious  opposition,  but  it  was  from  his  own  people, 
and  not  the  Mexicans.  In  this  work  he  laid  a broad  founda- 
tion for  the  protestant  missionaries. 

The  Revolution  in  Texas  necessarily  retarded  the  religious 
movement,  but  only  to  enable  it  to  advance  with  renewed  en- 
ergy. It  may  be  said  that  the  protestant  immigrants  brought 
their  preachers,  as  well  as  their  religion,  with  them.  This 
remark,  however,  does  not  apply  to  those  desperate,  homeless 
wanderers,  who,  having  fled  their  country,  spread  disorder  and 
crime  wherever  they  went ; and  who,  after  a short  career,  were 
destroyed  or  driven  off.  On  the  return  of  peace,  after  the 
army  was  disbanded,  a feeling  of  gratitude  seemed  to  animate 
the  citizens : they  had  seen  how  signally  and  manifestly  God 
had  favored  them  in  their  struggle,  and  flew  to  the  altar  of 
their  faith  to  give  utterance  to  the  noblest  feelings  of  their 
hearts.  There  is  always  hope  for  such  a people.  When  there 
is  a will,  there  is  a way ; and  those  who  witnessed  the  great 
moral  reform  that  succeeded  the  clash  of  arms,  beheld  the 
germ,  the  outcroppings  of  a spirit,  that  promised  much.  Their 
faith  gave  truth,  dignity,  moral  firmness,  and  energy,  to  their 
character.  They  heeded  not  the  timid  croakers  in  the  old 
states,  who  were  willing  to  denounce  what  they  wanted  the 
courage  to  enjoy,  but  wrought  valiantly,  for  they  were  laying 
the  foundations  of  an  empire.  Lasting  honor  to  the  old  pio- 
neers of  Texas,  and  to  the  faithful  heralds  of  the  cross  who 
came  to  minister  to  their  flocks ! They  went  forth  sowing  in 
tears,  but  many  of  them  have  already  gone  their  way  rejoicing, 
taking  their  sheaves  with  them. 

As  early  as  1838,  the  presbyterian  and  the  episcopalian  min- 
isters commenced  their  operations  in  Texas ; and,  though  not 
claiming  to  be  pioneers  in  this  work,  the  preachers  of  these 


ECCLESIASTICAL  COMMITTEE  OF  VIGILANCE.  223 

denominations  have  wrought  with  zeal,  and  by  example  and 
precept  given  an  impulse  to  learning  that  has  added  much  to 
the  character  of  the  state.  Nor  have  the  Roman  catholics 
been  backward  in  advancing  the  moral  and  intellectual  condi- 
tion of  their  people.  In  this  country  of  mild  laws  and  free 
opinions,  they  enjoy,  sis  they  ought  to  do,  the  same  religious 
and  civil  rights  with  all  others.  As  they  are  a people  of 
strong  faith,  they  are  left  to  its  enjoyment,  and  to  the  full  de- 
velopment of  whatsoever  their  hands  find  to  do.  As  an  evi- 
dence of  the  moral  growth  of  Texas,  there  are  now  not  less 
than  thirty-five  thousand  of  her  people  attached  to  the  several 
protestant  churches.  The  numbers  belonging  to  the  catholic 
faith  are  unknown.  It  has  been  recently  stated,  by  a Texan 
bible-agent,  that  Texas  is  more  abundantly  supplied  with  the 
word  of  God  than  a majority  of  the  states  of  the  Union. 

On  the  8th  of  May,  1837,  at  the  office  of  Rev.  Dr.  R.  Marsh, 
in  Houston,  a meeting  of  ministers  of  the  gospel  was  held.* 
Its  object  was  the  promotion  of  the  cause  of  religion  in  Texas. 
Rumors  had  been  circulated  in  the  United  States  that  the  peo- 
ple of  Texas  had  no  regard  for  religion  or  morality.  These 
were  credited  by  many  Christians  in  the  former  country,  and 
their  effect  was  keenly  felt  and  deprecated  by  the  latter.  This 
meeting,  composed  of  representatives  from  several  denomina- 
tions, after  the  Texas  fashion,  formed  itself  into  an  “ Ecclesias- 
tical Committee  of  Vigilance  for  Texas”  and  declared  that, 
under  the  great  Head  of  the  church  and  the  benign  influence 

* The  meeting  was  composed  of  the  following  clergymen,  viz. : — 

Rev.  W.  W.  Hall,  of  Houston,  presbyterian,  from  Kentucky; 

“ William  P.  Smith,  of  Washington,  protestant  methodist,  from  Tennessee; 

“ L.  L.  Allen,  of  Washington,  episcopal  methodist,  from  New  York; 

“ H.  Mathews,  of  Houston,  episcopal  methodist,  from  Louisiana; 

“ R.  Marsh,  of  Houston,  baptist,  from  Alabama ; and 

“ Z.  Morrell,  of  Milam,  baptist,  from  Tennessee. 

Telegraph , May  16,  1837. 


224 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


of  charity,  it  would  endeavor  to  maintain  the  purity  of  the 
Christian  name,  and  the  honor  and  dignity  of  the  ministerial 
office  ; for  which  purpose,  the  members  would  give  their  sanc- 
tion to  no  individual  professing  the  sacred  principles  of  reli- 
gion, who  was  not  of  regular  standing  in  the  branch  of  the 
church  to  which  he  might  have  belonged,  and  who  did  not  ex- 
hibit a godly  walk,  and  produce  satisfactory  evidence  of  full 
membership.  They  urged  a union  of  the  exertions  of  each 
branch  of  the  church  in  advancing  the  interests  of  the  Redeem- 
er’s kingdom.  They  also  appointed  the  Rev.  Drs.  Hall,  Smith? 
and  Mathews,  a committee  of  correspondence.  There  is  noth- 
ing like  a committee  of  vigilance  — for  we  are  taught  to  watch 
as  well  as  pray ; and  this  small  meeting,  whose  proceedings 
were  extensively  published,  did  much  to  prevent  the  ingress 
of  rogues,  under  sleeves  of  lawn,  into  Texas. 

In  July,  1837,  Charles  Compte  de  Farnese  presented  him- 
self before  the  Texan  government  with  certain  propositions, 
combining  at  once  the  more  extensive  influence  of  the  catholic 
religion,  and  the  recognition  by  Mexico  of  the  independence 
of  Texas.  He  came  with  recommendations,*  and  represented 


* “ Velasco,  July  11,  1537. 

“ To  His  Excellency  Sam  Houston  : — 

“Dear  Sir:  This  will  be  presented  to  you  by  the  count  Farnese.  His  object 
in  visiting  this  republic  is,  to  offer  his  fortune  and  personal  influence  to  the  glo- 
rious Texaq  cause.  His  views  are  extensive,  and,  if  fully  consummated,  will,  no 
doubt,  be  of  infinite  service  to  this  republic.  They  have  been  fully  explained 
to  Dr.  Archer,  General  Green,  and  other  influential  gentlemen  here,  all  of  whom 
think  highly  of  them.  The  count  is,  no  doubt,  a gentleman  of  high  literary 
attainments,  and  seems  to  have  his  heart  much  set  on  the  establishment  of  insti- 
tutions of  learning  in  this  country.  The  proposition  he  makes,  of  opening  at 
once  (after  seeing  and  consulting  with  you)  a correspondence  with  the  court  of 
Rome,  for  the  purpose  of  having  established  in  this  republic  an  independent 
bishopric,  if  successful,  can  not  fail  to  be  productive  of  the  most  beneficial  effects. 
It  will  not  only  place  the  catholic  citizens  of  this  republic  in  a very  different 
attitude,  but  will  induce  tens  of  thousands  of  other  catholics  to  emigrate  to  the 

country 

“ Very  sincerely  yours,  John  C.  Williams.” 


CHURCH  AND  STATE  — PLAN  OF  COUNT  FARNESE.  225 

to  the  president  that,  “ having  heard  in  Europe  of  the  conquest 
of  Texas,  he  had  abandoned  his  country  (where  he  enjoyed  a 
fine  fortune,  was  allied  to  several  European  courts,  and  had 
the  prospect  of  a brilliant  career),  to  offer  his  services  and 
fortune  to  Texas.”  After  some  preliminary  remarks  in  rela- 
tion to  the  protection  given  by  European  monarchs  to  religion, 
and  the  human  heart  and  mind  “ which  require  to  be  cultivated 
like  a young  plant,”  he  submitted  to  the  president  his  “ plan,” 
which  was,  to  treat,  through  his  means,  should  the  president 
think  him  worthy,  with  the  court  of  Rome : — 

“ 1.  To  raise  all  Texas  to  an  archbishopric.  This  step  is 
the  sure  means  of  making  peace  with  Mexico  through  the  influ- 
ence of  the  Roman  court ; it  will  break  all  communication  with 
the  bishop  of  Monterey,  under  whose  jurisdiction  are  the  cath- 
olics of  Texas,  and  will  remove  all  difficulty  with  other  courts 
in  acknowledging  the  independence  of  Texas.” 

After  some  further  details  as  to  the  election  and  residence 
of  the  archbishop,  the  count  proceeds  with  his  plan : — 

“ 6.  To  accord  gratuitously,  in  all  the  cities  and  villages  of 
Texas,  a convenient  place  to  build  a church,  house  for  curate, 
and  school. 

“7.  In  order  that  the  archbishop,  clergy,  masters  and  mis- 
tresses of  schools,  may  not  become  chargeable  to  government, 
to  accord  to  them,  without  distinction,  in  their  respective  par- 
ishes, or  the  nearest  district,  twelve  hundred  and  eighty  acres 
of  land.” 

“ 9.  The  churches,  houses  of  clergy,  and  schools,  will  be 
built  by  the  means  of  the* church:  consequently,  the  govern- 
ment will  not  have  the  power  to  employ  them  for  any  other 
purpose,  without  consent  of  the  holy  see. 

“ 10.  The  religion  catholic  apostolic  and  Roman  will  be  al- 
lowed to  exercise  freely  her  functions  in  all  parts  of  Texas. 
Vol.  II.  — 15 


226 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


“ 11.  She  will  enjoy  the  protection  of  government. 

“ 12.  She  will  observe  strictly  the  rites  and  canons  Ro- 
man.”* 

How  little  did  the  count  Farnese  know  of  the  American  sys- 
tem of  government ! To  the  first  article  of  his  plan  no  man  in 
Texas  could  object.  The  catholic  church  had,  and  still  has, 
the  liberty  of  creating  such  ecclesiastical  functionaries  in  the 
state  as  she  deems  necessary  to  her  welfare.  The  ninth,  tenth, 
eleventh,  and  twelfth  articles,  were  all  granted  by  the  consti- 
tution : with  this  understanding,  that  the  church  could  make 
any  alterations  she  chose  in  her  rites  and  canons,  or  she  could 
abolish  them  all,  and  the  government  could  not  and  would  not 
interfere.  The  sixth  and  seventh  articles,  which  contemplated 
a donation  to  the  church,  were  wholly  inadmissible,  inasmuch 
as  the  government  makes  no  grants  or  donations  to  any  church 
or  sect,  but  extends  to  all  the  liberty  of  worshipping  God  as 
they  may  think  proper.  The  great  error  of  Count  Farnese 
was,  in  supposing  that  there  could  be  a connection  between 
church  and  state  in  Texas.  As  men  have  different  ways  of 
looking  at  spiritual  matters,  the  government  wisely  permits 
them  to  think  as  they  please,  and  to  form  as  many  associations 
and  churches  as  they  may  wish — not  choosing  to  take  part 
with  any,  further  than  to  secure  to  all  perfect  liberty  in  their 
worship.  As  governments  are  of  this  world,  and  the  kingdom 
of  Christ  is  not  of  this  world,  to  preserve  the  peace  and  purity 
of  each,  our  institutions  keep  them  separate.  This  article  in 
the  Texan  creed  would  have  been  the  last  one  surrendered  bv 
the  people.  True,  the  churches  in  Texas  are  poor,  and  their 
temporalities  would  be  greatly  improved  by  donations  from  the 
state  or  from  individuals ; but,  in  the  history  of  the  church, 
from  its  first  organization,  it  is  clearly  shown  that  her  spiritu- 
* Letter  and  plan  of  Count  Farnesd,  July  28,  1837. 


INDIAN  HOSTILITIES  — MEXICAN  EMISSARIES. 


227 


ality  has  been  in  direct  proportion  to  her  poverty.  Nearly  all 
the  departures  from  a holy  life  have  been  found  among  those 
of  the  clergy  and  laity  who  abounded  in  the  comforts  and  lux- 
uries of  the  world.  In  all  those  governments  where  religion 
has  become  the  creature  of  the  state,  while  she  has  abounded 
in  temporal  good,  her  spirituality  has  fled.  So  little  does  the 
arm  of  God  require  an  arm  of  flesh  to  feed  his  church ! These 
reflections  may  be  unpleasant,  but  they  are  true. 

In  justification  of  the  profound  wisdom  and  happy  conse- 
quences of  this  policy  in  Texas,  her  history  shows  as  little  of 
religious  persecution  as  any  part  of  the  world.  May  this  her 
favored  condition  be  perpetual ! 

The  conduct  of  the  Indians  on  the  frontiers  of  Texas  was 
such  as  to  require  energetic  action  on  the  part  of  the  govern- 
ment. During  the  spring  of  1837,  a party  of  Mexicans  visited 
all  the  Indian  nations  on  the  frontier,  making  to  them  the  most 
seductive  offers  to  induce  them  to  make  war  on  the  Texans. 
They  promised  them  arms,  ammunition,  and  the  plunder  and 
prisoners — women  and  children  included — taken  during  the 
war ; also  the  peaceable  possession  of  the  country  then  held 
by  them.  At  the  same  time,  these  emissaries  succeeded  in 
persuading  them  that,  if  the  Texans  were  successful  in  the  war 
then  pending  between  the  latter  and  Mexico,  they  would  seize 
the  country  then  occupied  by  the  different  tribes,  and  drive 
them  from  the  land  of  their  fathers.  Thus  many  tribes  of  the 
prairie  Indians  were  induced  to  join  the  Mexicans.* 

The  savages  soon  commenced  their  incursions  into  the  set- 
tlements, and  the  Texan  Congress  found  it  necessary  to  declare 
war  against  them.  Lieutenant-Colonel  A.  Horton,  of  San  Au- 
gustine, was  ordered  to  raise  a force  of  a hundred  and  twenty 

* B.  L.  Chouteau,  Agent  for  the  Oeages,  to  William  Armstrong,  Superintendent 
of  Indian  Affairs  West,  March  1,  1837. 


228 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


men,  and  as  many  more  volunteers  as  might  be  deemed  neces- 
sary, to  proceed  against  the  prairie  Indians.*  Yet  no  success- 
ful effort  was  made  to  chastise  them.  Every  day  or  two,  du- 
ring the  year  1837,  some  murdered  citizen  or  stolen  property 
attested  their  hostile  feeling.  In  the  autumn,  Lieutenants 
Benthuysen  and  Miles,  with  eighteen  mounted  rangers,  pro- 
ceeded from  Fort  Smith  to  the  head-waters  of  the  Trinity, 
where,  on  the  10th  of  November,  they  fell  in  with  a hundred 
and  fifty  hostile  Indians.  A fierce  battle  was  fought,  which 
lasted  two  hours.  The  Indians,  having  lost  their  chief,  retired 
for  about  twenty  minutes,  elected  another  leader,  and  returned 
to  the  charge.  The  Texans  had  in  the  meantime  taken  a good 
position  among  some  timber  on  a knoll.  The  savages,  unable 
to  drive  them  out,  and  suffering  severely  from  their  rifles,  set 
fire  to  the  grass  all  around  them.  The  Texans  then  made  a 
charge  upon  their  foes,  who,  after  considerable  resistance,  fled, 
leaving  about  fifty  warriors  killed ! The  rangers  lost  Lieu- 
tenant Miles  and  eight  privates  killed,  and  three  wounded.f 

The  great  question  before  the  second  Congress  was,  the  dis- 
position of  the  public  lands.  It  will  be  remembered  that  the 
general  consultation,  on  the  13th  of  November,  1835,  closed 
all  the  land-offices,  and  ordered  all  empresarios,  commission- 
ers, and  surveyors,  thenceforth  to  cease  their  operations.  This 
decree  necessarily  rendered  all  certificates  granted,  or  loca- 

* President  Houston  to  J.  W.  Parker,  June  1,  1837.  The  most  powerful  ene- 
my to  the  Texans,  among  the  Indians,  was  Chicony,  the  principal  chief  of  the 
Camanches.  Major  A.  Le  Grand,  of  the  Texan  army,  was  sent  to  treat  with 
him.  He  found  the  chief  near  the  confluence  of  the  Big  and  Little  Washita. 
Le  Grand  having  stated  the  object  of  his  visit,  Chicony  replied  that,  “so  long 
as  he  continued  to  see  the  gradual  approach  of  the  whites  and  their  habitations 
to  the  hunting-grounds  of  the  Camanches,  so  long  would  he  believe  to  be  true 
what  the  Mexicans  had  told  him,  viz.,  that  the  ultimate  intention  of  the  white 
man  was,  to  deprive  them  of  their  country;  and  so  long  would  he  continue  to 
be  the  enemy  of  the  white  race.”  — Report  of  A.  Le  Grand,  April  26,  1837. 

f “Telegraph,”  December  23,  1837. 


SQUANDERING  THE  PUBLIC  LANDS. 


229 


tions  or  surveys  made,  after  that  date,  invalid.  The  objects 
of  this  decree  were  manifest,  but  a reference  to  a few  facts 
will  render  them  more  so.  The  legislature  of  Coahuila  and 
Texas,  in  its  last  days,  finding  that  the  latter  province  was 
about  to  be  lost  to  Mexico,  or  at  least  to  Coahuila,  undertook 
a shameless  and  corrupt  squandering  of  the  public  domain  in 
Texas.  These  quasi  land-titles  were  to  be  resisted.  Under 
the  colonization  laws  of  Mexico,  tracts  not  exceeding  eleven 
leagues  to  one  person,  could  be  sold  to  natives.  Under  color 
of  these  laws,  and  using. the  names  of  natives,  land-speculators, 
claiming  to  act  as  their  attorneys  in  fact,  had  already  begun 
and  were  preparing  to  possess  themselves  of  the  best  lands  in 
Texas.  This  wholesale  operation,  as  a fraud  upon  the  colo- 
nist and  the  soldier  in  the  field,  was  also  to  cease.  Numbers  of 
persons,  having  purchased  up  head-rights  of  individuals  (who 
never  made  Texas  their  home,  but  visited  the  country,  and  re- 
mained only  long  enough  to  obtain  their  title-papers),  wished 
to  locate  and  perfect  the  titles  to  these  head-rights ; and,  hav- 
ing exhausted  this  list  of  transient  persons,  names  were  manu- 
factured, and  head-rights  granted  upon  them.  It  was  neces- 
sary to  check  this  operation  likewise.  Yet  the  endeavor  was 
resisted  in  some  parts  of  the  republic ; and,  to  avoid  all  diffi- 
culties arising  from  the  extension  of  titles  after  the  decree  of 
November  13, 1835,  it  was  found  convenient  to  ante-date  them.* 


* “February  5,  1836.  — Had  a long  conversation  with  Major  Don  Jorge  An- 
tonio Nixon,  the  commissioner  for  granting  land-titles. The  operations 

of  this  office  are  now  suspended,  and  some  hundreds  of  deeds  are  now  lying 
here  incomplete,  waiting  for  some  formalities,  and  the  payment  of  fees.  Nixon 
expected  to  be  removed,  or  to  have  his  duties  superceded,  and  he  has  had  the 
shrewdness  to  certify  all  the  incomplete  deeds , prior  to  a certain  date ; so  that, 
when  the  purchaser  comes  for  his  deed,  he  will  find  it  ready,  as  far  as  the  com- 
missioner can  make  it  so.”  — Notes  of  Colonel  William  F.  Gray : MS.  The  hun- 
dreds of  Spanish  titles,  thus  ante-dated,  were  soon  put  into  circulation.  When 
Colonel  Gray  saw  them,  they  were  waiting  for  a purchaser. 


230 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


Many  old  settlers  who  were  entitled  to  head-rights,  and  many 
soldiers  who  were  entitled  to  bounties,  were,  at  the  passage 
of  the  decree,  and  for  a considerable  time  afterward,  engaged 
in  the  army,  and  their  claims  certainly  were  of  superior  merit. 
Hence  it  was  but  a matter  of  justice  to  them  that  they  should 
have  an  equal  chance  with  others  in  the  selection  of  their 
lands.  If  “ the  spoils  belonged  to  the  victors,”  surely  they 
had  the  best  right  to  them. 

Many  efforts  were  made  by  the  majority  in  the  first  Congress 
to  recommence  the  distribution  of  the  public  lands,  but  the 
president  did  what  he  could  to  resist  them.  The  sectionizing 
of  the  public  lands  had  been  provided  for  by  the  constitution.* 
The  president  was  desirous  of  complying  with  this  provision. 
Its  meaning,  when  we  refer  to  the  mode  of  surveying  lands  in 
the  United  States,  in  sections  of  a mile  square,  is  plain  enough. 
But  the  Congress  of  Texas  chose  to  understand  it  otherwise, 
and  passed  the  general  land-law  without  any  regard  to  the 
sectionizing  system.  The  president  vetoed  the  law  on  the 
13th  of  December,  and  the  two  houses  passed  it  by  a majority 
of  two  thirds  on  the  following  day.f 

Some  remarks  here  upon  the  history  of  land-titles  in  Texas 
may  not  be  uninteresting.  Neither  Spain  nor  Mexico  ever  con- 
sidered the  public  lands  within  the  limits  of  the  latter  as  of 
any  value.  So  far  as  Texas  was  concerned,  it  was  the  policy 
of  Spain  to  keep  them  unsettled,  as  a barrier  to  encroachments 
upon  her  mines.  In  the  first  days  of  success  after  the  Mexican 
Revolution,  a feeling  of  enterprise  was  manifested,  and  the 
idea  of  colonizing  the  vacant  lands  entertained.  Even  then  the 
sale  of  lands  was  only  suggested  by  the  successful  operation  of 

* Constitution  of  the  Republic,  General  Provisions,  Section  10 : “ The  whole 
territory  of  the  republic  shall  be  sectionized,  in  a manner  to  be  hereafter  pre- 
scribed by  law.” 

| Acts  of  1837,  p.  62. 


LAND-TITLES  — EARLY  SPANISH  GRANTS. 


231 


the  system  in  the  United  States  of  the  Norths  A good  deal 
more  attention  was  paid  to  water-privileges,  and  lands  inca- 
pable of  irrigation  were  deemed  of  no  value,  except  for  pas- 
turage. 

The  first  grants  of  the  Spanish  government  in  Texas,  of 
which  we  have  any  record,  are  those  of  the  three  missions  of 
Concepcion,  San  Juan,  and  La  Espada.  The  grants  for  the 
missions  of  Valero  .and  San  Jose  were  doubtless  made  earlier, 
and  probably  some  individual  grants,  but  we  know  of  none 
now  in  existence.!  The  three  first-named  missions  were  lo- 
cated in  the  first  instance  on  the  St.  Mark ; but  such  was  the 
difficulty  of  procuring  water  for  irrigation,  “ so  necessary  to 
the  support  of  the  people  who  were  to  be  indoctrinated,”  that 
on  the  29th  of  October,  1729,  the  viceroy  of  Mexico,  Casa 
Fuerte,  commissioned  the  governor  of  Texas,  the  ex-guardian 
of  the  apostolic  college  of  Queretaro,  and  the  president  of  the 
Texan  missions,  to  make  a new  settlement  or  location.  After 
some  search,  they  made  their  selections  of  three  places — two 
on  the  San  Antonio  river,  and  one  on  the  “ Medina,”  below  the 
junction  of  the  two  streams.  They  next  proceeded  to  the 
neighboring  tribes  of  Indians,  to  whom  “ they  spoke,  and  ex- 
plained the  holy  and  benevolent  purpose  of  their  institution  ; 
and  three  tribes,  among  others  in  the  vicinity,  viz.,  the  Pacaos , 
the  Pajalats , and  the  Pitalacs , agreed  to  settle  the  three  places 
selected,  and  to  submit  to  doctrine.”  The  commissioners,  hav- 
ing completed  their  labors,  made  a report  to  the  viceroy,  and 
petitioned  him  to  make  the  necessary  decrees.  The  viceroy 
laid  the  matter  before  Ribera,  former  inspector  of  the  presidios 

* Report  of  Lucas  Alaman,  Secretary  of  State  to  the  Sovereign  Constituent 
Congress,  November  1,  1823. 

\ The  writer  is  greatly  indebted  to  Colonel  J.  W.  Hampton,  Colonel  Crosby, 
and  to  Mr.  Buchanan,  the  commissioner  and  translator  of  the  land-office,  for 
transcripts  of  the  old  grants  to  be  named  in  this  connection. 


232 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


of  New  Spain,  for  his  opinion.  The  ex-inspector  reported  on 
the  22d  of  September,  1730,  concurring  with  the  report  of  the 
commissioners,  except  in  regard  to  the  location  for  the  lower 
mission  “ on  the  Medina  river,  at  thirty  leagues’  distance  from 
the  presidios  (San  Antonio  and  La  Bahia),  where  it  may 'be 
liable  to  attacks  from  the  Apaches,  who  on  many  occasions 
appear  in  a hostile  manner  in  that  territory.  . . . This  danger 
would  not  exist  if  the  said  mission  were  located  in  the  same 
vicinity  with  the  other  two.” 

The  viceroy,  in  conformity  With  this  opinion,  on  the  2d  of 
October,  1730,  decreed  that  the  captain  of  the  royal  presidio 
of  San  Antonio,  should  issue  a decree  that  the  three  missions 
should  be  located  as  recommended,  using  his  judgment  as  to 
the  plan  of  locating  the  lower  mission.  He  further  ordered 
that  each  mission  so  to  be  located  “ be  furnished  with  three 
soldiers  for  the  term  of  two  years,  this  time  being  considered 
necessary  for  the  instruction  of  the  Indians  in  tillage,  and  at 
the  expiration  of  this  time  one  soldier  shall  remain  in  each 
mission,  the  other  two  returning  to  their  corps.” 

On  the  15th  of  December,  1730,  the  captain  of  the  presidio 
of  San  Antonio  de  Bexar,  in  pursuance  of  this  order  of  the 
viceroy,  remitted  the  same  to  Don  Gabriel  Costales,  captain 
of  the  presidio  of  La  Bahia  del  Espiritu  Santo , with  orders  to 
execute  it,  he  being  delegated  as  judge  for  that  purpose,  in  the 
absence  of  any  public  or  royal  notary.  In  making  a return  of 
his  proceedings,  Captain  Costales  says  : “ A despatch  was  pre- 
sented to  me  from  the  most  excellent  viceroy,  through  the  cap- 
tain of  the  royal  presidio  of  San  Antonio,  which  I kissed  and 
placed  on  my  head,  as  a message  from  my  king  and  natural 
lord,  which  with  blind  obedience  I obey,  and  am  ready  to  exe- 
cute whatever  it  commands.”  Upon  this  return,  the  captain 
of  the  presidio  of  San  Antonio,  on  the  12th  of  January,  1731, 


LOCATION  OF  THE  EARLY  MISSIONS. 


233 


decreed  the  establishment  of  the  missions  named.  All  these 
formalities  being  attended  to,  and  the  acts  of  each  party  writ- 
ten down,  and  attested  by  assisting  witnesses,  the  captain  of 
San  Antonio  proceeded  on  the  5th  of  March,  1731,  to  the  first 
mission-ground,  called  Our  Lady  of  the  Concepcion  de  Acuna* 
accompanied  by  several  of  the  officers  of  the  presidio,  and  Fa- 
ther Bergara,  and  seized  the  hand  of  the  captain  of  the  tribe, 
in  the  name  of  all  the  other  Indians  who  had  attached  them- 
selves to  said  mission,  and  led  him  about  over  the  locality,  and 
caused  him  to  pull  up  weeds,  throw  stones,  and  perform  all  the 
other  acts  of  real  possession,  that  by  virtue  thereof  they  might 
not  be  dispossessed  without  being  first  heard  and  defended  by 
Father  Bergara,  president  of  the  Texas  missions,  or  such  other 
of  the  clergy  as  might  have  administration  over  them.  After 
declaring  the  bounds  of  the  mission,  there  was.  attached  to  it 
pasture-lands,  watering-places,  irrigating  privileges,  uses,  and 
services,  and  the  further  right,  in  planting-time,  to  drive  their 
stock  out  west  for  pasture,  so  as  not  to  prejudice  the  crops. 
The  act  of  possession  concluded  by  notifying  the  Indians, 
through  an  interpreter,  what  they  should  do  in  advancement 
of  Christian  doctrine,  and  in  avoidance  of  crime. 

At  the  same  time,  Captain  Perez  proceeded  to  put  other 
tribes  in  possession  of  the  mission-grounds  of  San  Francisco 
de  la  Espada , and  San  Juan , situated  below,  on  the  San  An- 
tonio river  ;f  the  same  formality  being  observed  in  each  case. 
The  record  of  the  titles  (which,  as  will  be  seen,  is  a simple 
narrative  of  the  action  of  each  party)  was  then  filed  in  the 
archives  of  San  Fernando  de  Bexar,  and  a certified  copy  fur- 
nished to  each  mission.  It  will  be  observed,  in  the  foregoing 

* The  baptismal  name  of  the  viceroy  was  Juan  de  Acuiia. 

f At  this  period  (1731),  the  river  below  the  junction  of  the  Medina  and  San 
Antonio  was  called  the  C fuadalupe , and  the  present  river  of  that  name  was  called 
San  Marcos.  At  times,  however,  it  retained  the  name  of  “Medina"  to  the  gulf. 


234 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


abstract  of  the  transfer,  that  the  title  was  assumed  to  be  in  the 
king  of  Spain,  and  that  the  transfer  was  to  the  Indians,  and 
not  to  the  priests,  who,  by  their  vows,  could  own  no  worldly 
estate. 

In  regard  to  the  mission-lands  of  San  Jose  de  Aguayo , they 
were  claimed  by  Don  Domingo  Castelo,  one  of  the  king’s  en- 
signs, for  his  services  at  the  presidio  of  San  Saba ; but,  after 
a protracted  lawsuit  between  him  and  the  mission,  the  title 
was  vested  in  the  Indians  of  the  mission,  on  the  18th  of  No- 
vember, 1766,  by  purchase,  for  one  hundred  and  fifty  dollars. 

For  a further  illustration  of  ancient  Spanish  titles,  we  will 
refer  to  the  grant  to  Luis  de  la  Bega,  in  1792.  The  lieuten- 
ant-governor of  Texas,  Captain  Juan  Cortes,  had  issued  an 
order  that  he  would  donate  lands  to  all  who  had  not  received 
them.  In  pursuance  of  this  order,  La  Bega  presented  his  pe- 
tition, asking  a title  to  a place  called  Las  Castanas , where  he 
had  a herd  of  mules,  requesting  that  it  be  given  him  for  the 
pasturage  of  his  animals,  “ with  all  its  inlets  and  outlets,  uses 
and  customs,  for  himself,  his  heirs  and  successors,  at  all  times 
to  use  it  as  a lawful  right,  since  from  it  benefit  would  result  to 
him.”  The  petition  closes  in  the  usual  form : “ I petition  you 
to  please  order  to  be  done  as  already  prayed,  that  thereby  I 
may  receive  favor ; and  also  to  receive  this  on  common  paper, 
there  being  none  of  the  proper  kind  [stamped] . I swear  this 
is  not  in  malice,  but  necessary,”  <fcc.  On  this  petition,  the 
lieutenant-governor  says  : “ Let  it  pass  to  the  solicitor”  ( pro- 
cur  ador'),  in  order  that,  without  prejudice  to  a third  party,  he 
give  the  corresponding  possession.  The  solicitor  then  declares 
that,  in  pursuance  of  the  lieutenant-governor’s  order,  “ he  pro- 
ceeded to  the  place  called  Las  Castanas , and,  having  notified 
the  settlers  who  joined  and  lived  at  the  place  of  my  intention, 

I gave  him  from  the  place  he  petitions  for  as  far  as  the  bank 


ANCIENT  SPANISH  LAND-TITLES  — HOW  GIVEN. 


235 


of  the  river  Angelina,  to  the  east  a leagne  and  a half,  bound- 
ing with  the  barrens,  without  being  able  to  extend  the  other 
two  courses  on  account  of  its  being  occupied : and  taking  the 
said  Don  Jose  Luis  de  la  Bega  by  the  hand,  and  between  one  of 
said  leagues  he  placed  the  corresponding  signs,  and  I granted 
him  the  corresponding  possession  in  the  name  of  his  majesty 
(whom  God  preserve !)  in  the  presence  of  my  assisting  wit- 
nesses, with  whom  I act,  for  want  of  a notary  public.” 

These  three  papers — the  petition,  the  order,  and  the  pos- 
sessory act — constituted  La  Bega’s  title.  While  they  were 
filed  in  the  archives  of  Nacogdoches,  the  owner  could  have  a 
certified  copy.  A title  to  a lot  in  Nacogdoches,  granted  the 
same  year  to  Pedro  Gengle,  is  in  the  same  form — the  procurer 
dor  stating  in  the  possessory  act  that  he  led  the  said  Pedro 
Gengle  by  the  hand  to  the  premises,  and  at  each  corner  of  the 
land,  “ as  a sign  of  possession,  he  drove  stakes,  pulled  up 
weeds,  and  threw  stones.” 

Some  years  afterward,  the  large  grants  about  the  villages 
having  covered  most  of  the  lands,  it  became  necessary  to  be  a 
little  more  particular  in  extending  titles.  The  grant  ceased 
to  follow  as  a matter  of  course  upon  filing  the  petition ; but 
the  representative  of  the  king  first  had  an  examination  made, 
and  a report  of  the  result  returned,  upon  which  he  acted  in 
his  discretion;  and  sometimes  a slight  consideration  was  paid. 
In  1810,  San  Miguel  presented  his  petition  to  Governor  Sal- 
cedo for  a grant  of  a parcel  of  land  lying  three  leagues  from 
Nacogdoches,  situated  on  “ Palisada  creek,  which  joins  with 
the  Nana,”  adjoining  the  lands  of  his  neighbors  Pedro  Espaga 
and  Vicente  Michelli.  The  reason  he  assigns  for  asking  the 
grant  is,  that  he  is  absolutely  without  any  land  on  which  to 
labor  and  keep  his  stock.  The  governor  directed  the  petition 
to  pass  to  Pedro  Procela,  a neighbor,  whom  he  commissioned 


236 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


to  go  upon  the  premises,  and  examine,  and  report  as  to  the 
quality  and  circumstances  of  the  land,  its  waters,  whether  it 
was  vacant,  its  value  (in  reference  to  the  tariff  for  grazing- 
leagues),  and  whether  a grant  of  it  would  be  prejudicial  to  a 
third  party.  Manuel  Delgado,  clerk  of  the  council,  having  cer- 
tified to  the  genuineness  of  the  governor’s  decree,  the  papers 
were  handed  over  to  a notary,  who  notified  Miguel  and  Procela 
of  what  was  done,  and  caused  them  to  sign  an  acknowledgment 
of  the  notice. 

Procela,  thus  commissioned,  went  upon  the  premises  with 
two  assisting  witnesses,  and  made  the  required  examination. 
It  is  proper  to  state  that  Procela  was  a friend  of  the  applicant ; 
and  accordingly,  in  his  report  to  the  governor,  he  represented 
the  land  as  broken,  bad  winter  pasturage,  with  no  permanent 
water,  and  unfit  for  farming ; and,  having  noticed  particularly 
the  circumstances  of  the  land,  he  declared  it  afflicted  with  “ an 
almost  general  epidemic  of  ticks,  hornets,  &c .,  which  was  com- 
mon to  the  jurisdiction”  of  Nacogdoches.  He  further  declared 
the  land  vacant,  that  it  could  be  granted  without  prejudice, 
and,  in  conclusion,  estimated  the  value  of  the  whole  tract  (of 
twenty-five  hundred  acres)  at  five  dollars  ! As  to  the  govern- 
or’s action  upon  this  interesting  report,  we  are  not  advised ; 
but  the  entire  proceeding  shows  that  it  had  become  much  more 
difficult  to  obtain  titles  to  lands  than  formerly. 

As  the  majority  of  the  inhabitants  of  Texas,  at  the  time  of 
the  establishment  of  the  colonial  system,  were  civilized  Indians 
and  their  descendants,  the  fruits  of  missionary  labor,  and  known 
generally  as  “ Mexicans,”  we  will  refer  to  the  mode  by  which 
they  acquired  titles  to  their  lands.  It  has  already  been  seen 
that,  in  the  establishment  of  the  missions  of  Concepcion,  San 
Juan,  and  Espada,  the  title  and  possession  of  the  missions  were 
formally  vested  in  the  Indians.  By  a royal  cedula  of  the  king 


INDIAN  LAND-TITLES — HOW  ACQUIRED. 


237 


of  Spain,  of  the  10th  of  September,  1772,  the  four  missions 
around  the  presidio  of  Adaes — viz.,  Our  Lady  del  Pilar  de 
los  Adaes , Our  Lady  de  los  Dolores  de  Ids  Aes , Our  Lady  de 
Guadalupe  de  los  Nacogdoches , and  Our  Lady  de  la  Luz  del 
Orquizaco — were  abolished,  and,  as  we  have  seen,  the  con- 
vents removed  to  San  Antonio,  where  lands  were  distributed 
to  them  on  the  east  bank  of  the  river. 

The  order  of  the  commandant-general  De  Nava,  of  April  10, 
1794,  in  directing  the  discontinuance  of  the  Texan  missions, 
also  required  the  abolition  of  the  community  system  by  which 
the  Indians  held  their  property ; and  they  were  placed  upon 
the  same  footing  as  other  Spanish  subjects.  While  the  order 
provided  carefully  for  the  morals  of  these  new  subjects  of  his 
majesty,  by  requiring  the  magistrates  to  see  that  professional 
gamblers  and  liquor-dealers  did  not  enter  into  their  towns,  it 
also  provided  that,  of  the  best  lands  belonging  to  each  settle- 
ment ( pueblo ),  there  should  be  set  apart  eight  lots  of  about 
fourteen  acres  each  for  their  use,  additional  lots  to  be  added 
as  the  number  increased.  The  remainder  of  the  league  around 
the  mission  was  to  be  divided  among  the  Indians  in  right  of 
inheritance,  and  titles  extended  to  them  in  the  name  of  the 
king — the  titles,  however,  being  limited  to  them  and  their  de- 
scendants. Thus  the  missionaries  ceased  to  have  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  Indians  or  their  temporalities,  and  they  became 
as  other  Spanish  subjects,  responsible  alone  to  the  civil  author- 
ity.* In  spiritual  matters,  however,  the  Indians  as  well  as  the 

* The  returns  made  of  the  number  of  Indians  in  the  mission  of  San  Jos6,  in 
pursuance  of  this  order  of  De  Nava,  are  as  follows : — 

Christian  Indians  — Men,  27;  women,  26;  boys,  11;  girls,  14;  wid- 
ows, 6 84 

Pagan  Indians  (gentiles ) — Men,  6;  women,  6;  boy,  1;  girls,  3.... 15 

99 

Return  of  July  30,  1794. 


Total 


238 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


missionaries  came  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  bishop  of  the 
diocese. 

This  decree  of  De  Nava  seems  either  not  to  have  been  fully 
carried  out  in  Texas,  or  else  it  was  confined  to  those  missions 
under  the  influence  of  the  expelled  Jesuits  (though  we  do  not 
find  that  they  obtained  a footing  in  Texas)  ; for,  by  a decree 
of  the  Spanish  cortes,  of  the  13th  of  September,  1813,  all  the 
missions  in  Texas  were  ordered  to  be  secularized.  This  was 
probably  induced  by  the  democratic  leanings  of  the  priests. 
It  was  not  until  the  15th  of  September,  1823,  that  the  supreme 
government  of  Mexico  ordered  the  execution  of  the  decree  of 
the  cortes.  Finally,  in  1827,  the  legislature  of  Coahuila  and 
Texas  divided  out  the  mission-lands.*  Thus,  during  the  sev- 
eral changes  of  government,  the  same  policy  was  pursued,  and 
the  “ Mexicans”  of  Texas  ( Indios  reducidos ) received  titles  to 
their  lands.  But  the  various  wars  that  occurred  in  Texas,  be- 
tween 1810  and  1835,  destroyed  and  drove  off  large  numbers 
of  the  old  inhabitants  ; their  landmarks  were  obliterated,  their 
titles  destroyed  and  forgotten,  and  under  the  new  order  of 
things  the  same  lands  were  relocated  and  granted  once  more 
to  new  settlers. 

Under  the  colonial  system,  the  ancient  mode  of  extending 
titles  was  generally  observed.  Foreigners  being  permitted  and 
invited  to  settle  in  the  country,  either  came  at  their  own  ex- 
pense, and  on  their  own  account,  or  they  were  introduced  by 
empresarios , who  contracted  with  the  government  to  bring  in 
so  many  families,  in  consideration  of  the  lands  which  were 
given  to  such  contractors  for  this  service.!  The  general  colo- 
nization law  declared  that  the  state  desired  to  augment  the 
settlement  of  its  territory,  to  advance  the  raising  and  increase 

* Decrees  No.  37,  November  26,  1827,  and  No.  37,  June  16,  1827. 

f Decree  No.  16,  Article  3,  et  seq. 


COLONIAL  HEAD-RIGHT  GRANTS. 


239 


of  stock,  and  the  progress  of  commerce  and  the  arts.  For  ag- 
ricultural purposes,  a labor  of  land  was  allowed ; for  grazing, 
a fourth  of  a league ; to  a single  man,  a third ; and  to  each 
head  of  a family,  a league.  The  first  step  in  procuring  the 
grant,  aftei  the  domiciliation  of  the  applicant,  was  a petition 
to  the  executive,  representing  the  sovereignty  of  the  state  for, 
the  title  to  the  vacant  lands  is  in  the  state.  But  as  it  was  not 
convenient  for  the  governor  to  give  his  personal  attention  to 
this  matter,  commissioners  were  appointed  to  represent  him, 
and  the  petitions  were  addressed  to  them.  These  petitions 
merely  set  forth  the  facts  of  the  applicant’s  immigration,  from 
what  country,  and  the  extent  of  his  family,  if  he  had  one. 
The  commissioner,  by  a written  order,  remitted  the  application 
to  the  empresario , for  his  examination  and  report.  The  latter 
having  reported  that  the  applicant  was  a colonist,  the  papers 
were  returned  to  the  commissioner,  who  issued  an  order  to  the 
surveyor  to  survey  and  mark  the  lands  designated,  and  make 
return  with  duplicate  plots  of  the  premises.  The  commissioner 
then  decreed  a title,  and  put  the  party  in  possession.  He  did 
not  actually  go  with  him  upon  the  premises,  as  had  been  done 
in  former  times,  but  the  decree  set  forth  that  he  put  him  in 
real,  actual  possession  of  the  lands.  In  this  decree  the  condi- 
tions provided  for  by  the  law  were  inserted,  viz.,  the  setting 
up  of  permanent  landmarks  at  the  corners  within  one  year,  the 
cultivation  of  the  lands,  and  the  payment  of  the  government 
dues  within  six  years.  The  latter  amounted  to  thirty  dollars 
for  a league  of  grazing-land,  and  two  and  a half  or  three  and 
a half  dollars  per  labor , according  as  it  was  irrigable  or  not 
irrigable.  There  was  a further  condition  in  the  decree  that 
the  land  should  not  pass  into  mortmain.  All  these  parts  of  the 
title  being  entered  in  a book,  according  to  their  date,  consti- 
tuted what  is  known  as  a Spanish  title.  They  were  then  care- 


240 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


fully  copied  off,  and  certified  by  the  commissioner  to  be  a faith- 
ful copy.  This  copy,  with  one  of  the  maps,  was  delivered  to 
the  colonist  as  his  title.  They  are  sometimes  called  “ second 
originals,”  and  sometimes  “ testimonios .”  The  originals  were 
retained  by  the  commissioners,  and  finally  deposited  in  the 
general  land-office,  where  they  can  be  referred  to,  as  proof  of 
the  genuineness  of  the  testimonio.  This  w^as  the  general  form 
of  the  colonial  head-right  grants.  In  cases  of  purchase  from 
the  state,  or  of  grants  to  the  military,  the  form  was  varied  to 
suit  the  consideration  and  conditions  of  the  law. 

Under  the  Texan  land-law  of  the  14th  of  December,  1837, 
the  Ameriean  system  is  Introduced.  A commissioner  of  the 
general  land-office  is  created ; also  a board  of  commissioners 
for  each  county,  to  take  proof  and  issue  head-right  certificates  ; 
and  likewise  a surveyor  for  each  county,  to  survey,  and  make 
out  and  record  field-notes  of  the  land  designated.  These  field- 
notes,  with  the  certificate,  are  returned  to  the  general  land- 
office,  examined,  located  on  the  map  of  lands,  and,  if  found 
correct,  and  on  vacant  lands,  a grant  or  patent,  signed  by  the 
governor  and  countersigned  by  the  commissioner,  passing  un- 
der both  their  seals,  issues  to  the  party  in  the  name  of  the 
state.  Should  the  party’s  claim  be  for  military  services,  he 
obtains  his  warrant  from  the  war-office,  and  proceeds  to  locate 
it  as  a head-right  certificate.  So,  likewise,  in  regard  to  land- 
scrip,  the  same  course  is  pursued. 

Under  this  important  law,  hundreds  of  claims  were  presented 
and  acted  on  early  in  1838.  Many  locations,  however,  were 
made  on  these  old  Spanish  grants,  the  parties  being  either  ig- 
norant of  their  existence,  or  supposing  them  forfeited  by  non- 
performance of  conditions.  But,  under  the  general  principle 
that  none  but  the  state  could  set  aside  a grant  for  non-perform- 
ance of  subsequent  conditions,  and  a conflict  of  interests  hav- 


IMMIGRATION  — BRIGHTER  PROSPECTS. 


241 


ing  prevented  any  action  in  the  Texan  Congress  or  legislature 
on  that  point,  the  old  grants  have  generally  been  sustained, 
and  often  to  the  prejudice  of  a more  rapid  immigration.  The 
Congress,  however,  remitted  all  the  conditions  annexed  to  head- 
right  grants,  except  the  government  dues. 

The  year  1838  opened  well  for  Texas.  During  the  latter 
months  of  1837  a heavy  immigration  had  come  into  the  coun- 
try, the  parties  composing  which  brought  with  them  substan- 
tial means  and  industrious  habits.  The  Mexicans,  to  the  num- 
ber of  five  or  six  hundred,  had  advanced  as  far  as  San  Patri- 
cio, but  soon  retired,  driving  before  them  some  two  thousand 
head  of  cattle  ranging  west  of  the  Nueces.  The  prudent  use 
of  the  promissory-notes  of  the  republic,  being  received  for  du- 
ties and  other  public  dues,  had  given  a temporary  relief  to  the 
treasury.  The  increase  in  the  number  of  immigrants  had  also 
added  to  the  imports  and  tariff  dues.  Lands  had  likewise 
risen  in  value ; so  that  Texas  was  in  a prosperous  condition. 
During  the  year  1837  her  farmers  had  made  good  crops,  that 
of  cotton  alone  being  estimated  at  fifty  thousand  bales,  and 
worth  at  the  selling  prices  two  millions  of  dollars.  The  new 
town  of  Galveston  was  beginning  to  rise  in  the  public  estima- 
tion. Commerce  had  sought  out  the  harbor  as  the  best  in  the 
republic,  and  responsble  merchants  were  beginning  to  settle 
there.  As  in  1836  a vessel  scarcely  anchored  in  the  harbor 
once  a month,  now,  in  the  beginning  of  1838,  vessels  were  ar- 
riving daily,  and  the  harbor  presented  the  appearance  of  an 
Atlantic  port.  The  merchants  who  had  previously  confined 
their  trade  to  New  Orleans,  were  now  extending  their  business 
to  the  eastern  cities.*  With  the  demand  from  the  interior, 

* “Telegraph,”  February  1*7,  1838.  A writer  in  that  paper  of  June  16,  1838, 
says  that,  twelve  months  previous  to  that  time,  there  was  but  one  building  there, 
but  at  the  time  he  wrote  there  were  fifty  or  sixty  elegant  buildings,  and  fifteen 
or  twenty  vessels  in  the  harbor. 

VOL.  II.— 16 


242 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


grew  up  the  traffic  between  Galveston  and  Houston.  This 
trade  was  carried  on  by  four  steamboats ; and  the  growth  of 
the  last-named  town  was  equally  rapid.  For  the  first  quarter 
of  1838,  the  imports  at  Galveston  were  over  a quarter  of  a 
million,  and  the  duties  about  fifty-one  thousand  dollars. 

The  want  of  means  had  caused  a reduction  of  the  naval  as 
well  as  military  force  of  the  republic ; but  at  length  the  au- 
thorities succeeded  in  procuring  the  brig  Potomac.  This  ves- 
sel was  the  only  one  afloat  in  the  Texan  navy  in  the  summer 
of  1838.  But,  at  that  time,  Texas  had  no  need  of  a navy  to 
defend  her  against  her  enemy ; for  the  French  government, 
having  certain  claims  against  Mexico,  which  she  failed  to  meet, 
sent  her,  from  on  board  the  national  frigate  L'Herminie , off 
Sacrifices,  an  ultimatum , the  substance  of  which  was,  that  the 
republic,  by  the  15th  of  May,  1838,  should  pay  six  hundred 
thousand  dollars  claimed  as  indemnity.*  The  Mexican  gov- 
ernment having  rejected  this  ultimatum , her  ports  were  block- 
aded on  the  15th  of  April,  and  a considerable  French  naval 
force  was  assembling  at  Yera  Cruz.f  This  blockade,  which 
lasted  for  some  time,  gave  peace  to  the  western  frontier  of 
Texas. 

The  diplomatic  relations  between  Mexico  and  the  United 
States,  which,  as  we  have  seen,  were  so  suddenly  broken  off, 
were  again  resumed.  On  the  20th  of  May,  1837,  the  Mexican. 
Congress  passed  a law  authorizing  President  Bustamente  to 
propose  a reference  of  their  differences  to  a third  party.  With 
this  view,  Senor  Martinez  was  accredited  as  embassador  to 
Washington,  and  submitted  the  proposition  to  the  secretary  of 
state.  $ It  was  accepted  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  and 

* M.  Deffaudi8  to  the  Mexican  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  March  21,  1838. 

f Proclamation  of  blockade,  April  16,  1838. 

$ Martinez  to  Forsyth,  April  *7,  1838. 


AUGMENTING  THE  NAVY  — GOVERNMENT  CREDIT.  243 

a convention  proposed  for  making  out  the  details  of  the  refer- 
ence. 

The  differences  between  Mexico  and  other  nations  freed 
Texas  from  present  anxiety,  relieved  her  from  some  expenses 
which  she  was  ill  able  to  bear,  and  gave  her  time  to  consoli- 
date her  strength,  thus  increasing  the  improbability  of  another 
invasion.  Yet  she  was  preparing  to  protect  her  coasts  and 
commerce.  In  pursuance  of  an  act  for  augmenting  the  navy, 
approved  November  4, 1837,  Samuel  M.  Williams  was  appoint- 
ed by  the  president  to  contract  for  the  vessels  required  by  the 
law.  Accordingly,  on  the  13th  of  November,  1838,  he  con- 
tracted with  Frederick  Dawson,  of  Baltimore,  for  one  ship, 
two  brigs,  and  three  schooners,  to  be  fully  armed,  furnished 
with  provisions  and  munitions,  and  delivered  in  the  port  of 
Galveston,  for  which  the  contractor  received  two  bonds  of  the 
republic  of  two  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  dollars  each, 
which  might  be  redeemed  by  sterling  bonds  for  five  hundred 
and  twenty  thousand  dollars,  or  by  payment  of  the  face  of  the 
bonds  with  ten  per  cent,  interest.  If  the  bonds  were  not  so 
satisfied  by  the  1st  of  December,  1839,  then  the  bonds,  depos- 
ited in  the  Girard  bank,  were  to  be  delivered  over  to  the  con- 
tractors.* This  was  a portion  of  the  loan. 

In  1838,  and  for  some  time  previous,  the  banks  in  the  United 
States  had  ceased  to  redeem  their  paper ; consequently,  it  was 
considerably  under  par.  The  promissory-notes  of  the  govern- 
ment of  Texas  had  suffered  a like  fate,  and  for  a still  stronger 
reason,  that  they  were  never  redeemed  with  specie,  but  only 
in  receipt  of  public  dues.  In  New  Orleans,  they  were  received 

* Samuel  M.  Williams  to  President  of  the  Girard  Bank,  November  29,  1838. 
Contract  with  Dawson,  Appendix  to  Journals  of  Fifth  Congress,  p.  202.  Report 
of  M.  M.  Potter,  Chairman  of  Special  Committee  of  the  Texas  Senate,  January 
22,  1854.  It  is  not  very  creditable  to  Texas,  that,  after  a lapse  of  more  than 
fifteen  years,  these  bonds  are  still  unpaid. 


244 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


tolerably  well  on  their  first  issuance,  in  November,  1837 ; but 
by  the  spring  of  1838,  after  the  issuance  of  half  a million,  they 
fell  to  fifty  cents  in  the  dollar. 

It  was  undoubtedly  the  true  policy  of  Texas  to  sustain  the 
credit  of  this  paper,  at  least  while  it  was  used  at  all.  To  do 
this,  it  was  necessary  to  limit  the  amount  circulated.  But  the 
Texan  Congress,  forgetful  of  the  sage  maxims  of  experience, 
passed  a bill  in  May,  1838,  requiring  the  secretary  of  the  treas- 
ury to  issue  as  much  more.  The  president  vetoed  the  measure, 
and,  among  his  reasons  for  so  doing,  he  stated,  as  the  cause 
for  the  original  adoption  of  the  plan,  that  Texas  had  just  come 
out  of  a war  in  which  she  had  achieved  freedom  and  glory : 
“ but  the  struggle  had  left  us  destitute  and  naked.  There 
were  no  banks  ; there  was  no  money ; our  lands  could  not  be 
sold,  and  the  public  credit  was  of  doubtful  character.  To 
avoid  the  absolute  dissolution  of  the  government,  it  became 
necessary  to  resort  to  some  expedient  that  might  furnish  tem- 
porary relief.”  As  the  relief  intended  was  only  temporary,  it 
was  desirable,  to  make  it  efficient,  that  the  issue  of  promissory- 
notes  should  be  limited  to  the  local  demand,  as  it  was  impos- 
sible that  such  a currency  could  have  credit  abroad.  The  lim- 
ited issues  already  made  had  raised  the  price  of  merchandise 
in  Texas  one  or  two  hundred  per  cent,  higher  than  in  the  Uni- 
ted States,  or  in  Mexico,  or  perhaps  in  any  other  country.  The 
executive  veto  had  the  effect  to  prevent  the  enactment  of  the 
law,  and  to  sustain  the  credit  of  the  paper  then  out.* 

The  constitution  of  the  republic  provided  that  the  first  presi- 
dent elected  by  the  people  should  hold  his  office  for  two  years, 
and  be  ineligible  to  a re-election  during  the  next  term ; while 
succeeding  presidents  should  hold  their  office  for  three  years, 
and  be  alike  ineligible.  As,  under  this  provision,  Houston’s 
* House  Journal,  Texan  Congress,  May,  1888,  p.  119. 


MIRABEAU  B.  LAMAR  ELECTED  PRESIDENT. 


245 


term  would  expire  on  the  second  Monday  in  December,  1838, 
the  public  had  become  interested  in  the  election  of  his  succes- 
sor. M.  B.  Lamar  and  Peter  W.  Grayson  were  the  candidates 
brought  forward  by  their  respective  friends,  and  supported  with 
considerable  zeal.  The  Texan  newspapers  of  that  year  abound 
in  the  same  charges  and  denials,  the  same  freedom  and  abuse 
of  political  discussion,  exhibited  in  the  press  of  the  United 
States.  Before  the  election,  however,  which  was  held  on  the 
3d  of  September,  Colonel  Grayson  put  an  end  to  his  life,  at 
Bean’s  station,  in  Tennessee.  Mirabeau  B.  Lamar,  his  com- 
petitor, was  elected  president,  with  only  a nominal  opposition, 
and  David  G.  Burnett  was  chosen  vice-president. 

The  latter  part  of  the  year  did  not  pass  away  without  Indian 
disturbances.  On  the  10th  of  August,  Colonel  Karnes,  with  a 
company  of  twenty-one  men,  was  attacked  by  two  hundred  Ca- 
manches,  near  the  Arroyo  Seco.  The  savages  were  defeated 
and  routed  with  the  loss  of  several  warriors,  while  the  Texans 
suffered  no  loss,  except  in  the  wounding  of  Colonel  Karnes. 

About  the  same  time,  there  was  a strange  rebellion — if  such 
it  might  be  called  — at  Nacogdoches.  On  the  4th  of  August,  a 
party  of  citizens  went  in  pursuit  of  some  stolen  horses.  They 
found  them  secreted  in  a Mexican  settlement.  On  their  re- 
turn, they  were  fired  on,  and  one  of  their  number  killed.  Sev- 
eral persons  then  followed  the  trail  of  the  murderers.  It  was 
soon  found,  from  the  size  of  the  trail,  that  the  number  of  Mexi- 
cans, as  they  were  believed  to  be,  was  large,  and  the  pursuers 
returned.  On  the  7th,  Colonel  John  Durst  reported  to  Gen- 
eral Rusk  that  there  wore  a hundred  or  more  Mexicans  en- 
camped about  the  Angelina,  under  the  command  of  Nathaniel 
Norris,  Cordova,  and  Cruz.  General  Rusk  made  an  immedi- 
ate requisition  for  men.  A company  of  sixty  volunteers  from 
the  town  of  Douglass  was  posted  at  the  lower  crossing  of  the 


246 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


Angelina.  On  the  9th,  they  reported  that  they  had  been  fired 
on,  and  asked  for  assistance.  This  report  proved  to  be  incor- 
rect, but  the  enemy  was  found  to  be  posted  on  the  right  bank 
of  the  river.  On  the  10th,  it  was  reported  that  the  Mexicans 
had  been  joined  by  about  three  hundred  Indians ; and  on  the 
evening  of  that  day  their  force  amounted  to  six  hundred  men. 
On  the  same  day,  President  Houston,  then  at  Nacogdoches,  re- 
ceived a letter  from  the  Mexican  leaders,  disclaiming  allegi- 
ance to  Texas.  Having  done  this,  the  malcontents  set  out  on 
their  march  for  the  Cherokee  nation.  Houston,  being  advised 
of  this  movement,  directed  General  Rusk  not  to  cross  the  An- 
gelina. Major  Augustin  was  detached  with  one  hundred  and 
fifty  men  to  follow  the  Mexican  trail ; while  the  main  body  of 
the  Texans,  under  General  Rusk,  marched  toward  the  head- 
quarters of  Bowles,  the  Cherokee  chief,  whither  he  understood 
the  enemy  had  gone.  On  reaching  the  Saline,  he  discovered 
that  the  insurgent  leaders  had  fled  to  the  upper  Trinity,  and 
that  their  followers  had  dispersed.  This  emeute  was  in  every 
way  remarkable,  nor  did  any  subsequent  discovery  explain  its 
object.  The  leaders  must  have  known  that  a successful  revo- 
lution was  impossible ; and,  after  the  rebels  were  embodied, 
they  shed  no  blood,  nor  did  they  offer  to  do  so.  The  move- 
ment probably  arose,  in  the  first  instance,  from  that  mutual 
want  of  confidence  existing  between  the  two  races  since  1835.* 

* “ Redlander,”  September,  1838.  The  Mexicans  haying  assembled  at  the 
Angelina,  President  Houston  issued  his  proclamation  on  the  8th  of  August,  re- 
quiring them  to  return  to  their  homes,  under  the  penalty  of  being  declared  ene- 
mies to  the  republic.  To  this  proclamation  their  leaders  sent  the  following 
reply : — 

“The  citizens  of  Nacogdoches,  being  tired  of  unjust  treatment,  and  of  the 
usurpation  of  their  rights,  can  not  do  less  than  state  that  they  are  embodied, 
•with  arms  in  their  hands,  to  sustain  those  rights,  and  those  of  the  nation  to 
which  they  belong.  They  are  ready  to  shed  the  last  drop  of  their  blood ; and 
declare,  as  they  have  heretofore  done,  that  they  do  not  acknowledge  the  exist- 
ing laws,  through  which  they  are  offered  guaranties  (by  the  proclamation)  for 


FRONTIER  CONFLICTS  WITH  THE  INDIANS. 


247 


Again,  on  the  25th  of  October,  1838,  at  Jose  Maria  village 
(since  occupied  as  Fort  Graham),  a bloody  battle  was  fought 
by  a number  of  Texans,  under  Colonel  Neil,  and  a portion  of 
the  Camanches  located  there.  After  a fierce  conflict,  the  In- 
dians fled,  leaving  many  of  their  warriors  slain.*  On  the  20th 
of  the  same  month  a party  of  surveyors  was  attacked  by  the 
Camanches  within  five  miles  of  Bexar,  and  two  of  them  killed. 
A party  of  thirteen  citizens  went  out  to  discover  the  enemy’s 
intentions,  when,  three  miles  from  the  place,  they  were  attacked 
by  more  than  a hundred  Indians.  On  being  charged,  the  sav- 
ages gave  way,  and  then  closed  upon  the  Texans’  rear,  killing 
eight  and  wounding  four  of  them.f 

And  again,  on  the  14th  of  October,  General  Rusk,  at  the 
head  of  two  hundred  men  hastily  levied,  arrived  at  Fort  Hous- 
ton, on  the  Trinity,  in  pursuit  of  a motley  collection  of  Indians 
and  Mexicans,  who  had  been  committing  depredations  on  the 
frontier.  Learning  there  that  the  marauders  were  at  the  Kick- 
apoo  town,  he  marched  to  that  place,  and  encamped  at  sunset, 
on  the  15th.  At  daybreak,  on  the  16th,  the  engagement  com- 
menced, and  continued  for  about  fifteen  minutes,  when  Rusk 
ordered  a charge.  It  was  instantly  made,  upon  which  the 
enemy  fled,  and  were  pursued  for  nearly  a mile,  leaving  eleven 


their  lives  and  properties.  They  only  ask  that  you  will  not  molest  their  fami- 
lies, promising  in  good  faith  to  do  the  same  in  regard  to  yours. 

“ Vicente  Cokdova,  “A.  Gorda, 

“ Nat.  Norris,  “ C.  Morales, 

“J.  Arriola,  “Joshua  Robertson, 

“J.  Vicente  Micheli,  “Juan  Jose  Rodriques,” 

“ J.  Santos  Coy,  and  others. 


“ August  10,  1838.” 

Antonio  Manchaca,  who  visited  their  camp,  reported  about  one  hundred  and 
twenty  Mexicans  and  twenty-five  Biloxi  and  Ionaes  Indians  present,  which  num- 
ber was  no  doubt  correct  — Manchaca' s Report , August  17,  1838. 

* “Southwest  American,”  August  18,  1838. 
f “Telegraph,”  November  3,  1852. 


248 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


dead  on  the  field.  The  Texans  had  a like  number  wounded, 
but  none  killed.* 

Thus  the  whole  frontier  was  lighted  up  with  the  flames  of  a 
savage  war.  The  immediate  cause  of  these  hostilities  is  to  be 
found  in  the  opening  of  the  land-offices  in  the  beginning  of  the 
year.  Surveyors  and  locators,  desiring  to  select  the  best  lands, 
had  gone  out  beyond  the  settlements,  and  began  their  opera- 
tions. The  Indians,  seeing  them  at  work,  were  not  slow  to 
believe  what  the  Mexicans  had  told  them  — that  the  white 
people  would  take  all  their  hunting-grounds,  and  drive  them 
off.  Their  attacks  upon  the  frontiers  were  in  resistance  of  this 
movement. 

The  third  Congress  convened  on  the  5th  of  November,  and 
appointed  a joint  committee  to  wait  on  President  Houston  and 
inform  him  that  the  two  houses  were  organized,  and  ready  to 
receive  any  written  communications  he  might  wish  to  make, 
which  duty  was  performed.  As  the  constitution  declared  that 
the  president  “ should,  from  time  to  time,  give  Congress  infor- 
mation of  the  state  of  the  republic,  and  recommend  for  their 
consideration  such  measures  as  he  might  deem  necessary,’’ 
without  specifying  in  what  mode  he  should  do  it,  he  did  not 
concur  with  them  in  this  interpolation  upon  that  instrument. 
He  replied  to  them  very  briefly,  transmitting  the  reports  of  the 
several  departments,  and  thus  concluded  : “ Had  no  restriction 
been  placed  by  the  resolution  on  the  right  of  the  president  to 
select  the  mode  in  which  he  would  convey  proper  intelligence 
to  Congress,  and  4 recommend  such  measures  as  he  might  deem 
necessary,’  he  had  important  information  to  lay  before  the  hon- 
orable body,  and  would  have  rendered  it  with  pleasure,  under 
the  constitutional  right  secured  to  him,  and  in  discharge  of  his 
duties  ; but,  for  reasons  which  to  his  mind  are  satisfactory,  he 

* Rusk  to  Parker,  October  23,  1838. 


FINANCIAL  REPORT  TO  CONGRESS. 


249 


declines  for  the  present  any  further  communication.”  This 
brought  the  two  departments  of  the  government  to  a stand. 
The  house  of  representatives,  in  which  the  interpolation  origi- 
nated, had  got  into  an  awkward  position.  A motion  was  made 
to  retrace  their  steps,  but  consistency  prevented.  A committee 
was  appointed,  which  reported  favorably  to  the  written  mes- 
sage. Still  it  did  no  good  : the  constitution  spoke  for  itself ; 
and  it  was  well  known  that,  under  a like  clause  in  the  consti- 
tution of  the  United  States,  the  first  two  presidents  had  deliv- 
ered their  messages  in  person.  To  supply  the  want  of  such 
information,  various  calls  were  made  and  answered  on  specific 
points. 

The  report  of  the  secretary  of  the  treasury,  for  the  year 
ending  September,  1838,  exhibited  a net  revenue  from  imports 
of  over  two  hundred  and  seventy-eight  thousand  dollars ; a 
circulation  of  promissory-notes  to  the  amount  of  six  hundred 
and  eighty-four  thousand  dollars  ; a funded  debt  of  more  than 
four  hundred  and  twenty-seven  thousand  dollars ; and  unpaid 
audited  claims  amounting  to  over  seven  hundred  and  seventy- 
five  thousand  dollars.  The  exact  aggregate  of  the  last  three 
items  shows  the  indebtedness  of  the  republic  at  that  time  to 
have  been  one  million,  eight  hundred  and  eighty-six  thousand, 
four  hundred  and  twenty-five  dollars.* 

The  financial  condition  of  Texas  was  greatly  improved,  not- 
withstanding the  revolutionary  debt  was  pressing  upon  her. 
Her  people  had  been  engaged  in  agriculture,  and  immigration 
had  enhanced  the  value  of  lands  and  provisions.  Those  who 
had  to  sell,  found  a ready  market.  Measures  were  taken  to 
collect  a direct  tax,  though  as  yet  nothing  had  been  thus  real- 

* Mr.  Gouge  is  particularly  severe  upon  the  financial  operations  of  Texas  at 
this  period.  He  ought  to  have  remembered  that  “ poor  people  must  do  as  they 
can;”  and  that  speculators,  seeing  at  that  time  the  necessities  of  the  young  re- 
public, plundered  her  without  mercy. — Fiscal  History  of  Texas , p.  82,  et  seq. 


250 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


ized.  As  the  new-comers  now  constituted  a majority  of  the 
inhabitants,  the  control  of  affairs  fell  pretty  much  into  their 
own  hands.  They  were  ardently  desirous  to  be  annexed  to 
the  mother-country,  and,  the  better  to  attain  this  object,  it  was 
deemed  by  some  to  be  good  policy  to  withdraw  the  proposition 
of  annexation  from  the  cabinet  at  Washington.  This  course  was 
recommended  by  President  Houston  to  the  second  Congress, 
but  failed  by  a close  vote.  In  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States,  the  question  of  annexation  had  been  warmly  discussed, 
the  subject  of  slavery  forming  an  extensive  element  in  the  op- 
position. While  the  American  government  could  not,  in  good 
faith  to  Mexico,  accede  to  the  proposition,  as  long  as  there 
was  the  least  prospect  of  the  latter  power  carrying  on  the  war 
against  her  revolted  province,  the  former  was  most  friendlily 
disposed  toward  the  government  and  people  of  Texas.  The 
convention  for  running  the  boundary-line  was  settled,  and  kind 
offices  in  every  way  extended.  The  Texan  policy  of  withdraw- 
ing the  proposition  for  annexation,  reducing  her  duties  on  im- 
ports, and  thus  inviting  a profitable  commerce  with  Great  Brit- 
ain and  France,  was  admirably  calculated  to  excite  the  jealousy 
of  the  disaffected  portion  of  the  United  States,  and  to  hasten 
that  union  which  the  young  republic  seemingly  repelled.  We 
shall  see  the  effect  of  this  policy. 

Among  the  distinguished  dead  of  Texas  this  year  may  be 
mentioned  James  Collingsworth  and  John  A.  Wharton.  Col- 
lingsworth was  the  first  chief-justice  of  the  supreme  court  of 
the  republic.  He  was  a man  of  fine  talents,  great  urbanity, 
and  a devoted  and  valuable  friend  to  Texas  in  her  struggle. 
He  had  a pleasant  wit,  was  a most  admirable  companion,  and 
of  scrupulous  integrity.  He  had  emigrated  to  Texas  to  rid 
himself  of  a false  habit,  which  unfortunately  pursued  him,  and 
brought  him  to  a premature  grave.  John  A.  Wharton  had 


JOHN  A.  WHARTON  — HIS  DEATH. 


251 


come  to  Texas  in  1829.  Throughout  her  long  contest  with 
Mexico,  she  found  no  truer  or  more  gallant  defender.  He 
died  just  as  President  Houston’s  first  term  was  expiring.  A 
reference  to  the  letter  written  by  him  to  Houston  in  1829,  invi- 
ting him  to  Texas,  and  to  the  distinguished  part  subsequently 
taken  by  each  in  the  affairs  of  their  adopted  country,  will  afford 
materials  for  solemn  reflection.  Collingsworth  and  Wharton 
were  both  from  Nashville,  Tennessee. 


252 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

On  the  9th  of  December,  1838,  the  ceremony  of  the  inaugu- 
ration of  President  Lamar  occurred  in  front  of  the  capitol,  and 
in  the  presence  of  an  immense  concourse  of  people.  After  the 
valedictory  of  President  Houston,  General  Lamar  delivered 
his  inaugural  address.*  In  that  well-written  paper,  he  says: 
“ The  character  of  my  administration  may  be  anticipated  in  the 
domestic  nature  of  our  government  and  the  peaceful  habits  of 
the  people.  Looking  upon  agriculture,  commerce,  and  the  use- 
ful arts,  as  the  true  basis  of  all  national  strength  and  glory,  it 
will  be  my  leading  policy  to  awaken  into  vigorous  activity  the 
wealth,  talent,  and  enterprise,  of  the  country ; and,  at  the  same 
time,  to  lay  the  foundation  of  those  higher  institutions  for  moral 
and  mental  culture  without  which  no  government  on  demo- 
cratic principles  can  prosper,  nor  the  people  long  preserve 
their  liberties.”  On  the  subject  of  annexation,  he  remarked : 

“ I have  never  been  able  myself  to  perceive  the  policy  of  the 
desired  connection,  or  discover  in  it  any  advantage,  either 
civil,  political,  or  commercial,  which  could  possibly  result  to 
Texas.  But,  on  the  contrary,  a long  train  of  consequences, 

* “ It  was  received,”  says  the  Telegraph,  “ with  general  approbation.  It  was 
pleasing  to  notice  the  remarkable  degree  of  confidence  and  esteem  that  was  ev- 
erywhere manifested  toward  President  Lamar.  He  is  almost  unanimously  re- 
garded as  the  pride  and  ornament  of  his  country;  and  from  his  administration 
the  most  fortunate  results  are  expected.”  — Telegraph , December  12,  1888. 


CAPTURE  OF  VERA  CRUZ  BY  THE  FRENCH. 


253 


of  the  most  appalling  character  and  magnitude,  have  never 
failed  to  present  themselves  whenever  I have  entertained  the 
subject,  and  forced  upon  my  mind  the  unwelcome  conviction 
that  the  step,  once  taken,  would  produce  a lasting  regret,  and 
ultimately  prove  as  disastrous  to  our  liberty  and  hopes  as  the 
triumphant  sword  of  the  enemy.” 

Shortly  after  the  inauguration  of  the  new  president,  the  peo- 
ple of  Texas  were  gratified  with  the  intelligence  of  the  capture 
of  Vera  Cruz.  The  blockade  by  the  French  not  availing  to 
bring  the  government  to  terms,  Admiral  Baudin  despatched  a 
messenger  to  General  Rincon,  the  Mexican  commandant,  in- 
forming him  that  he  was  about  to  attack  the  castle  of  San  Juan 
d’Ulloa.  This  fortress,  situated  on  an  island  in  the  harbor, 
was  defended  by  one  hundred  and  sixty  pieces  of  artillery  and 
about  five  thousand  men.  The  bombardment  commenced  about 
two  o’clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the  27th  of  November,  and  was 
so  well  directed,  that  in  four  hours,  after  a loss  of  six  hundred 
men  .in  killed  and  wounded,  the  Mexicans  capitulated,  marched 
out  of  the  castle,  and  the  French  took  possession.  By  permis- 
sion of  the  victors,  a small  Mexican  force  was  allowed  to  re- 
main in  the  city  to  preserve  order. 

President  Lamar  sent  in  his  message  to  Congress  on  the  21st 
of  December.  It  was  lengthy,  and,  with  the  exception  of  some 
historical  inaccuracies,  well  written.  He  laid  down  his  course 
of  policy  with  great  frankness.  Among  the  measures  recom- 
mended was  a national  bank,  to  “ be  the  exclusive  property 
and  under  the  exclusive  control  of  the  republic.” — “ Such  a 
bank,”  says  he,  “incorporated  for  a suitable  term  of  years, 
founded  on  a specific  hypothecation  of  a competent  portion  of 
the  public  domain,  which  should  be  immediately  appropriated 
to  that  purpose,  with  the  additional  guaranty  of  the  plighted 
faith  of  the  nation,  and  an  adequate  deposite  of  specie  in  its 


254 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


vaults,  would,  it  is  confidently  believed,  confer  many  eminent 
and  continued  blessings  upon  the  country.”*  Happily  for 
Texas,  there  was  too  much  of  the  democratic  element  in  her 
councils  to  adopt  this  exploded  policy.  Her  statesmen  had 
learned  in  the  older  states  many  valuable  lessons  on  this  sub- 
ject : among  them,  that  a paper  currency  was  not  money,  and 
that  it  could  not  represent  money,  unless  there  was,  at  a con- 
venient point,  money  to  be  represented  by  it ; that  Texas  had 
no  money,  and  could  only  obtain  it  honestly  by  paying  a con- 
sideration ; that  her  credit  was  already  exhausted,  and  could 
not  be  further  extended  except  at  ruinous  rates  of  interest,  in 
which  the  lender  was  paid  as  well  for  the  risk  he  run  as  for 
the  money  he  loaned.  In  addition  to  these  facts,  they  had  just 
witnessed  a terrible  conflict  in  the  United  States  between  a 
national  bank  and  one  of  the  most  popular  of  her  presidents, 
in  which  the  victory  was  long  suspended.  Such  an  institution 
in  Texas,  even  had  it  been  possible  to  procure  a specie  basis, 
would  have  proved  a source  of  boundless  political  corruption. 

President  Lamar  further  stated  that,  “ when  the  bank  shall 
have  fully  gone  into  operation,  and  developed  its  satisfactory 
influences  on  the  pecuniary  transactions  of  the  country.  . . it 
is  hardly  conceivable  that  any  fortuitous  combination  of  events 
could  occasion  an  extensive  demand  for  the  metals.  The  ordi- 
nary current  wants  of  the  country  would  be  regularly  supplied  ; 
and  it  is  not  probable  that  any  respectable  merchant  or  other 
capitalist  would  risk  his  character,  either  to  gratify  his  spleen 
or  his  avarice,  by  getting  up  a captious  run  on  a sound  and 
solvent  bank,  which  involves  the  reciprocal  relations  of  citizens 
and  country,  and  is  an  object  of  universal  patriotic  pride  and 
endearment.”  During  the  war  of  the  American  Revolution, 

* Mr.  Gouge’s  comments  on  this  portion  of  the  message  are  quite  appropriate. 
— Fiscal  History  of  Texas , p.  89. 


MEXICO  AMD  FRANCE  — TREATY  OF  PEACE.  255 

when  the  continental  paper,  for  the  redemption  of  which  the 
public  faith  was  pledged,  had  become  so  depreciated,  that  pur- 
chases could  scarcely  be  made  with  it,  the  Congress  resolved 
that  any  one  who  should  refuse  to  receive  it  at  par  in  business 
transactions  should  suffer  a certain  penalty.  Yet  neither  the 
character  nor  patriotic  pride  of  the  merchant  or  capitalist,  nor 
the  penalties  of  the  law,  induced  them  to  take  it  at  par.  As  a 
marketable  commodity,  it  passed  at  the  market  price ; and,  to 
demand  and  enforce  more,  was  robbery. 

— However,  the  message  went  to  the  Texan  Congress  for  its 
consideration. 

To  bring  up  properly  the  events  of  1839,  we  must  recur  to 
what  was  done  in  Mexico.  The  agreement  between  Admiral 
Baudin  and  General  Rincon,  the  commandant  at  Yera  Cruz, 
was  not  ratified  by  the  Mexican  government : on  the  contrary, 
Santa  Anna  was  despatched  with  five  thousand  troops  to  drive 
the  French  out  of  the  place.  In  attempting  this,  he  lost  his 
leg,  together  with  many  of  his  troops.  On  the  9th  of  March, 
1839,  a treaty  was  made  between  Mexico  and  France,  which, 
being  shortly  afterward  ratified,  the  French  forces  left  the  ter- 
ritory of  the  republic,  and  the  gallant  admiral  paid  Texas  a 
visit  on  his  way  home.* 

The  federal  party  in  Mexico,  taking  advantage  of  Busta- 
mente’s  engagements  in  repelling  the  French,  declared  for  the 
constitution  of  1824.  The  civil  war  thus  ensuing  raged  over 
a great  portion  of  the  confederacy,  with  more  or  less  success 
on  the  part  of  the  insurgents.  In  Tampico,  they  routed  the 
centralists  under  the  command  of  General  Piedras  (formerly 
well  known  at  Nacogdoches),  and  disposed  of  that  officer  after 
the  Mexican  fashion.  About  this  time,  General  Mexia  arrived 
at  Tampico,  and  found  Urrea  in  command  of  the  federalists. 

* Baud  in’s  order  of  the  day,  March  29,  1839. 


256 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


These  two  chiefs,  having  raised  a considerable  force,  set  out 
for  the  capital.  In  the  meantime,  Bustamente  assumed  the 
command  of  the  army  in  person,  leaving  Santa  Anna  to  act  as 
president  in  his  absence.  He  marched  to  encounter  the  feder- 
alists, and  met  them  about  the  first  of  May,  at  Acajete,  near 
Puebla,  where  a terrible  battle  ensued,  in  which  the  federal 
army  was  totally  defeated.  General  Mexia  was  captured,  and, 
of  course,  immediately  shot,  while  Urrea  fled  for  his  life.  The 
civil  war  was,  in  fact,  by  this  contest,  virtually  ended,  though 
much  strife  and  bloodshed  continued  on  the  frontiers. 

The  Mexican  federalists  were  well  disposed  toward  Texas, 
and  their  leaders  did  not  fail  to  keep  up  a correspondence  with 
the  republic.  A trade  of  some  importance  sprang  up  between 
Bexar  and  the  Rio  Grande.  Indeed,  Texas  was  so  much  de- 
ceived by  these  evidences  of  friendship,  that  she  thought  nego- 
tiations might  be  started  for  a peace.  With  this  view,  Barnard 
E.  Bee  was  despatched  as  a minister  to  Mexico,  and  the  Texan 
minister  at  Washington  was  instructed  to  engage  the  mediation 
of  the  United  States,  and  the  good  offices  of  Mr.  Fox,  the  Brit- 
ish minister  there,  to  bring  about  the  same  end.  Mr.  Forsyth, 
the  secretary  of  state,  did  write  to  Mr.  Ellis,  to  inquire  of  the 
Mexican  government  whether  the  mediation  of  the  American 
cabinet  was  desired ; and  Mr.  Fox  promised  to  write  to  Mr. 
Pakenham,  the  British  minister  in  Mexico,  favorably  to  the 
claims  of  Texas.*  Mr.  Dunlap,  the  Texan  minister  at  Wash- 
ington, also  had  some  confidential  conversations  with  Senor 
Martinez,  embassador  to  that  government  from  Mexico,  on  the 
same  subject.  The  latter  conversed  quite  frankly ; but  Mr. 
Dunlap  was  somewhat  too  strong  in  his  demands  when  he 
spoke  of  extending  the  western  boundary  of  Texas  to  the  Pa- 

* James  Webb  to  Richard  G.  Dunlap,  March  14,  1889.  Richard  G.  Dunlap 
to  J.  P Henderson,  May  24,  1839. 


DIPLOMATIC  MOVEMENTS  CHECKMATED. 


257 


cific,  so  as  to  include  the  fine  harbor  of  San  Francisco ! He 
also  wrote  Senor  Martinez  a letter,  recapitulating  the  topics 
of  their  conversation.  Martinez  answered  him  very  politely, 
but  not  as  a minister,  and  promised  to  send  his  letter  to  the 
Mexican  government.* 

As  these  diplomatic  movements  seemed  to  be  predicated 
upon  the  success  of  the  federal  party  in  Mexico,  they  were 
completely  checkmated  by  the  battle  of  Acajete,  referred  to 
on  the  previous  page.  It  was  the  centralist  party  that  first 
made  war  on  Texas  ; it  was  the  centralist  party  which  she  had 
so  signally  overwhelmed;  and  it  was  still  with  that  party  — 
proud,  bigoted,  and  impotent,  as  it  was — that  she  had  to  deal. 
The  Texan  minister  was  not  received,  nor  did  he  even  present 
his  papers.f 

Previous  to  the  French  attack  on  Vera  Cruz,  and  the  civil 
war  in  Mexico,  that  government  had  commenced  a system, 
which,  if  it  had  been  carried  out  as  was  intended,  would  have 
been  most  disastrous  to  Texas.  Its  object  was  to  turn  loose 
upon  her  all  the  Indian  tribes  upon  her  borders,  from  the  Rio 
Grande  to  Red  river.  Of  this  fact  the  Texan  government  ob- 
tained undoubted  evidence.  Before  the  revolt  of  the  Mexicans 
at  Nacogdoches,  Vicente  Cordova  had  been  in  correspondence 
with  the  enemy  at  Matamoras.  In  July,  1838,  he  addressed 

* R.  G.  Dunlap  to  P.  P.  Martinez,  October  8,  1839.  F.  P.  Martinez  to  R.  G. 
Dunlap,  October  9,  1839. 

f The  Vera  Cruz  “ Censor •”  spoke  thus  of  the  Texan  minister  when  off  Sacrifi- 
cios:  “We  do  not  know  which  most  to  admire,  the  audacity  of  those  brigands 
in  sending  us  their  pedler  to  ask  us  to  allow  the  peaceable  possession  of  their 
robbery,  or  the  answer  the  commandant-general  gave  to  the  individual  who 
apprized  him  of  the  arrival  of  this  quixotic  embassador.  From  the  tenor  of  the 
reply,  it  appears  that,  if  he  lands,  he  will  be  accommodated  with  lodgings  at  the 
prison.  Nevertheless,  the  supreme  government  will  designate  what  ought  defi- 
nitely to  be  done.  The  commandant  says  he  is  not  aware  of  the  existence  of  a 
nation  called  the  ‘republic  of  Texas;’  but  only  of  a horde  of  adventurers,  in  re- 
bellion against  the  laws  of-  the  government  of  the  republic.” 

VOL.  II.— 17 


258 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


a letter  to  Manuel  Flores,  the  Indo-Mexican  agent  at  Matamo- 
ras,  stating  that  he  held  a commission  from  Filisola,  to  raise 
the  Indians  as  auxiliaries  to  the  Mexican  army,  and  had  al- 
ready entered  on  his  duties.  He  wished  to  co-operate  with 
Flores,  and  have  an  understanding  with  him  as  to  the  mode  of 
procedure  ; and  for  that  purpose  he  desired,  if  possible,  to  have 
a meeting  and  personal  consultation.*  Cordova  wrote  to  Fili- 
sola on  the  29th  of  August  and  the  16th  of  September,  1838, 
from  the  head-waters  of  the  Trinity,  giving  him  an  account  of 
his  progress.  The  departure  of  Flores  from  Matamoras  was, 
from  some  cause,  delayed  till  the  spring  of  the  following  year. 
In  the  meantime,  on  the  27th  of  February,  1839, f Brigadier- 
General  Canalizo,  who  had  succeeded  Filisola  at  Matamoras, 
sent  his  instructions  to  Cordova — the  same  that  had  been 
given  to  Flores  — to  excite  the  frontier  Indians  to  make  war 
on  Texas.  He  said  it  was  in  the  power  of  the  Indians,  and 
also  for  their  interest,  to  prevent  the  Texans  from  taking  ad- 
vantage of  the  troubles  in  Mexico  ; that  they  must  not  trust  to 
flying  invasions,  but  to  operations  having  a more  permanent 
effect — causing,  if  not  daily  injury,  at  least  perpetual  alarm 
and  inquietude  to  the  enemy,  and  depriving  them  of  their  com- 
merce, the  spoils  of  which  were  to  go  to  the  Indians.  While 
the  savages  were  to  be  cautioned  not  to  go  near  the  boundary 
of  the  United  States,  they  were  to  occupy  the  line  of  Bexar, 
about  the  Guadalupe,  and  from  the  source  to  the  mouth  of  the 
San  Mark.  “ This  position,’’  continues  Canalizo,  “ is  the  most 

* This  letter,  among  other  papers,  was  found  on  the  person  of  Flores  when  he 
was  killed. 

f Senate  Document  No.  14,  Thirty-second  Congress,  second  session,  p.  38.  This 
letter  from  Canalizo  to  Cordova  is  dated  “1838’’  in  the  printed  document,  and 
also  in  the' copy  sent  from  Texas  to  Mr.  Dunlap,  her  minister  at  Washington.  It 
should  be  1839.  It  refers  to  the  hostilities  with  France,  which  did  not ‘occur 
till  after  its  date.  And  another  fact  should  be  borne  in  mind : Canalizo  was  not 
in  command  at  Matamoras  at  that  time. 


INDIAN  HOSTILITIES  — A MEXICAN  PLOT.  259 

favorable  for  the  friendly  Indians  (as  well  as  for  the  friendly 
Mexicans),  in  order  that  they  shall  have  the  enemy  in  front 
only,  keeping  a friendly  and  generous  nation  as  Mexico  in  the 
rear”  They  were  not  to  cease  to  harass  the  Texans  for  a 
single  day — “to  burn  their  habitations,  to  lay  waste  their 
fields, ” and,  by  rapid  and  well-concerted  movements,  to  draw 
their  attention  in  every  direction  ; and  if  the  Texans  should 
assemble  in  considerable  bodies,  the  Indians  were  directed  to 
hang  about  them  in  small  parties,  and  to  harass  them  day  and 
night,  endeavoring  at  every  cost  to  cut  off  (steal)  their  horses. 
The  instructions  to  Cordova  were  to  be  sent  to  him,  and  he 
and  Flores  were  to  have  an  interview  as  soon  as  possible. 
They  were  required,  however,  to  extend  humane  treatment  to 
defenceless  persons  of  both  sexes  and  of  all  ages.  They  were 
to  pursue  and  punish  all  Indians  friendly  to  the  Texans,  and 
all  Mexicans  who  traded  with  them.  Canalizo,  in  his  letter  to 
Cordova,  informed  him  that,  as  soon  as  the  hostilities  with 
France  should  terminate,  the  Mexican  army,  greatly  increased, 
would  proceed  to  recover  Texas.  Flores  had  messages  from 
Canalizo  to  the  chiefs  of  the  Caddoes,  Seminoles,  Biloxas,  Cher- 
okees,  Kickapoos,  Brasos,  Twowokanaes,  and  perhaps  others, 
promising  them  the  lands  on  which  they  had  settled,  and  assu- 
ring them  that  they  need  “ expect  nothing  from  those  greedy 
adventurers  for  land,  who  wish  even  to  deprive  the  Indians  of 
the  sun  that  warms  and  vivifies  them,  and  who  would  not  cease 
to  injure  them  while  the  grass  grows  and  water  runs.,, 

Such  were  the  instructions  under  which  Commissioner  Flores 
set  out  on  his  mission.  Cordova  had  been  hanging  about  the 
Indian  camps  high  up  on  the  Trinity  and  Brasos  rivers,  his 
followers  greatly  reduced.  On  the  14th  of  May,  Flores  and 
his  party  of  twenty-five  marauders,  about  half  of  whom  were 
Indians,  passed  between  Seguin  and  Bexar,  where  they  commit- 


260 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


ted  some  murders.  They  were  pursued  by  Lieutenant  James 
0.  Rice  and  seventeen  men,  who  overtook  them  on  the  San 
Gabriel  fork  of  Little  river,  about  fifteen  miles  from  Austin. 
Rice  and  his  party  attacked  and  killed  Flores  and  two  others, 
and  put  the  balance  to  flight,  who  left  behind  them  their  plun- 
der, consisting  of  three  hundred  pounds  of  powder,  a like  quan- 
tity of  shot,  balls,  and  bar-lead,  and  more  than  a hundred  mules 
and  horses.*  But,  what  was  of  most  importance  to  Texas,  the 
correspondence  before  referred  to  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
victors.  How  many  Indian  tribes  had  been  supplied  previous 
to  this  capture,  we  can  not  tell.  The  discovery  of  this  corre- 
spondence was  a most  fortunate  thing  for  the  republic ; for, 
had  the  insidious  plots  of  the  enemy  been  carried  out,  and  the 
flames  of  a savage  war  spread  along  the  entire  frontier,  fol- 
lowed by  an  invasion  from  Mexico,  it  would  have  done  her  a 
serious  injury.  Such  was  doubtless  the  intention  of  Mexico ; 
and  it  was  a courageous  resolve  in  the  authorities  of  that 
nation  to  place  the  Indians  in  front.  They  reasoned,  no  doubt, 
that,  by  the  time  their  savage  allies  had  stolen  the  horses  of 
the  Texans,  ravaged  their  fields,  and  burnt  their  habitations, 
the  main  body  of  the  invading  army  could  succeed  better  in 
the  reconquest  of  the  revolted  province. 

It  will  be  observed  that  Canalizo,  in  his  instructions,  directed 
that  no  approach  should  be  made  toward  the  frontier  of  the 
United  States.  There  was  but  one  dangerous  tribe  of  Indians 
in  that  direction — the  Caddoes.  A portion  of  this  tribe  had 
been  taken  by  General  Rusk  in  November,  1838,  disarmed, 
and  handed  over  to  their  agent  in  Shreveport,  where  they  en- 
tered into  a treaty  to  remain  until  the  war  between  Texas  and 
the  balance  of  the  tribe  should  cease. f These  Indians,  and  in 

* Senate  Document  No.  14,  Thirty-second  Congress,  second  session,  p.  26. 

f E.  Burleson  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  May  22,  1889. 


WAR  WITH  THE  CAMANCHES. 


261 


fact  some  of  the  tribes  in  Arkansas,  had  been  under  the  influ- 
ence of  Cordova. 

That  chieftain,  making  his  way  westward  with  between  sixty 
and  seventy  Mexicans,  Indians,  and  negroes,  encamped  on  the 
26th  of  March  at  the  foot  of  the  Colorado  mountains.  Colonel 
Burleson,  getting  news  of  him,  collected  eighty  men,  started  on 
his  trail,  and  overtook  him  on  the  Guadalupe.  After  the  first 
fire,  the  enemy  fled,  and  were  followed  for  four  miles,  when 
night  prevented  further  pursuit.  Twenty-five  or  thirty  of  them 
them  were  killed,  but  their  leader  made  his  escape  to  the  Rio 
Grande.  Thus  terminated  the  mission  of  Flores  and  Cordova. 
But  the  spirit  of  war  thus  awakened  in  the  Indians  was  not  so 
easily  allayed. 

On  the  25th  of  January,  1839,  three  companies  of  volunteers 
were  organized  in  the  upper  settlements  on  the  Colorado,  and 
placed  under  the  command  of  Captain  John  H.  Moore,  with 
orders  to  march  against  the  Camanches.  They  proceeded  up 
the  Colorado  until  the  14th  of  February,  when  they  arrived 
within  ten  miles  of  the  Indian  village.  After  nightfall,  they 
marched  cautiously  to  within  about  a mile  of  the  village,  where 
they  dismounted,  tied  their  horses,  and  sent  eight  mounted 
Lipan  Indians  to  stampede  the  Camanches’  caballada.  The 
main  body  of  the  rangers,  having  advanced  to  within  three 
hundred  yards  of  the  enemy,  were  discovered.  This  was  just 
at  daybreak.  Captain  Moore  now  ordered  a charge.  It  was 
promptly  made,  the  troops  throwing  open  the  doors  of  the  wig- 
wams, or  pulling  them  down,  and  slaughtering  the  enemy  in 
their  beds.  The  Camanches  retreated  to  a bend  in  the  bayou, 
and  formed  for  defence.  The  smoke  had  so  increased  the 
darkness,  that  the  Texans  retired  for  a few  moments  to  reload 
their  pieces.  They  had  scarcely  formed,  however,  when  the 
Camanches  charged  them  in  front  and  flank.  These  onsets 


262 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


continued,  at  short  intervals,  until  ten  o’clock,  when  the  fire 
of  the  Indians  came  from  a greater  distance.  Captain  Moore 
sent  ten  men  to  reconnoitre,  who  reported  the  enemy  to  be  very 
numerous.  About  half-past  eleven  o’clock,  the  Indians  ceased 
firing : and  the  Texans,  believing  their  force  was  insufficient  to 
drive  them  from  their  secure  position,  retired  to  their  horses, 
a mile  below.  In  fifteen  minutes  after  their  arrival,  however, 
they  were  surrounded  by  from  three  to  five  hundred  of  the  Ca- 
manches,  who  opened  a fire  on  them.  This  the  Texans  soon 
silenced,  when  the  Indians  sent  in  a flag,  stating  that  they  had 
five  white  prisoners  — a woman  and  four  children — probably 
hoping  for  a sale  or  an  exchange.  The  fight  was  not  renewed. 
Captain  Moore  had  in  his  command  sixty-three  white  men  and 
sixteen  Lipan  Indians,  and  had  one  killed  and  six  wounded. 
The  Camanches  lost  about  thirty  killed,  and  a like  number 
wounded.* 

About  the  last  of  February,  a party  of  Indians,  having  com- 
mitted several  murdersf  some  twelve  miles  above  Bastrop, 
were  pursued  and  attacked  by  about  fifty  Texans.  The  sav- 
ages having  the  advantage  of  position,  the  whites  fell  back ; 
but  being  reinforced  by  thirty  more,  under  Colonel  Burleson, 
they  again  advanced.  The  Indians  took  a good  position,  and 
the  fight  commenced  at  one  o’clock  in  the  afternoon.  The  In- 
dians were  greatly  superior  in  numbers,  and  continued  the  con- 
flict until  dark,  when  they  retreated,  having  twenty  or  thirty 
killed.  The  Texan  loss  was  three  killed. 

On  Sunday,  the  27th  of  May,  Captain  John  Bird,  having 
marched  from  Fort  Milam  to  Fort  Smith,  on  Little  river,  dis- 
covered Indians  near  the  latter  place.  At  one  o’clock  in  the 

* Report  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  November,  1839,  p.  42. 

\ Among  these  murders  were  the  killing  of  Mrs.  Coleman  and  her  child.— 
General  Burleson  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  March  2,  1839. 


SKIRMISHES  WITH  THE  INDIANS. 


263 


afternoon,  Captain  Bird,  with  thirty-five  in  rank  and  file,  pro- 
ceeded against  them.  After  a march  of  five  miles,  they  came 
in  sight  of  twenty-seven  Indians.  Pursuing  them  three  miles 
farther,  they  found  themselves  within  a hundred  and  seventy- 
five  yards  of  the  enemy,  arrayed  in  order  of  battle.  The  Tex- 
ans charged  upon  them,  both  parties  being  mounted,  and  kept 
up  the  pursuit  for  three  miles,  but  to  no  purpose,  for  the  sav- 
ages could  not  be  overtaken.  The  Texans  then  returned ; but 
after  retracing  their  steps  for  half  a mile,  they  were  suddenly 
surrounded  by  about  forty  Indians,  who  shot  their  arrows  from 
every  direction.  The  Texans  made  for  a ravine  six  hundred 
yards  in  front,  which  they  succeeded  in  reaching,  in  spite  of 
the  desperate  attempts  to  prevent  them  by  the  savages,  who 
now  retired  to  the  top  of  a hill  three  hundred  yards  distant. 
In  about  half  an  hour,  the  Indians  advanced  in  full  view,  hav- 
ing their  number  increased  to  some  two  hundred  and  forty. 
They  raised  the  war-whoop  along  their  whole  line,  and  charged 
upon  the  ravine  with  fearful  yells.  The  Texans  gave  them  a 
deadly  reception,  and  they  retired  again  to  the  hill,  carrying 
off  their  dead  and  wounded.  A second  desperate  charge  was 
made,  and  was  again  repulsed  with  a like  list  of  killed  and 
wounded.  After  a fight  of  more  than  an  hour,  the  Indians 
retreated  to  the  hill,  with  a heavy  loss  of  men  and  horses. 
Darkness  coming  on,  both  parties  retired.  The  Texans  lost 
five  killed,  among  whom  was  their  gallant  captain,  and  had 
two  wounded.  The  loss  of  the  savages  was  supposed  to  be 
thirty  killed.* 

In  the  hostile  movements  of  this  year,  our  attention  is  called 
to  the  war  with  the  Cherokees.  Agreeing  with  President  La- 
mar as  to  the  destiny  of  this  people,  we  will  refer  to  some  of 
the  facts  and  discussions  on  the  subject. 

* Report  of  Nathan  Brookshire,  commanding,  May  31,  1839. 


264 


HISTOItY  OF  TEXAS. 


The  treachery  of  Cordova,  and  the  warlike  demonstrations 
of  the  Indians  in  eastern  Texas  in  1838,  are  already  before 
the  reader,  and  their  causes  known.  The  president,  in  his 
message  of  the  21st  of  December,  1838,  assumed  the  position 
that  the  immigrant  Indian  tribes  had  no  legal  or  equitable 
claim  to  any  portion  of  the  territory  included  within  the  limits 
of  Texas ; that  the  federal  government  of  Mexico  neither  con- 
ceded nor  promised  them  lands,  nor  civil  rights ; that  it  was 
not  necessary  to  inquire  into  the  nature  and  extent  of  the 
pledge  given  to  the  Cherokees  by  the  consultation  of  1835  and 
the  treaty  of  February,  1836,  consequent  upon  it,  for  the  treaty 
was  never  ratified  by  any  competent  authority. 

Now  the  facts  are,  that  in  1822,  long  before  any  colonist 
had  settled  in  eastern  Texas,  or  any  colony  contract  had  been 
made  for  that  section,  the  Cherokees  emigrated  to  Texas.  They 
established  a village  north  of  Nacogdoches  — the  town,  at  that 
time,  being  a waste,  lately  swept  by  the  forces  of  Long  and 
Perez.  On  the  8th  of  November  of  that  year,  the  Cherokees, 
by  Captain  Richard  and  others  of  their  head  men,  entered  into 
an  agreement  with  the  government  of  Texas,  by  which  it  was 
stipulated  that  certain  Cherokee  chiefs  should  proceed  with 
their  interpreters  to  Mexico,  to  treat  with  Iturbide  for  the  set- 
tlement of  their  tribe  where  it  was  then  located.  In  the  mean- 
time, the  agreement  guarantied  to  the  Cherokees  the  free  and 
peaceful  right  to  cultivate  their  crops,  and  the  prvileges  of  na- 
tives. The  chiefs  proceeded  to  Mexico,  and  the  imperial  govern- 
ment having  satisfied  them — whether  verbally  or  in  writing  is 
immaterial — they  returned.  An  order  from  the  supreme  govern- 
ment was  despatched  to  the  commandant-general  of  the  eastern 
provinces,  and  by  him  to  the  governor  of  Coahuila  and  Texas, 
dated  August  15, 1831,  and  by  the  latter  to  the  political  chief 
of  Bexar,  dated  September  1,  1831,  directing  a compliance 


THE  CHEROKEE  LAND-TITLES. 


265 


with  the  promises  made  by  the  supreme  government  to  the 
Cherokees.  The  governor  states  in  his  communication  that, 
“for  the  preservation  of  peace  with  the  agricultural  tribes,  he 
had  offered  them  their  establishment  on  a fixed  tract  of  land, 
and  they  had  selected  it.”  He  requested  the  political  chief 
to  put  them  in  possession,  with  corresponding  titles.  The  po- 
litical chief,  on  the  25th  of  September,  replied  that  the  matter 
should  be  attended  to  in  accordance  with  the  prescribed  forms. 
Again,  on  the  22d  of  March,  1832,  Colonel  Piedras  was  com 
missioned  by  the  political  chief  to  put  the  Cherokee  families 
into  individual  possession  of  the  lands  they  possessed.*  Wheth- 
er there  was  any  actual,  written  title,  is  unknown  and  immate- 
rial. In  the  empresario  concession  afterward  made  to  David 
G.  Burnet,  and  including  part  or  all  of  their  settlement,  the 
lands  already  appropriated  were  excepted  from  those  to  be 
occupied  by  the  colonists  under  Burnet. 

For  fourteen  years  the  Cherokees  had  occupied  this  land, 
holding  it  in  quiet  and  undisputed  possession.  They  were 
not  intruders  on  the  whites,  for  they  were  there  first.  The 
Mexican  authorities  recognised  them,  as  an  agricultural  tribe, 
with  Mexican  privileges,  and  Colonel  Bean  was  official  agent 
for  them,  in  common  with  other  tribes.  No  voice  had  been 
raised  against  their  title.  It  was  deemed  by  all  both  legal  and 
equitable.  To  give  weight  and  dignity  to  this  title,  the  con- 
sultation of  November,  1835,  at  a time  when  Texas  was  weak, 
when  a heavy  cloud  hung  over  her  hopes,  and  her  liberties 
were  suspended  upon  a most  unequal  and  unjust  war,  made  a 
very  solemn  pledge  to  those  Indians,  acknowledging  their  just 
claim  to  their  lands,  setting  forth  the  boundaries  thereof,  and 
saying  further:  “We  solemnly  declare  that  we  will  guaranty 
to  them  the  peaceable  enjoyment  of  their  rights  to  their  lands 

* Report  of  the  Committee  on  Indian  Affairs,  Texas  Senate,  January  22, 1840. 


266 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


as  we  do  our  own.  We  solemnly  declare  that  all  grants,  sur- 
veys, or  locations  of  lands,  within  the  bounds  hereinbefore 
mentioned,  made  after  the  settlement  of  the  said  Indians,  are, 
and  of  right  ought  to  be,  utterly  null  and  void.”  To  make  it, 
if  possible,  still  stronger,  the  consultation  resolved  that  each 
member  sign  it  as  a “ pledge  of  the  public  faith,  on  the  part  of 
the  people  of  Texas.”  And  they  did  sign  it : the  names  of 
Wharton,  Waller,  Martin,  Houston,  Zavala,  Patrick,  Henry 
Smith,  Grimes,  J.  W.  Robinson,  Mitchell,  and  Millard,  among 
others  of  the  distinguished  worthies  of  the  Revolution,  were 
placed  by  themselves  to  that  pledge.  Surely  they  did  not  in- 
tend to  deceive  the  Indians  by  thus  purchasing  their  neutrality 
until  the  war  was  over,  when  they,  having  no  further  need  of 
them,  would  declare  that  the  Indians  had  no  title  either  legal 
or  equitable.  The  suggestion  that  the  consultation  had  no 
power  to  make  such  pledge  is  preposterous.  The  members  of 
it  had  power  to  adhere  to  the  constitution  of  1824,  or  to  sever 
from  it ; the  assembly  was  organic,  primitive,  revolutionary. 
Twenty  or  thirty  thousand  people  were  defending  themselves 
against  eight  millions.  They  met,  by  their  representatives,  for 
general  consultation.  They  found  a nation  of  Indians  in  their 
midst,  advanced  in  civilization,  and  having  an  influence  over 
other  tribes.  These  Indians  had  occupied  the  country  first, 
and  it  was  important  to  conciliate  them.  This  was  done  by 
the  pledge  given.  It  is  a rule  in  ethics  that  the  promiser  is 
bound  by  what  he  believed  the  promisee  understood  by  the 
promise.  No  mental  reservation  or  technical  objection  can 
avoid  this  moral  conclusion.  From  all  which  the  result  is, 
that  President  Lamar’s  message,  in  this  respect,  is  unsupport- 
ed by  history,  as  by  the  good  faith  of  Texas  toward  those 
Indians. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  was  impossible  that  the  Indians  should 


TROUBLES  WITH  THE  CHEROKEES. 


267 


have  an  independent  government  within  that  of  Texas.  They 
must  necessarily  come  under  the  laws  of  the  latter,  or  emi- 
grate. It  was  not  proposed  to  them  that  they  should  come 
under  the  Texan  laws  as  citizens.  The  great  object  of  many 
was  to  get  their  lands,  for  they  were  located  in  a fine  and  de- 
sirable country.  The  Texans  were  the  first  violators  of  the 
pledge  of  1835.  The  ink  was  scarcely  dry  on  the  paper,  when 
locators  and  surveyors  were  seen  in  their  forests ; and  this, 
too,  notwithstanding  the  consultation,  by  the  decree  of  Novem- 
ber 13,  1835,  had  ordered  such  locations  and  surveys  to  cease 
all  over  Texas. 

But  it  is  useless  to  dwell  further  upon  the  subject.  The 
Cherokees  were  charged  with  the  plunder  and  murder  of  many 
of  the  inhabitants  residing  among  them  and  in  their  vicinity. 
The  Ki Hough  family  were  cruelly  massacred;  only  three  or 
four  escaped,  and  they  were  brought  into  the  settlements  by 
the  Cherokees,  who,  by  their  “ cunning  representations,”  says 
the  secretary  of  war,  charged  these  acts  upon  the  prairie  In- 
dians and  the  treacherous  Mexicans.  To  prevent  such  occur- 
rences, Major  Walters  had  been  ordered  with  two  companies 
to  occupy  the  Neches  Saline,  not  only  to  watch  the  Cherokees, 
but  to  cut  off  their  intercourse  with  the  Indians  of  the  prairies. 
Bowles,  the  Cherokee  chief,  notified  Major  Walters  that  he 
would  repel  by  force  such  occupation  of  the  Saline.  As  the 
major’s  force  was  too  small  to  carry  out  his  orders,  he  estab- 
lished his  post  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Neches,  out  of  the  Cher- 
okee territory.* 

Colonel  Burleson,  who  was  then  collecting  a force  on  the 
Colorado,  to  operate  against  other  Indians,  was  directed  to 
march  his  troops  lower  down,  so  as  to  be  ready,  on  the  short- 
est notice,  to  enter  the  Cherokee  territory.  In  the  meantime, 

* Report  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  November,  1839,  p.  6. 


268 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


the  government  came  in  possession  of  the  papers  of  Manuel 
Flores,  including  letters  addressed  to  Big  Mush  and  Bowles, 
the  chiefs  of  the  Cherokees.*  On  their  reception,  Burleson 
was  ordered  to  increase  his  force  to  four  hundred  men,  and 
march  into  the  Cherokee  nation.  He  reached  the  east  bank 
of  the  Neches  on  the  14th  of  July ; and,  about  the  same  time, 
Colonel  Landrum’s  regiment  from  eastern  Texas  arrived  there. 
The  Nacogdoches  regiment,  under  General  Busk,  had  arrived 
some  days  before,  and  taken  position  near  the  Cherokee  vil- 
lage. The  entire  force  was  placed  under  the  command  of 
Brigadier-General  Douglass.  Commissioners  had,  for  some 
days,  been  in  conference  with  the  Cherokees,  to  effect,  if  pos- 
sible, their  peaceable  removal.  The  commissioners  offered  to 
pay  them  fairly  for  their  improvements,  but  we  have  no  infor- 
mation that  any  offer  was  made  for  their  lands.  The  Indians 
were  required  to  surrender  their  gun-locks,  and  remove  to 
their  brethren  in  Arkansas.  At  noon,  on  the  15th  of  July,  all 
further  attempts  to  make  a treaty  were  abandoned,  and  Gen- 
eral Douglass  was  directed  to  put  his  troops  in  motion.  The 
council-ground  was  about  five  miles  below  the  Indian  camp. 
When  the  Texans  arrived  there,  the  Cherokees  had  retreated 
about  seven  miles  farther  up  the  river.  They  were  pursued, 
and  a company  of  spies,  which  first  came  in  sight  of  them,  was 
fired  on.  The  Indians  displayed  their  forces  on  the  point  of  a 
hill,  having  a ravine  and  thicket  on  the  left.  General  Rusk 
motioned  to  them  to  come  on ; they  advanced  and  fired  four 

# It  is  inferred  from  these  documents,  found  on  Flores,  and  addressed  to  the 
Cherokee  chiefs,  that  the  latter  were  in  correspondence  with  the  Mexican  au- 
thorities. I have  before  me  the  original  papers  sent  them  by  Canalizo : they 
are  directed  to  >lSenor  Vixg  Mas,  Gefede  los  Charaquies ” — “ S'  or  Teniente  Coro- 
nel  Vul It  is  remarkable,  if  the  alleged  correspondence  had  existed,  that  their 
names  were  not  better  known.  The  fact  that  Big  Mush  was  addressed  as  chief 
and  Bowles  as  lieutenant-colonel , shows  how  slight  was  their  acquaintance  with 
these  chiefa 


CONFLICTS  WITH  THE  CHEROKEES. 


269 


or  five  times,  and  immediately  occupied  the  ravine  and  thicket 
on  the  left.  The  main  body  of  the  Texans  coming  up  in  the 
open  prairie,  now  formed,  and  the  action  became  general. 
The  Texans  charged  the  ravine,  and  advanced  up  from  the 
left.  A portion  of  the  Indians,  who  were  attempting  to  ap- 
proach the  troops  on  their  right  flank,  were  repulsed.  The 
Cherokees  fled  when  the  charge  was  made,  leaving  eighteen 
dead  on  the  ground.  The  Texans  had  three  killed  and  five 
wounded.  The  engagement  commenced  a little  before  sunset, 
and  the  pursuit  ended  at  night. 

On  the  morning  of  the  16th,  the  troops  proceeded  on  the 
trail  made  by  the  Indians  the  night  previous.  In  the  afternoon 
they  were  found  strongly  posted  in  a ravine,  half  a mile  from 
the  Neches,  and  seemed  eager  for  a fight.  While  the  Texan 
advance  was  dismounting,  the  Indians  commenced  the  action, 
killing  several  horses  and  one  man,  before  their  opponents 
could  form,  but  they  were  soon  driven  by  the  advance  into  the 
ravine.  The  Indians  were  protected  by  a ravine  and  a thicket 
in  their  rear,  while  the  Texans  had  to  advance  upon  them 
through  an  open  wood  and  down  a hill.  The  main  body  com- 
ing up,  was  formed,  and  the  firing  commenced  at  the  distance 
of  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards.  The  Texans  kept  advancing 
and  firing  until  within  fifty  yards  of  the  ravine,  when,  upon  a 
signal,  they  charged.  When  they  reached  the  ravine,  the  In- 
dians fled,  and  retreated  into  the  dense  thicket  and  swamp  of 
the  Neches  bottom.  The  charge  was  gallantly  continued  into 
the  swamp,  but  the  enemy  made  no  stand.  Thus  ended  the 
conflict  of  the  16th.  It  lasted  an  hour  and  a half,  and  was 
well  contested  by  the  Indians.  The  Texans  lost  five  killed 
and  twenty-seven  wounded.  The  loss  of  the  Cherokees  was 
probably  a hundred  killed  and  wounded,  and  among  the  for- 
mer was  their  distinguished  chief  Bowles.  In  the  official  report 


270 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


of  the  action,  he  was  styled  “the  long-dreaded  Mexican  ally 
Colonel  Bowles.”  In  these  two  contests  there  were  engaged 
about  five  hundred  Texans  and  eight  hundred  Indians.* 

The  trail  of  the  retreating  Cherokees  was  followed  for  some 
days.  Several  Indian  villages  were  passed,  their  “ extensive 
cornfields  cut  down  and  their  houses  burnt.”  On  the  evening 
of  the  25th,  further  pursuit  being  useless,  the  secretary  of  war, 
who  accompanied  the  expedition,  directed  the  troops  to  be 
marched  to  their  homes,  and  mustered  out  of  service.  “ For 
eighteen  months  afterward,”  says  a worthy  officerf  in  those  en- 
gagements, “ the  Indians  came  back  in  small  parties,  and  com- 
mitted fearful  depredations  upon  the  lives  and  property  of  the 
people  on  the  frontiers.” 

In  the  march  of  General  Douglass,  he  passed  the  villages  of 
nearly  all  the  civilized  Indians.  He  says : “ The  Cherokees, 
Delawares,  Shawnees,  Caddoes,  Kickapoos,  Biloxies,  Creeks, 
Ouchies,  Muskogees,  and  some  Seminoles,  had  established  du- 
ring the  past  spring  and  summer  many  villages,  and  cleared 
and  planted  extensive  fields  of  corn,  beans,  peas,  <fcc.,  prepar- 
ing evidently  for  an  efficient  co-operation  with  the  Mexicans  in 
a war  with  this  country.”  It  was  very  natural  to  infer,  from 
these  agricultural  labors,  that  the  Indians  were  preparing  for 
a war  against  Texas ; but  neither  their  plans  nor  crops  were 
permitted  to  mature.  He  speaks  also  of  the  Indian  territory 
through  which  he  marched,  and  says  that,  “ in  point  of  richness 
of  soil,  and  the  beauty  of  situation,  water,  and  productions,  it 
would  vie  with  the  best  portions  of  Texas.” 

Thus  the  vexed  question  with  regard  to  the  civilized  Indians 
was  settled,  and  there  could  be  no  hindrance  to  surveyors  or 

* Reports  Nos.  8 and  16  of  General  K H.  Douglass,  referred  to  in  the  Secre- 
tary of  War’s  Report,  November,  1889.  Statements  of  Major  Wortham  and  Dr. 
Jowers. 

+ Major  John  Wortham. 


FRONTIER  DEFENDERS  — TEXAN  NAVY. 


271 


settlements  on  their  fine  lands.  The  previous  administration 
had  endeavored,  by  treaties  and  presents,  to  conciliate  all  the 
frontier  Indians  : this  had  pursued  a sterner  policy.  It  had, 
in  all  the  conflicts,  killed  about  three  hundred  warriors,  leav- 
ing five  thousand  more,  all  exasperated  against  Texas,  and 
ready  to  unite  with  her  great  enemy  against  her.  However, 
the  main  point  was  to  secure  the  rights,  property,  and  lives, 
of  the  Texans ; and  if  that  was  more  thoroughly  effected  by 
war,  so  much  the  better  for  the  republic.  As  to  the  rights  of 
the  Indians,  much  has  been  said  and  written  in  regard  to  them. 
Perhaps  the  excuse  offered  by  Cicero,  for  the  extension  policy 
of  Rome,  is  the  best  for  us  — that  “ no  people  have  a right  to 
the  soil , who  do  not  know  the  use  of  it.” 

In  the  conduct  of  the  war,  the  Texan  troops  behaved  with 
their  accustomed  gallantry ; and  among  their  leaders  should 
be  particularly  noticed  General  Rusk  and  Colonel  Burleson  — 
the  one  in  the  east  and  the  other  in  the  west — and  both  ready 
at  a moment’s  warning  to  fly  to  an  exposed  point.  They  will 
be  long  remembered  in  Texas  as  the  defenders  of  her  frontiers. 

In  accordance  with  the  contract  with  Frederick  Dawson,  the 
Texan  government  received,  on  the  27th  of  June,  1889,  the 
schooner  San  Jacinto ; on  the  7th  of  August,  the  schooner 
San  Antonio ; on  the  31st  of  August,  the  schooner  San  Ber- 
nard; and,  on  the  18th  of  October,  the  brig  Colorado . A cor- 
vette and  a brig  were  yet  wanting  to  complete  the  contract, 
but  were  confidently  expected  by  the  end  of  the  year.*  On 
the  23d  of  March,  was  also  delivered  the  steamship-of-war  Za- 
vala, purchased  by  General  Hamilton,  agent,  of  James  Holford. 
These  vessels,  with  the  Charleston , undergoing  repairs,  and 
the  receiving  brig  Potomac , constituted  the  navy  of  Texas,  and 
with  which  the  secretary  of  the  navy  said,  “ it  was  confidently 

* Report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  November  8,  1889. 


272 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


believed  that,  in  a very  short  time  after  the  navy  should  have 
received  orders  for  capture  and  reprisal,  it  would  be  enabled 
to  afford  a source  of  revenue  to  the  government,  equal  to  the 
amount  which  had  been  expended  for  its  creation.”  It  would 
have  been  well  for  Texas  if  these  anticipations  had  been  real- 
ized ; for  the  cost  of  this  navy  was  nearly  eight  hundred  thou- 
sand dollars,  paid  with  the  bonds  of  the  government,  as  she 
had  but  little  money.  The  expenditure  for  naval  purposes 
during  the  first  nine  months  of  1839  was  nearly  sixty  thousand 
dollars ; and  the  estimate  of  appropriations  for  one  year  from 
the  30th  of  September,  1839,  was  upward  of  half  a million  of 
dollars.* 

The  European  relations  of  Texas  were  doing  well.  J.  P. 
Henderson,  the  commissioner  sent  out  to  England  and  France, 
to  obtain  from  those  powers  an  acknowledgment  of  her  inde- 
pendence, had  succeeded,  in  1838,  in  making  a commercial 
arrangement  with  Great  Britain — with  the  reservation,  how- 
ever, that  “ until  they  formally  recognise  Texas,  they  will  con- 
sider her  as  a part  of  Mexico.”  In  November  of  that  year,  he 
concluded  a like  arrangement  with  France,  but  without  any 
reservation  whatever,  Texas  being  spoken  of  by  her  as  a na- 
tion, and  her  authorities  as  a government.!  The  new  republic 
did  not  at  that  time  create  any  very  great  sensation  in  Europe, 
and  the  statesmen  of  those  old  governments  made  little  inquiry 
into  her  condition.  Mexico  was  largely  indebted  to  British 
capitalists,  and  the  latter  wished  Texas  to  pay  a share  of  those 
debts  before  she  was  cut  loose  from  the  parent-country.  Be- 
sides, the  slave-question  presented  an  obstacle  on  the  part  of 
some,  particularly  O’Connell,  of  Ireland,  who  was  eloquent  and 
boisterous  in  his  opposition.  The  government  of  France  gave 

* Report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  November  8,  1839,  Document  C. 

f J.  P.  Henderson  to  President  Houston,  November  10,  1838. 


LOCATION  OF  THE  NEW  CAPITAL. 


273 


little  heed  to  the  subject  of  Texan  independence,  but  did  not 
care  to  offend  that  of  Great  Britain  by  precipitate  action. 
Count  Mole,  the  French  premier,  saw  at  once  that  Texas  would 
become  a part  of  the  United  States,  and  said  it  was  only  a 
question  of  time.  The  French  embassador  at  Washington  was, 
however,  directed  to  send  an  agent  to  Texas,  and  ascertain 
what  sort  of  a country  and  government  it  was.  Accordingly, 
the  minister  despatched  M.  Saligny,  one  of  his  attaches , on  this 
mission,  upon  whose  report  the  government  of  Louis  Philippe 
finally,  on  the  25th  of  September,  1839,  entered  into  a treaty 
with  Texas,  acknowledging  her  in  every  respect  an  indepen- 
dent nation. 

The  Texan  Congress,  by  an  act  approved  January  14, 1839, 
appointed  five  commissioners  to  select  a site  for  the  capital  of 
the  republic.  The  commissioners  — Albert  C.  Horton,  Lewis 
P.  Cook,  Isaac  W.  Burton,  William  Menifee,  and  J.  Campbell 
— made  choice  of  the  present  location,  on  the  east  bank  of  the 
Colorado.  The  town  was  immediately  laid  off,  extending  a 
mile  north  from  the  river,  and  between  Waller  and  Shoal 
creeks.  Its  situation,  at  the  foot  of  the  Colorado  mountains, 
is  lovely  and  romantic.  It  was  at  that  time  on  the  extreme 
frontier,  the  nearest  settlement  being  at  Bastrop,  thirty-five 
miles  below.  On  the  west,  the  nearest  settlement  was  San 
Antonio,  distant  about  eighty  miles.  To  Lavaca  bay,  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  miles  distant,  the  only  settlements  were  Gonzales 
and  Victoria ; to  Houston,  a distance  of  nearly  two  hundred 
miles,  the  only  settlements  were  about  Washington ; while  to 
those  on  Red  river,  nearly  four  hundred  miles  distant,  the  in- 
tervening country  was  alike  unoccupied.  The  location  was 
there  made  with  a view  of  drawing  to  the  west  a population 
that  would  protect  that  frontier  from  the  common  enemy,  and 
such  was  its  happy  effect.  The  town-lots  of  the  new  capital 
Vol.  II.— 18 


274 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


(Austin)  were  sold  out  in  August ; and,  with  the  enterprise 
common  to  the  people  of  Texas,  buildings  were  soon  erected. 
By  the  first  of  October,  the  offices  of  the  government  were 
transferred  there ; and  in  the  following  month  the  Texan  Con- 
gress found  itself  deliberating  in  a comfortable  hall,  in  that 
beautiful  wilderness,  almost  within  hearing  of  the  Indian  war- 
whoop  !* 

The  revolutionary  movements  set  on  foot  in  Mexico  by  the 
federalists,  early  in  1839,  extended  to  the  states  bordering  on 
the  Rio  Grande.  General  Anaya,  the  chief  of  the  revolution- 
ists on  this  river,  haring  been  put  to  death  at  Tampico,  almost 
at  the  commencement  of  the  outbreak,!  General  Lie.  Antonio 
Canales  and  Colonel  Jose  Maria  Gonzales,  with  their  attend- 
ants and  a detachment  of  armed  rancheros , fled  from  the  Rio 
Grande,  and  established  their  headquarters  at  Lipantitlan,  on 
the  Nueces.  Canales,  as  commander  of  the  federal  forces, 
issued  a proclamation,  inviting  the  Texans  to  join  him,  prom- 
ising them  an  equal  division  of  the  spoils,  twenty-five  dollars 
per  month,  and,  to  such  as  should  serve  during  the  war  a half- 
league of  land.  At  this  point  he  was  joined  by  a number  of 
Mexicans  from  the  Rio  Grande,  and  about  one  hundred  and 
eighty  Texans,  the  latter  under  the’  command  of  Colonel  Reu- 
ben Ross,  late  aide  to  General  Felix  Huston,  and  Colonel  Jor- 
dan, late  a captain  in  the  Texan  service.  Both  these  Texan 
officers  were  brave  and  efficient.  On  the  20th  of  September, 
1839,  Canales,  with  a force  of  six  hundred  effective  men,  in- 
cluding the  Texans,  took  up  the  line  of  mRrch,  and  crossed 


* President  Lamar’s  Message,  November,  1839.  “Southwest  American,”  1852. 
f General  Anaya  visited  Texas  in  the  spring  of  1839,  and  declared  his  object 
was  the  establishment  of  the  constitution  of  1824.  He  was  a man  of  talents  and 
influence.  I am  principally  indebted  to  the  excellent  Notes  of  the  Federal  Cam- 
paign of  1839,  by  Captain  Thomas  Pratt,  an  eye-witness  and  participant,  for  the 
present  account 


BATTLE  OF  ALCANTRO. 


275 


the  Rio  Grande  oil  the  30th  in  two  divisions  — the  northern 
under  the  command  of  Colonels  Jordan  and  Zapata,  and  the 
southern  under  the  chief  himself  and  Colonel  Ross.  The  order 
was  given  to  surprise  and  attack  the  town  of  Guerrero,  about 
three  miles  from  the  west  bank  of  the  river,  and  then  occupied 
by  General  Parbon,  with  five  hundred  centralist  regulars  and 
four  pieces  of  artillery.  Some  delay,  caused  by  the  difficulty 
in  crossing  the  horses  of  the  northern  division,  enabled  the 
enemy  to  discover  the  intention  of  the  federalists  in  sufficient 
time  to  make  good  their  retreat  from  the  town.  Canales  en- 
tered it  on  the  1st  of  October,  and  captured  twenty  prisoners ; 
but  without  delay  he  proceeded  after  Parbon,  who  had  marched 
down  the  river  toward  Mier.  The  federalists  overtook  him 
within  six  miles  of  the  latter  place,  where  he  had  entrenched 
himself;  but  during  the  night  of  the  2d  he  abandoned  his  en- 
trenchments, and  retreated  toward  Monterey.  Canales  sent 
out  his  spies,  who  reported  that  Parbon  had  taken  his  position 
for  battle  twelve  miles  southwest  from  Mier.  The  federal 
troops  were  immediately  put  in  motion,  and  by  eleven  o’clock 
on  the  morning  of  the  3d  they  came  up  with  the  enemy.  The 
report  of  a nine-pounder  announced  his  readiness  to  fight.  The 
impetuosity  of  the  Texans  broke  through  all  restraint,  and  com- 
pletely deranged  and  destroyed  the  plan  of  battle.  Colonels 
Ross  and  Jordan  exerted  themselves  in  vain  to  enforce  order 
among  them : every  man  was  an  officer,  and  a host  within  him- 
self, and  fought  on  his  own  account ! Besides  the  Texans, 
there  were  at  that  time,  in  the  federal  army  under  Canales, 
two  hundred  and  fifty  mounted  rancheros , one  hundred  and 
ten  infantry,  and  sixty  Indians,  the  latter  badly  armed.  But 
the  eagerness  of  the  Texans  separated  them  from  these  forces, 
who  were  only  spectators  of  the  conflict.  The  Texans,  within 
point-blank  shot  of  the  enemy,  and  partly  protected  by  a gul- 


276 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


ley  and  a few  mosquite-bushes,  for  some  time  kept  up  a brisk 
fire  against  his  front.  At  length,  seeing  that  their  mongrel 
allies  were  doing  nothing,  Ross  and  Jordan  gave  the  order  to 
charge.  The  movement  was  executed  and  sustained  with  des- 
perate bravery.  The  centralists  stood  their  ground  for  some 
twenty  minutes,  when  they  gave  way  before  the  impetuosity  of 
the  Texans.  The  confusion  and  want  of  capacity  in  Canales, 
however,  prevented  him  from  taking  advantage  of  the  enemy’s 
condition  ; and  the  latter  was  enabled  to  make  good  his  retreat 
from  the  field  of  battle  with  his  artillery  and  camp-equipage. 
Parbon  sent  a flag,  requesting  a cessation  of  hostilities  for 
twelve  hours,  which  being  imprudently  granted  by  Canales,  he 
set  out  in  the  night  and  marched  five  miles  to  a stone  ranche , 
a strong  place  where  he  could  have  defended  himself  against  a 
greatly  superior  force.  The  Texans  lost  in  the  action  of  the 
3d  — known  as  the  battle  of  Alcantro — fourteen  killed  and 
wounded.  The  enemy’s  loss  was  a hundred  and  fifty  in  killed, 
wounded,  and  missing. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  4th,  the  federalists  set  out  in 
pursuit  of  Parbon.  The  Texans,  in  front,  appeared  before  his 
position,  and  demanded  a surrender.  Their  appearance  in  his 
front  was  so  sudden  and  unexpected,  that,  not  having  procured 
water  or  provisions  for  his  troops,  he  surrendered,  delivering 
his  sword  to  Major  Joseph  Doland,  of  the  Texan  forces.  The 
major  requested  him  to  deliver  it  to  General  Canales.  “ No, 
sir!”  replied  Parbon;  “to  the  brave  Texans  I surrender  — 
they  are  my  conquerors !”  By  this  capitulation,  the  federal- 
ists made  three  hundred  and  fifty  prisoners,  who  joined  their 
ranks,  and  were  reinforced  by  the  captured  artillery. 

The  victory  of  Alcantro,  and  the  accession  of  the  enemy’s 
forces  to  the  federal  army,  gave  influence  and  stability  to  the 
cause  of  the  latter,  while  it  spread  alarm  and  dismay  among 


CIVIL  WAR  IN  MEXICO  — SIEGE  OF  MATAMORAS.  277 

the  centralists.  Had  Canales  taken  advantage  of  this  happy 
juncture,  he  might  have  gained  fresh  laurels,  and  firmly  built 
up  his  cause  ; but  he  remained  inactive  at  Mier  for  forty  days, 
during  which  time  the  enemy  recovered  from  his  panic,  rallied 
his  forces,  and  prepared  to  renew  the  conflict.  Having  enjoyed 
the  carnival  at  Mier,  Canales  set  out  for  Matamoras,  distant 
about  one  hundred  and  sixty-five  miles ; and,  after  a tedious 
march  of  twenty-eight  days,  the  federal  army  presented  itself 
before  that  place  on  the  12th  of  December,  being  one  thousand 
and  sixty  strong  (including  a hundred  and  fifty  Texans),  with 
four  pieces  of  artillery.  The  centralists  entrenched  at  Mata- 
moras consisted  of  fifteen  hundred  regulars,  having  eighteen 
pieces  of  artillery,  under  the  command  of  General  Valentine 
Canalizo.  On  the  15th,  a detachment  of  sixteen  Texans  and 
a like  number  of  Mexicans,  under  Colonel  Zapata,  made  an 
attack  on  one  of  the  enemy’s  outposts,  killed  thirteen,  and 
made  good  their  retreat.  This  induced  Canalizo  to  call  in  all 
his  outposts.  On  the  16th,  Canales  called  a council  of  war, 
and  made  known  to  it  his  intention  to  raise  the  siege,  for  the 
reasons  that  the  centralists  would  not  come  out  to  meet  him, 
and  it  was  improper,  under  the  circumstances,  to  attack  them 
in  their  stronghold.  He  further  alleged  a scarcity  of  provis- 
ions, and  a want  of  the  necessary  implements  to  carry  on  the 
siege.  This  decision  of  the  commander  offended  the  federal 
army,  and  especially  the  Texans,  who  offered  to  act  as  the  for- 
lorn hope  in  storming  the  town  ; but  the  proposal  being  rejected, 
Colonel  Ross,  with  fifty  of  the  Texans,  withdrew  and  retired 
to  their  homes. 

On  the  same  day,  Canales  raised  the  siege,  and  set  out  for 
Monterey,  where  he  expected  to  obtain  a supply  of  ammunition, 
as  the  town  was  weakly  defended  by  the  centralists.  On  the 
22d  of  December,  the  federal  army  reached  Caderita,  within 


278 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


twenty-five  miles  of  Monterey,  where  they  received  an  abun- 
dance of  provisions,  and  a contribution  of  five  dollars  to  each 
soldier.  On  the  23d,  they  continued  their  march  ; but  learning 
that  the  centralists  in  Monterey  had  received  a reinforcement 
of  sixteen  hundred  men,  they  halted  and  entrenched  within  six 
miles  of  the  city. 

General  Arista,  who  commanded  the  centralists  in  Monterey, 
marched  out  with  his  whole  force,  and  took  a position  within 
eight  hundred  yards  of  his  adversary.  Such  was  the  nature 
of  the  ground  between  the  two  armies,  that  neither  party  had 
a clear  view  of  the  other.  The  action,  however,  commenced 
on  both  sides,  by  a spirited  fire  of  artillery,  “ which,”  says 
Captain  Pratt,  “ was  kept  up  during  the  day,  with  true  Mexi- 
can valor,  without  doing  any  damage  to  either  party.”  During 
the  night,  General  Arista  fell  back  a mile  nearer  the  city,  and 
entrenched  and  fortified  his  position.  Expecting  to  be  pursued 
the  next  morning  (the  24th),  he  formed  an  ambuscade  of  four 
hundred  men  in  a narrow  defile  in  the  direction  of  the  federal 
army,  but  it  was  discovered  by  the  Indian  scouts. 

Canales,  by  an  admirable  military  movement,  threw  forward 
three  hundred  cavalry,  as  if  to  bring  on  an  engagement,  while 
with  the  main  body  he  marched  by  a secret  route,  unseen  by 
the  enemy,  to  the  rear  'of  the  latter,  and  presented  himself  be- 
fore the  city.  Had  he  marched  in,  he  could  have  taken  the 
place  without  any  difficulty,  for  it  was  defended  by  only  two 
hundred  and  fifty  troops  just  arrived  ; but,  to  the  astonishment 
of  his  army,  he  marched  it  into  the  yard  of  a convent,  and 
commenced  to  fortify.  Arista  reached  the  city  at  five  o’clock 
the  same  evening.  A mutual  cannonading  then  ensued,  which 
continued  for  two  days,  without  resulting  in  any  damage.  On 
the  afternoon  of  the  27th,  the  enemy’s  cavalry,  amounting  to 
three  hundred  men,  advanced  to  the  lines  of  the  federal  army, 


REVERSES  OF  THE  FEDERALISTS. 


279 


and  challenged  the  cavalry  of  the  latter  — a like  number — to 
a combat.  The  challenge  was  accepted,  and  the  federal  horse 
sallied  out,  commanded  by  Colonels  Zapata  and  Gonzales ; 
but,  when  within  fifty  yards  of  the  enemy,  the  latter  officer  fled, 
and  left  Zapata  to  sustain  the  entire  burden  of  the  command. 
After  a sharp  skirmish,  Zapata  retreated,  leaving  six  of  his 
men  dead  on  the  field  of  conflict. 

The  federal  army  at  this  time  numbered  twelve  hundred  and 
fifty  men,  of  whom  one  hundred  and  forty  were  Texans,  some 
recruits  having  supplied  the  place  of  those  that  had  retired  at 
Matamoras.  While  these  Texans  adhered  to  Canales,  Arista 
did  not  choose  to  come  to  a decisive  engagement.  But  he  now 
adopted  a plan  more  congenial  to  the  feelings  of  the  Mexican 
portion  of  the  allies.  Treachery  and  bribery  did  the  work. 
This  commenced  on  the  night  of  the  27th,  and  by  the  following 
night  the  numbers  of  the  federal  army  were  reduced  to  five 
hundred  and  fifty  men  ! They,  of  course,  retreated  ; and,  at 
nine  o’clock  on  the  morning  of  the  29th,  being  pursued  by  the 
enemy’s  cavalry,  they  halted  to  give  them  battle.  But  the  lat- 
ter did  not  attack  them.  Arista,  however,  received  a hundred 
and  sixty  more  deserters  from  the  federal  ranks,  leaving  only 
about  two  hundred  and  fifty,  exclusive  of  the  Texans.  These 
were  almost  entirely  composed  of  the  prisoners,  who  had  sur- 
rendered under  Parbon,  and  joined  their  conquerors.  They 
probably  had  good  reasons  for  not  going  back  to  the  centralist 
ranks,  as  they  would  doubtless  have  suffered  as  deserters.  The 
retreating  forces  were  continually  pursued  and  harassed,  but 
never  could  bring  their  pursuers  to  battle.  At  length,  on  the 
31st  of  December,  the  retiring  federalists  reached  the  narrow 
pass  of  Sabinas,  where  their  enemies  left  them.  On  the  7th 
of  January,  1840,  they  recrossed  the  Rio  Grande.  Here,  for 
the  present,  we  will  leave  them,  intending  to  return  to  their 


280 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


operations.  True,  these  occurrences  did  not  happen  in  Texas, 
but  Texans  were  engaged  in  them ; and  as  they  were  the  life 
of  the  party  with  which  they  took  sides,  and  afraid  of  nothing 
but  treachery,  they  did  their  country  a vast  service  in  amusing 
her  enemy  at  the  expense  of  that  enemy,  while  she  was  gath- 
ering her  resources,  increasing  her  numbers,  and  growing  in 
importance  and  respectability  among  the  independent  nations 
of  the  world. 

The  fourth  Congress  assembled  at  Austin  on  the  11th  of  No- 
vember, 1839.  President  Lamar’s  message,  delivered  on  the 
following  day,  is  lengthy.  He  speaks  fully  on  the  subject  of 
the  Indians,  and  represents  that  the  war  prosecuted  against 
them  had  proved  a national  blessing.  “ The  cries  of  captivity 
and  murder,”  he  says,  “ have,  of  late,  been  seldom  heard  upon 
our  borders.  With  the  exception  of  a few  recent  massacres, 
resulting  entirely  from  the  temerity  of  our  own  people,  the 
frontier  has,  for  some  time,  enjoyed  an  almost  equal  security 
with  the  interior  sections  of  the  country ; and  is  at  the  present 
moment  in  a state  of  tranquillity  heretofore  unknown,  and 
which  we  hope,  by  proper  vigilance  and  activity,  to  render  as 
permanent  as  beneficial.”  The  president  declares  it  as  his 
opinion,  that  the  “ proper  policy  to  be  pursued  toward  the  bar- 
barous race  is  absolute  expulsion  from  the  country.”  He  dep- 
recated the  humane  policy  which  the  United  States  had  pur- 
sued so  long  toward  the  Indians  within  her  territory,  as  never 
having  been  productive  of  the  good  that  was  anticipated,  but 
on  the  contrary  it  had  generally  resulted  in  injury  to  the  whites, 
without  any  adequate  benefit  to  the  savages.  His  conclusion 
was,  “ to  push  a vigorous  war  against  them  ; pursuing  them  to 
their  hiding-places,  without  mitigation  or  compassion,  until  they 
shall  be  made  to  feel  that  flight  from  our  borders,  without  the 
hope  of  return,  is  preferable  to  the  scourges  of  war.”  The 


THE  INDIANS  IN  TEXAS  — THE  FINANCES. 


281 


sound  Christian  morality  of  this  stern  policy  toward  the  Indians 
is  extremely  problematical.  A large  majority  of  them  were 
strictly  natives,  as  were  their  ancestors  for  untold  generations. 
The  great  body  of  them  lived  on  the  head-waters  of  the  Texan 
rivers,  and  many  of  them  had  as  yet  never  seen  the  face  of  the 
white  man.*  But,  admitting  the  humanity  of  this  procedure, 
whither  could  the  aborigines  fly  ? To  drive  them  into  the  ter- 
ritories of  the  United  States,  would  be  a violation  of  treaty 
obligations : and,  to  force  them  into  Mexico,  would  have  sup- 
plied her  with  many  thousand  exasperated  warriors,  infinitely 
more  brave  and  daring  than  her  own  people ; and,  to  massa- 
cre them,  even  if  practicable,  would  have  savored  of  unmixed 
barbarity. 

In  regard  to  the  finances,  reference  is  made  by  the  president 
to  the  report  of  the  secretary  of  the  treasury.  It  is  an  able 
document,  but  represents  with  too  much  truth  the  growing 
indebtedness  of  the  republic.  The  revenue  collected  and  paid 
into  the  treasury  for  the  year  ending  September  30,  1839,  did 
not  amount  to  one  hundred  and  eighty-eight  thousand  dollars, 
while  the  current  expenses  for  the  same  period  were  over  nine 
hundred  thousand  dollars.  The  promissory-notes  of  the  gov- 
ernment in  circulation  had  increased  to  the  enormous  sum  of 
more  than  one  million  eight  hundred  thousand  dollars. f This 


* We  are  told  by  Froissart  that,  on  one  occasion,  the  duke  de  Bourbon  went 
to  make  war  on  a town  in  Africa.  Approaching  the  place,  he  sent  a herald,  as 
was  the  custom  in  those  days,  to  announce  his  intention.  The  people  of  the 
town  sent  another  herald,  to  know  why  he  thus  invaded  and  wished  to  make 
war  upon  them.  After  consulting  some  time  as  to  an  answer  — for  these  people 
had  never  heard  of  him  before  — he  sent  back,  for  reply,  that  “they  had  killed 
the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  1” 

f Report  of  James  H.  Starr,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  November  3,  1839.  In 
a speech  of  Senator  Rusk,  delivered  in  the  United  States  senate  on  the  19th  of 
July,  1854,  there  is  exhibited  a statement,  from  under  the  hand  of  James  B.  Shaw, 
controller  of  Texas,  dated  March  20th  of  that  year,  showing  the  expenses  incurred 
by  the  republic  of  Texas  in  maintaining  peace  with,  and  protecting  her  frontier 


282 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


excessive  issue  of  the  paper  of  the  government  was  followed 
by  the  necessary  consequence,  its  depreciation ; and  it  was 
manifest  to  all  that,  without  some  change,  it  would  soon  be- 
come so  entirely  worthless,  that  the  government  would  have 
to  refuse  taking  it  for  public  dues,  for  governments  as  well  as 
individuals  must  have  something  substantial  for  their  support. 
To  remedy  this  evil,  the  executive  was  doing  what  he  could  to 
procure  the  five-million  loan.  General  Hamilton  had  been 
sent  to  Europe  to  effect  the  object.  In  the  meantime,  the 
Texan  commissioners  had  obtained  of  the  United  States  bank 
two  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  dollars,  predicated  upon  the 
eventful  success  of  the  loan.  Of  this  amount,  a little  upward 
of  sixty-two  thousand  dollars  went  into  the  treasury,  which 
was  about  all  the  money  it  had  received  for  some  time.  The 
balance  was  employed  in  the  purchase  of  arms  and  supplies 
for  the  public  defence. 

Notwithstanding  the  efforts  made  during  the  summer  of 
1889  to  reduce  the  Indians,  aud  drive  them  away,  they  still 
continued  to  commit  their  depredations  upon  the  frontiers. 
On  the  24th  of  October,  Captain  Howard  had  a skirmish  with 
a number  of  them  between  the  San  Gabriel  and  Little  rivers, 
in  which  he  succeeded  in  killing  three  or  four  ;*  and,  on  the 


from  the  incursions  of,  Indians  removed  thither  and  belonging  to  the  United 
States.  As  this  probably  includes  the  greater  part  of  the  appropriations  made 
by  Texas  on  account  of  the  Indians,  we  compile  from  it  the  following  table  of 
Indian  appropriations  for  each  year:  — 


1837  ) 

1838  S 

Houston’s  first  terra 

j $20,000 
( 170,000 

1839  ) 

( 1,430,000 

1840  } 

■ Lamar’s  term 

\ 1,027,319 

1841  ) 

( 95,000 

1842  ) 

( 20,000 

1843  } 

• Houston’s  second  term 

I 66,950 

1844  ) 

( 17,142 

1845. 

. .Jones’s  term 

* Captain  Howard’s  report,  October  29,  1839. 


INDIAN  DEPREDATIONS — SPURIOUS  LAND-CERTIFICATES.  283 

25th  of  December,  General  Burleson  encountered  a party  of 
Cherokees  on  the  western  bank  of  the  Colorado.  They  sent 
out  one  of  their  number  to  have  a talk  with  him ; but,  believ- 
ing their  only  object  to  be  to  gain  time,  he  took  their  messen- 
ger into  custody.  On  seeing  this,  they  commenced  firing  on 
him,  when  he  attacked  them  and  put  them  to  flight,  taking  (in 
addition  to  the  messenger)  five  women  and  nineteen  children 
prisoners.  Six  warriors  were  found  dead  on  the  field.  The 
Texans  unfortunately  lost  the  gallant  Captain  Lynch,  who  fell 
at  the  first  fire.  Among  the  captives  w'as  the  helpless  family 
of  the  chief  Bowles.*  These  conflicts  were  some  of  the  fruits 
of  the  Indian  policy  of  those  days.  The  one  hundred  and 
forty  savages  seen  by  Captain  Howard,  in  the  affair  of  the 
24th  of  October,  were  all  well  mounted,  he  tells  us,  on  good 
American  horses  — the  proceeds  of  their  robberies  along  the 
frontiers. 

Another  subject,  of  a very  different  character,  but  equally 
unpleasant,  must  close  our  sketch  of  the  year  1839.  The 
land-certificates  issued  by  the  boards  of  county  commissioners 
being  found  valuable  as  an  article  of  traffic  and  location,  the 
commissioners  in  some  of  the  counties  had  undertaken  their 
manufacture.  This  dishonest  and  unlawful  proceeding  was 
carried  to  a fearful  extent ; and  so  great  was  the  circulation 
of  these  spurious  certificates,  that  it  was  impossible  to  distin- 
guish the  fraudulent  from  the  genuine.  The  president  called 
the  attention  of  Congress  to  the  subject ; and  that  body  passed 
a law,  appointing  a special  board  of  commissioners  to  proceed 
from  county  to  county,  and,  at  each  place  of  issue,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  respective  county  boards,  to  take  testimony,  and 
decide  as  to  the  genuineness  of  every  certificate  which,  from 
the  register  kept  in  each  county,  appeared  to  have  been  issued 

* Geueral  Burleson’s  report,  December  26,  1839. 


284 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


since  the  opening  of  the  land-office.  The  commissioner  of  the 
general  land-office  was,  by  the  law,  prohibited  from  recogni- 
sing any  survey  made  upon  a certificate  not  reported  by  the 
commissioners  as  genuine.*  This  enactment,  and  the  action 
of  the  commissioners  under  it,  did  much  good  in  checking  the 
system  of  land-frauds,  and  saved  the  republic  from  enormous 
losses. 

* Act,  January  3,  1840,  vol.  iv.,  p.  139. 


CONDITION  OF  TEXAS  IN  1840. 


285 


CHAPTER  X. 

Nearly  four  years  had  now  passed  since  the  battle  of  San 
Jacinto,  and  Texas  was  still  free.  No  considerable  number  of 
the  enemy  had  subsequently  invaded  her  soil.  Indeed,  with 
the  exception  of  the  war  she  was  conducting  against  the  fron- 
tier Indians,  Texas  was  at  peace.  Immigration  had  greatly 
increased  her  numbers  and  industry,  her  wealth,  and  means  of 
living  comfortably.  But  the  miserable  state  of  her  currency, 
and  the  heavy  budget  of  her  expenses,  bore  hard  upon  all. 
These  expenditures  were  induced,  in  part,  by  the  many  cam- 
paigns against  the  Indians,  the  fitting  out  and  maintaining  the 
navy,  and  by  an  attempt  to  frame  and  support  the  skeleton  of  a 
government  which  neither  her  population  nor  resources  would 
justify.  With  nations,  as  with  individuals,  it  is  impossible 
long  to  present  a show  of  power  and  magnificence  without  ade- 
quate means.  Such  an  exhibition  is  followed  by  bankruptcy. 
The  true  greatness  and  power  of  Texas  consisted  in  her  rich 
and  abundant  lands,  and  the  noble  institutions  which  her  peo- 
ple had  founded  in  spite  of  her  enemies.  These,  and  not  a 
long  list  of  officials  with  sounding  titles,  constituted  the  skele- 
ton which  was  to  be  filled  up,  with  people,  wealth,  and  com- 
merce. 

The  credit  of  Texas  was  rapidly  waning.  Her  five-million 
bonds  had  travelled  over  America  and  Europe  in  search  of  a 


286 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


purchaser,  but  none  could  be  found.  Not  that  lenders  were 
not  able,  but  because  Texas  had  not  the  credit.  To  cripple 
the  latter  still  further,  a great  increase  of  the  paper  issues  fol- 
lowed the  necessities  of  the  government,  and,  as  the  circulation 
increased,  their  market  value  went  down.  By  the  montl^  of 
June,  1840,  this  paper  had  fallen  to  seventeen  cents  on  the 
dollar,  and  by  the  close  of  the  year  it  was  worth  but  fourteen 
cents ! These  promissory-notes  had  driven  all  money  out  of 
the  country,  and  had  broken  to  pieces  the  standard  of  value. 
They  operated  as  a forced  loan,  and  impoverished  both  govern- 
ment and  people.  The  warrants  drawn  upon  the  treasury  for 
the  fiscal  year  ending  with  September,  1840,  were  over  two 
millions  of  dollars,  which  had  been  paid  in  these  notes,  and  in 
eight  per  cent,  bonds  created  by  the  act  of  February  5,  1840. 
But  these  bonds  were  little  better  than  the  notes.  Many  inge- 
nious efforts  were  made  to  avoid  the  crisis  which  every  one 
saw  was  approaching.  These  eight  per  cent,  bonds,  it  was 
thought,  would  answer  a good  purpose.  On  the  same  day,  an- 
other act  was  passed,  authorizing  the  issuance  of  change-notes 
to  the  amount  of  a hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dollars.  But, 
as  the  large  notes  had  expelled  the  large  coin,  so  likewise  the 
small  notes  expelled  the  small  coin.  Then  other  acts  were 
passed  to  convert  these  floating  promises  of  the  republic  into 
eight  and  ten  per  cent,  bonds  ; but  this  only  increased  the  debt 
to  the  extent  of  the  interest.  In  fact,  every  method  was  em- 
ployed to  preserve  the  public  credit  but  the  right  one  — a re- 
duction of  the  public  expenditures.  These  financial  blunders 
necessarily  embarrassed  commerce  and  the  business  relations 
of  the  community.  The  officers  of  the  government  and  the 
troops  were  equally  sufferers,  for  their  pay  would  not  support 
them.  Yet  these  sufferings  were  a wholesome  lesson.  The 
public  intentions  were  good  ; and  it  was  believed  that  the 


ADOPTION  OF  COMMON  LAW  — MEXICAN  QUARRELS.  287 

Congress  which  was  to  meet  in  the  fall  of  1840  would  discover 
the  evil  and  apply  the  remedy. 

On  the  20th  of  January,  1840,  Congress  adopted  the  com- 
mon law,  so  far  as  it  was  not  modified  by  statutes.  So  far  as 
crimes  and  their  punishment  were  concerned,  it  had  been  the 
rule  of  proceeding  since  the  Revolution.  It  was  now  intro- 
duced as  a system,  and  was  most  agreeable  to  the  ideas  of  lib- 
erty entertained  by  the  citizens,  who  were  mostly  from  com- 
mon-law states.  Some  exceptions  were  created  by  the  statutes, 
and  civil-law  rules  retained  in  regard  to  marital  partnerships, 
successions,  <fcc.,  which  they  did  not  understand,  and  do  not 
yet  understand ; still,  as  a system,  the  people  felt  that  their 
rights  were  more  secure  uuder  the  common  law.  In  a general 
view  of  the  two  systems,  the  one  treated  the  governed  as  chil- 
dren, the  other  as  freemen : the  one  was  most  suitable  to  a 
strong  government,  the  other  to  one  that  was  free. 

The  intestine  commotions  in  Mexico  did  not  abate  during 
the  year  1840.  The  quarrels  of  the  opposing  factions  at  home 
served  to  divert  their  attention  from  Texas.  The  centralists, 
under  the  guidance  of  Bustamente  and  Santa  Anna,  and  the 
federalists,  directed  by  Urrea  and  Gomez  Farias,  had  many 
battles  and  treaties.  Their  example  was  followed  by  their 
respective  adherents  in  the  different  states.  Between  the  15th 
and  26th  of  July,  there  was  considerable  fighting  in  the  capi- 
tal ; many  hundreds  were  killed,  and  much  property  destroyed. 
The  great  body  of  the  people  of  Mexico,  ignorant  of  the  prin- 
ciples at  stake,  and  of  the  designs  of  their  leaders,  were  drawn 
into  these  conflicts,  and  either  killed  in  battle  or  reduced  to 
penury.  It  was  well  for  Texas  that  her  enemy  was  thus  occu- 
pied. As  to  so  much  of  this  civil  war  as  occurred  along  the 
right  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande,  her  citizens  could  scarcely  be 
indifferent  spectators.  They  naturally  took  sides  with  the  fed- 


288 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


eralists.  The  disbanding  of  the  large  number  of  troops  which 
Texas  had  employed  against  the  Indians  in  1839  had  deprived 
many  of  them  of  any  permanent  means  of  subsistence.  Their 
military  pay  amounted  to  nothing ; and  the  stagnation  in  busi- 
ness, consequent  upon  the  worthless  condition  of  the  currency, 
prepared  many  of  them  for  the  first  enterprise  that  should 
occur,  with  the  promise  of  food  and  raiment.  President  La- 
mar, believing  it  incompatible  with  the  true  interest  and  honor 
of  Texas  that  her  citizens  should  intermeddle  with  that  contest, 
issued  his  proclamation,  warning  them  not  to  invade  Mexico, 
and  also  from  all  marauding  and  other  acts  of  hostility  against 
her  territory,  until  by  public  notice  it  should  be  announced 
that  active  hostilities  were  to  be  renewed  between  the  two  na- 
tions ; declaring  that  any  citizen  who  should  invade  the  Mexi- 
can republic,  or  by  any  hostile  act  molest  its  inhabitants  within 
their  own  territory,  should  be  considered  without  the  protec- 
tion of  the  Texan  government,  which  disclaimed  all  participa- 
tion in  their  conduct,  and  could  afford  no  countenance  to  their 
unauthorized  acts.* 

With  these  facts  before  us,  we  will  return  to  the  movements 
of  Canales  on  the  Rio  Grande.  On  the  8th  of  January,  1840 
— the  day  after  the  heroes  of  Alcantro  had  crossed  to  the  east 
side  of  that  river — forty-five  of  the  Texans  took  their  leave, 
and  returned  to  their  homes.  With  his  remaining  force,  Gen- 
eral Canales  proceeded  about  six  miles  up  the  stream,  where 
he  issued  a proclamation,  calling  a convention  of  delegates  to 
organize  the  “ Republic  of  the  Rio  Grande .”  The  delegates 

* By  all  the  principles  of  sound  policy,  President  Lamar  was  right  in  this 
proclamation.  Texas  could  have  but  one  object  in  view  — her  independence. 
It  was  her  interest  to  cultivate  the  arts  of  peace,  and  strengthen  and  consolidate 
her  institutions;  and  experience  had  proven,  and  has  since  proven,  that  in  all 
these  contests,  whether  in  Mexico  or  in  Cuba,  when  the  time  of  trial  came,  the 
Anglo-Saxon  forces  were  deserted,  and  left  to  tread  the  winepress  alone. 


“REPUBLIC  OP  THE  RIO  GRANDE.”  289 

met  on  the  18  th  of  January,  and  organized  their  new  govern- 
ment, after  the  model  of  the  constitution  of  1824.  Jesus  Car- 
denas was  made  president,  and  the  Licentiate  Antonio  Canales 
commander-in-chief.  After  regaling  the  troops  with  extra  ra- 
tions and  muscal , the  government  and  army  recrossed  the  Rio 
Grande,  and  proceeded  to  Guerrero,  where,  on  the  28th,  the 
new  republic  was  joyfully  inaugurated  amid  great  pomp  and 
ceremony.  Here  they  remained  until  the  18th  of  February, 
when  they  marched  to  the  old  presidio  of  the  Rio  Grande,  one 
hundred  and  sixty  miles  above  Guerrero,  and  entered  it  with- 
out opposition  on  the  3d  of  March,  the  centralist  forces  having 
evacuated  the  place.  There  were  seventy-four  Texans  in  tho 
federal  army ; and  they  proposed  that  Canales  should  march 
to  the  Nueces,  in  order  to  recruit  and  obtain  reinforcements. 
As  he  did  not  agree  to  this,  sixty  of  them,  under  the  command 
of  Colonel  Jordan,  left  him  and  returned  to  Texas.  After  the 
departure  of  Jordan,  Canales  proceeded  with  his  remaining 
troops  to  Morales,  a small  place,  three  days’  march  from  the 
presidio , where,  on  the  15th  of  March,  he  was  met  by  an  over- 
whelming force  of  the  centralists  under  Arista,  and  had  his 
adherents  so  cut  up  and  defeated,  that  he  was  barely  able  to 
escape  into  Texas.* 

After  the  battle  of  Morales,  Canales  visited  Austin,  and  Car- 
denas proceeded  to  Victoria  on  the  Guadalupe,  for  the  purpose 
of  obtaining  a reinforcement  of  Texans,  for  without  them  they 
could  not  win  a battle.  Arista,  to  prevent  as  far  as  possible 
another  campaign,  issued  a proclamation,  promising  pardon  to 
all  who  should,  within  a month,  come  in  and  submit  to  the  cen- 
tralist government.!  To  what  extent  these  submissions  were 
made  we  are  not  informed,  but  it  is  very  certain  that  they  did 

* Notes  of  the  Federal  Campaign  of  1839-40,  by  Captain  Thomoa  Pratt. 

\ Dated  at  Saltillo,  April  30,  1840. 

Vol.  II.  — 19 


290 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


not  prevent  the  parties  making  them  from  joining  Canales  on 
the  first  favorable  opportunity.  The  latter  having,  by  procla- 
mation, fixed  his  headquarters  at  San  Patricio,  the  Texans, 
notwithstanding  the  warning  of  President  Lamar,  rallied  to 
his  standard ; and,  by  the  first  of  June,  he  found  himself  at 
the  head  of  two  hundred  volunteers  under  the  command  of 
Colonel  William  S.  Fisher,  one  hundred  and  ten  under  Colonel 
Jordan,  one  hundred  under  Colonel  Seguin,  and  three  hundred 
Mexican  rancheros  under  his  own  immediate  command,  making 
an  aggregate  of  seven  hundred  and  ten  men.  With  this  force 
he  set  out  on  his  march.  Colonel  Jordan,  with  his  command 
of  Texans,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  mounted  rancheros  under 
Colonels  Lopez  and  Molano,  were  ordered  to  proceed  in  front, 
as  the  advance  of  the  federal  army.  For  the  present,  we  will 
follow  this  advance. 

After  a slight  skirmish  with  the  centralists  at  Laredo,  they 
proceeded,  through  Guerrero  and  Mier,  to  Comargo.  Here, 
Lopez  and  Molano,  pretending  that  such  were  their  orders  from 
General  Canales,  pushed  rapidly  into  the  interior,  for  the  pur- 
pose, as  was  said,  of  raising  troops,  contributions,  arms,  and 
ammunition.  Their  real  object,  however,  was  to  betray  the 
Texans  under  Jordan,  and  break  up  the  federal  army.  Leav- 
ing Comargo  on  the  26th  of  June,  they  occupied  the  town  of 
Tula ; thence  pursuing  a southern  route,  and  passing  many  vil- 
lages, they  reached  Morallo,  a handsome  town  of  about  twelve 
thousand  inhabitants,  situated  in  a beautiful  valley  of  the  Sierra 
Madre.  After  spending  some  days  here  to  recruit,  they  pro- 
ceeded to  Linares,  a large  town,  where  they  were  received  with 
the  ringing  of  bells  and  the  firing  of  artillery.  The  Texans 
did  not  think  their  force  justified  the  joy  that  was  manifested: 
however,  they  did  not  make  themselves  unhappy,  for  they  had 
come  to  fight,  and  were  used  to  it ; and,  if  they  really  were 


MOVEMENTS  OF  THE  MEXICAN  FEDERAL  ARMY. 


291 


“ sold,”  they  had  intended  to  make  the  “ delivery”  somewhat 
expensive.  Having  feasted  a week  at  Linares,  they  marched 
to  Victoria,  the  capital  of  Tamaulipas,  which  place  they  en- 
tered on  the  17th  of  August.  The  centralist  forces,  four  hun- 
dred in  number,  under  the  command  of  the  governor,  at  their 
approach  had  retreated  from  the  city,  and  fled  to  the  mount- 
ains. The  federal  army  was  received  in  the  state  capital  with 
the  usual  pomp  and  display,  and  the  new  republic  recognised 
by  the  ringing  of  bells  and  the  huzzas  of  the  Mexican  rabble, 
who,  in  the  presence  of  a military  force,  would  have  rendered 
like  homage  to  any  system  whatever. 

Some  time  was  spent  in  Victoria  in  organizing  the  new  state 
government,  and  in  recruiting  the  federal  forces.  Lopez  and 
Molano  seemed  to  be  in  no  haste  to  quit  the  city,  until,  as  was 
reported,  Arista  was  on  his  march  with  a strong  force  to  attack 
them.  They  then  ordered  a retreat  to  the  mountains.  The 
Texans  opposed  this  retrograde  movement,  and  so  far  succeed- 
ed as  to  stop  the  army  in  a position  three  miles  from  Victoria. 
Remaining  a week  in  this  position,  and  hearing  nothing  of  the 
enemy,  the  two  Mexican  colonels  were  suddenly  seized  with 
the  idea  of  pursuing  the  former  governor  of  Tamaulipas.  So, 
breaking  up  their  camp,  they  set  out  on  the  12th  of  September, 
by  a forced  march,  for  Jaumare,  a small  mining-town  in  the 
Sierra  Madre,  where  it  was  said  they  would  find  the  old  gov- 
ernor. They  reached  the  place  on  the  16th,  and,  on  entering 
it,  discovered  the  enemy  on  the  opposite  side,  in  full  retreat. 
The  town,  beautifully  situated  in  a valley,  and  surrounded  by 
lofty  mountains,  was  almost  depopulated.  The  people  had  fled 
with  the  old  centralist  governor,  leaving  all  their  property,  and 
a few  peons  and  decrepit  citizens  to  take  care  of  themselves. 
The  federalists,  on  reaching  the  plaza,  found  that  the  town  au- 
thorities had  also  fled.  As  they  could  do  no  better,  they  took 


292 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


one  of  the  peons,  and  invested  him  with  the  dignity  and  power 
of  an  alcalde.  At  first,  the  thing  sat  awkwardly  upon  him, 
and  he  entered  timidly  upon,  the  discharge  of  his  high  func- 
tions. As  his  principal  duties,  however,  consisted  in  respond- 
ing to  the  requisitions  of  the  federal  army,  he  soon  learned 
how  to  discharge  them : nay,  more,  he  fell  into  the  usages  of 
his  distinguished  predecessors ; and  when  a requisition  was 
made  for  a beef,  or  a mutton,  or  a fowl,  he  took  care  to  order 
a like  supply  for  himself,  being  fully  persuaded  that  the  entire 
blame  could  be  laid  upon  “ los  diablos  Tejanos  !”  Thus  the 
federal  army,  with  the  new  alcalde  and  his  brother-peons,  lived 
sumptuously  in  the  town  of  Jaumare.* 

After  remaining  here  several  days,  a council  of  war  was 
held,  when  it  was  determined  to  march  upon  Saltillo,  raise 
contributions  to  pay  off  the  troops,  and  then  retire  to  the  Rio 
Grande,  and  form  a junction  with  the  main  body  of  the  federal 
army  under  Canales.  After  several  days’  march  through  the 
mountains,  and  by  a route  unknown  to  the  Texans,  they  were 
informed  by  Captain  Pena,  of  the  mounted  rancheros , that 
Lopez  and  Molano  were  conducting  them  to  San  Luis  Potosi ! 
A halt  was  immediately  demanded,  and,  notwithstanding  the 
remonstrances  of  the  two  Mexican  colonels,  the  course  of  the 
army  was  changed.  Pursuing  their  way  for  twelve  days,  over 
rugged  and  almost  impassable  mountains,  they  arrived  within 
a day’s  march  of  Saltillo,  where  they  halted  at  the  hacienda 

* Captain  Pratt  relates  a singular  story  of  these  people.  Some  years  before, 
they  were  visited  by  the  cholera,  and  great  numbers  died.  It  was  believed  to 
be  a Divine  visitation,  and  recourse  was  had  to  the  supplications  of  the  padre , 
but  without  avail.  A public  meeting  was  then  held,  and  it  was  concluded  that 
their  water  had  been  poisoned.  Now  the  town  was  supplied  with  water  from 
immense  reservoirs,  which  were  under  the  control  of  the  priest  and  the  alcalde m 
So  it  was  decided  that  they  had  brought  this  dreadful  calamity  upon  the  Jauma- 
renos.  They  were  therefore  condemned,  brought  upon  the  plaza,  and  publicly 
shot! 


TEXANS  IN  THE  FEDERAL  ARMY  — TREACHERY. 


293 


del  Potosi;  and  here  Colonel  Jordan  received  an  express  from 
a reliable  friend  at  Victoria  de  Tamaulipas,  informing  him 
that  he  and  the  Texans  under  him  were  betrayed ; that  Lopez 
and  Molano  were  in  secret  correspondence  with  the  centralists, 
and  for  a specified  sum  of  money  were  to  place  the  Texans  in 
such  a position  before  the  enemy,  that  they  could  be  easily 
overwhelmed.  Jordan  was  a frank  and  noble-hearted  man, 
and,  having  no  treachery  in  his  own  nature,  could  not  conceive 
it  in  others.  He  immediately  laid  the  letter  before  Lopez  and 
Molano,  who,  having  read  it,  declared  in  terms  so  emphatic 
that  the  charge  was  false,  and  that  the  writer  was  a personal 
enemy  who  wished  to  ruin  them,  that  Jordan  was  persuaded 
of  their  sincerity,  and  was  willing  to  co-operate  with  them. 
But  the  news  of  this  express  soon  spread  among  the  Texans, 
who  were  not  all  as  credulous  as  their  commander,  and  they 
watched  the  subsequent  movements  of  the  Mexican  colonels 
with  considerable  distrust. 

The  following  day  (October  22d)  was  spent  by  the  federal- 
ists in  cleaning  their  firearms  and  moulding  an  extra  quantity 
of  rifle-balls.  On  the  morning  of  the  23d,  they  mounted  and 
set  out  for  Saltillo.  At  ten  o’clock  they  discovered  the  enemy, 
entrenched  on  the  brow  of  a hill,  three  miles  south  of  the  city. 
The  federalists  halted  on  another  eminence,  about  six  hundred 
yards  from  their  opponents,  having  a ravine  between  the  two 
armies.  They  formed  in  order  of  battle,  when  a flag  appeared 
from  the  enemy,  desiring  a conference.  Colonel  Molano  was 
despatched  in  answer  to  the  flag,  and  held  a consultation  of 
about  three  hours.  During  this  time,  many  messages  were 
sent,  which  were  well  understood  by  Lopez.  He  told  Jordan 
that  Vasquez,  the  centralist  general,  offered  two  hundred  thou- 
sand dollars  to  the  federal  military  chest,  and  five  days’  rations 
to  each  man,  on  condition  that  they  would  retire  from  before 


294 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


Saltillo ; but  that  Molano  insisted  upon  two  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  dollars,  and  on  this  point  negotiations  were  then 
pending  with  the  authorities  of  the  city,  which  would  speedily 
be  consummated.  Thus  was  Jordan  cajoled,  while  Molano 
was  in  fact  conferring  with  Yasquez  as  to  the  safest  mode  of 
delivering  over  the  federal  army  into  the  hands  of  the  central- 
ists ; for  it  was  known  to  be  a delicate  operation,  and,  so  far 
as  the  Texans  were  concerned,  quite  dangerous.  Yasquez  was 
also  waiting  for  reinforcements.  At  one  o’clock  in  the  after- 
noon, the  enemy’s  auxiliary  troops  having  arrived,  under  the 
command  of  General  Montoya,  preparations  were  immediately 
made  for  an  attack  upon  the  federal  lines. 

The  force  of  the  centralists  consisted  of  one  thousand  men, 
of  whom  six  hundred  were  infantry,  having  two  nine-pounders, 
and  four  hundred  were  cavalry,  together  with  a large  number 
of  citizens  from  Saltillo,  variously  armed  and  equipped.  They 
were  so  certain  of  victory,  that  they  had  invited  the  populace 
of  the  town  to  come  out  and  see  them  triumph.  The  federal 
army  consisted  of  one  hundred  and  ten  Texans,  under  Jordan, 
and  one  hundred  and  fifty  mounted  rancher  os  and  seventy-five 
Mexican  infantry,  under  Lopez,  making  an  aggregate  of  three 
hundred  and  thirty-five  men.  So  soon  as  the  centralists  were 
seen  to  move,  Colonel  Lopez,  assuming  the  command  of  the  fed- 
eral forces,  ordered  a march  to  the  right  flank  toward  a gap  in 
the  mountains  so  situated  as  to  give  the  enemy  every  advan- 
tage over  them.  The  Texans  at  once  discovered  the  treachery 
of  the  villain  Lopez  ; and  Captain  Allen  rode  rapidly  to  Colonel 
Jordan,  and  exclaimed  : “ Where,  in  the  name  of  God,  sir,  are 
you  leading  us  ? If  you  take  us  to  yonder  gorge,  the  enemy 
will  not  leave  a man  to  tell  our  fate !”  Jordan  took  a hasty 
glance  at  the  position,  and  ordered  a countermarch,  passing 
rapidly  along  the  ravine,  within  a hundred  and  fifty  yards  of 


CRITICAL  SITUATION  OF  THE  TEXANS. 


295 


the  centralists’  entrenchment,  to  an  old  hacienda  situated  at 
point-blank  distance  from  their  cannon.  The  Texans  now  dis- 
mounted, placed  their  horses  in  an  enclosure  in  the  rear  of  the 
hacienda , and  every  man  stripped  for  the  fight.  Lopez,  in 
command  of  the  ranclieros , would  not  suffer  the  latter  to  dis- 
mount, but  took  his  position  three  hundred  yards  to  the  left  of 
the  Texans,  in  order,  as  he  said,  to  prevent  them  from  being 
surrounded ! The  Mexican  infantry,  under  the  command  of  a 
brother  of  Molano,  were  ordered  to  occupy  a stone  house  on 
the  Texan  left ; but,  instead  of  so  doing,  they  went  over  to  the 
enemy,  and  turned  their  arms  against  the  Texans.  The  cen- 
tralists immediately  commenced  the  action  witli  their  nine- 
pounders,  which  they  fired  without  intermission  for  an  hour. 
At  the  first  discharge,  Colonel  Lopez,  waving  his  sword,  cried, 
“ Long  live  the  supreme  government !”  and  fled  to  the  enemy, 
with  two  others  of  his  command,  taking  with  them  the  baggage 
and  ammunition  of  the  federal  army. 

The  Texans  were  thus  left  in  a situation  the  most  critical  — 
deserted  by  their  friends,  far  from  their  country,  surrounded 
by  ten  times  their  own  number,  and  left  with  only  the  ammuni- 
tion which  they  carried  about  their  persons.  Yet,  under  all 
these  gloomy  circumstances,  “ there  was  only  one  determined 
resolve  among  that  brave  band  gathered  around  the  decayed 
walls  of  the  hacienda  on  that  glorious  day — it  was,  to  fight  to 
the  death : no  thought  of  retreat  or  surrender  was,  for  a mo- 
ment, entertained.”*  As  for  the  rancheros , deserted  by  Lopez 
their  commander,  the  most  of  them  stood  firm,  and  sofne  of 
them  fired  at  their  colonel  as  he  fled.  The  centralists  now 
moved  with  their  whole  force  from  their  entrenchment,  and 


* I have  before  me  the  official  report  of  Colonel  S.  W.  Jordan,  dated  Laredo, 
November  2,  1840,  but  prefer  to  follow  Captain  Pratt’s  “Notes,”  as  they  were 
taken  on  the  spot,  and  are  more  reliable. 


296 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


occupied  three  sides  of  the  Texan  position.  In  this  manner 
they  slowly  advanced,  under  cover  of  their  cannon,  and  firing 
repeated  volleys  of  musketry.  Colonel  Jordan  had  ordered 
his  men  to  reserve  their  fire  until  the  enemy  approached  within 
“ saving  distance.”  Accordingly,  they  lay  snugly  ensconced 
behind  the  old  walls  and  an  adobe  fence,  forming  a half  moon, 
and  did  not  fire  a shot  until  about  four  o’clock  in  the  after- 
noon. General  Montoya,  supposing  from  the  extent  of  his  own 
fighting , that  most  of  the  Texans  had  fallen,  ordered  a general 
assault  upon  the  hacienda.  When  the  assailants  had  come 
within  thirty  yards  of  the  walls,  the  Texans  gave  them  a shout 
of  defiance,  followed  by  a fearful  volley  from  their  deadly  rifles. 
The  latter  were  in  earnest ; and  the  enemy  also  fought  well, 
being  cheered  from  the  hill  in  their  rear  by  the  thousands  of 
men,  women,  and  children,  who  had  come  out  to  see  los  Tejanos 
taken.  At  that  distance,  the  rifle-bullets  went  on  no  foolish 
errand,  but  nearly  all  took  effect.  Column  after  column  of  the 
centralists  advanced,  faltered,  and  fell  under  the  murderous 
fire.  At  length,  their  ranks  became  disordered ; a panic  fol- 
lowed, and  they  fled.  Soldiers,  citizens,  women,  and  children, 
all  took  the  road  to  Saltillo,  and  in  such  confusion  as  though 
the  Texans  were  in  close  pursuit  at  their  heels ! They  left 
four  hundred  and  eight  killed  upon  the  field  of  battle,  and  but 
few  wounded.  The  Texans  had  only  three  killed  and  nine 
wounded,  two  of  the  latter  mortally.  A party  of  the  enemy 
attempted  to  carry  off  their  artillery,  but  a lucky  shot  at  a long 
distance  brought  one  of  them  down,  and  they  also  fled,  leaving 
the  heroic  Texans  masters  of  the  field  and  of  the  enemy’s  guns, 
together  with  a great  quantity  of  small-arms  and  ammunition. 

As  the  Texans  were  deserted  by  their  allies,  they  determined 
to  abandon  the  cause.  Having  provided  for  conveying  their 
wounded,  they  mounted  their  horses,  and  set  out  for  Texas 


BATTLE  OF  SALTILLO — TEXANS  VICTORIOUS. 


297 


They  met  the  enemy’s  cavalry,  who  had  been  stationed  on  their 
route  to  cut  off  their  retreat.  As  the  Texans  emerged  into  a 
plain,  the  hostile  squadron,  four  hundred  in  number,  charged 
upon  them  in  gallant  style.  Two  volleys  from  the  rifles,  how- 
ever, brought  them  to  a pause,  and  then  a precipitate  retreat. 
The  Texans  soon  fell  into  the  Monclova  road,  and  continued 
their  way  to  the  Rio  Grande,  being  followed  by  squadrons  of 
the  centralist  cavalry,  which  kept  at  a very  respectful  distance. 

To  return  to  General  Canales.  That  chieftain  set  out,  with 
a force  of  about  two  hundred  Mexicans  and  one  hundred  Tex- 
ans, upon  an  expedition  against  San  Marino,  a small  town  in 
the  eastern  portion  of  Tamaulipas.  Meeting  with  a body  of 
centralists  near  the  place,  he  retreated,  without  firing  a gun, 
to  Comargo,  his  headquarters.  This  retreat,  probably  brought 
about  by  treachery  to  the  federalists,  was  the  death-knell  of 
that  parly  on  the  Rio  Grande.  The  battle  of  Saltillo  occurred 
on  the  23d  of  October.  There  was  shortly  afterward  published 
the  treaty  between  Colonel  Juan  Molano  and  General  Arista, 
dated  Victoria  de  Tamaulipas,  October  14th,  by  an  article  of 
which  it  was  provided  that  “ all  Mexicans,  under  the  command 
of  Don  Juan  Molano,  will  separate  from,  and  abandon  to  their 
fate,  the  adventurous  strangers  [Texans]  at  present  among 
them.”  That  Molano  should  have  entered  into  such  a scheme 
of  treachery,  was  very  natural ; but  that  Arista,  the  elegant 
and  accomplished  gentleman  of  Mexico,  should  have  become  a 
party  to  it,  proves  but  too  truly  that  the  thing  is  common  in  that 
country.  The  fearful  retribution  which  fell  upon  the  traitors 
at  Saltillo  also  proves  that  God  never  ratifies  such  compacts. 
About  the  same  time,  Canales  entered  into  a similar  treaty 
with  Arista,  but  it  stipulated  for  the  safety  of  his  auxiliaries. 
We  have  now  closed  the  account  of  the  federal  war,  which  we 
introduced  because  of  the  part  taken  therein  by  the  Texans, 


298 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


and  the  effect  it  had  in  diverting  the  Mexicans  from  stealing 
and  murder  on  the  western  frontier. 

The  [ndians  continued  hostile  and  troublesome.  The  Ca- 
manches  had  made  frequent  forays  into  the  Texan  settlements, 
and,  among  other  outrages,  had  carried  off  several  captives. 
In  February,  1840,  a few  of  these  Indians  came  to  San  Anto- 
nio, for  the  purpose  of  making  a treaty  of  peace  with  Texas. 
They  were  told  by  the  commissioners  to  bring  in  the  thirteen 
white  captives  they  had,  and  peace  would  be  granted.  They 
promised  that,  at  the  next  full  moon,  they  would  do  so.  The 
commissioners  repaired  to  Bexar  to  meet  them ; and  on  the 
19th  of  March,  a little  after  the  appointed  time,  the  Indians, 
sixty-five  in  all,  including  men,  women,  and  children,  came  in, 
bringing,  however,  but  one  of  the  captives.  Twelve  chiefs 
met  the  commissioners  in  the  treaty-house,  and  the  question 
was  put  to  them,  “ Where  are  the  prisoners  you  promised  to 
bring  in  to  this  talk?”  They  answered:  “We  brought  the 
only  one  we  had  ; the  others  are  with  other  tribes.”  The  little 
girl  who  had  been  brought  in  said  this  was  utterly  false,  as  she 
had  seen  the  others  at  the  Indian  camp  a few  days  before,  and 
that  they  intended  to  bring  in  only  one  or  two  at  a time,  in 
order  to  extort  for  them  the  greater  ransom.  A pause  ensued 
for  some  time  in  the  council,  when  the  same  chief  who  had 
given  the  answer  inquired  how  they  liked  it.  No  reply  was 
made,  but  an  order  was  despatched  to  Captain  Howard  to 
bring  his  company  into  the  council-room.  When  the  men  had 
taken  their  position,  the  terms  upon  which  peace  would  have 
been  made,  had  they  brought  in  the  captives  as  they  promised, 
were  explained  to  the  chiefs.  They  were  also  informed  that 
they  were  prisoners,  and  would  be  detained  until  they  sent  the 
rest  of  their  company  for  the  captives,  and  brought  them  in. 

As  the  commissioners  were  retiring  from  the  room,  one  of 


INDIAN  TREACHERY  — A DESPERATE  FIGHT. 


299 


the  chiefs  sprang  to  the  door ; and  the  sentinel  there  stationed, 
in  attempting  to  prevent  his  escape,  was  stabbed  by  him  with 
a knife.  Captain  Howard  received  a like  wound.  The  re- 
maining chiefs  now  rose,  drew  their  knives,  and  prepared  their 
bows  and  arrows,  and  the  fight  became  general.  The  soldiers 
killed  the  whole  of  the  chiefs  engaged  in  the  council.  The 
warriors,  not  of  the  council,  fought  desperately  in  the  yard ; 
but  the  company  under  Captain  Redd  advancing,  forced  them 
to  take  shelter  in  a stone  house,  whither  they  were  pursued 
and  cut  down.  A party  of  the  savages  at  last  made  their  way 
to  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  but  were  pursued,  and  all  killed, 
except  a renegade  Mexican,  who  was  permitted  to  escape.  All 
the  warriors,  thirty-two  in  number,  together  with  three  women 
and  two  children,  were  killed.  Twenty-seven  women  and  chil- 
dren were  made  prisoners.  In  this  remarkable  fight,  none 
escaped  except  the  Mexican.  The  Texans  had  seven  killed 
and  eight  wounded.  They  despatched  one  of  the  squaws  to 
inform  the  Camanches  that  they  were  willing  to  exchange  pris- 
oners.* After  the  lapse  of  some  days,  the  squaw  returned, 
bringing  two  white  captives  and  four  or  five  Mexicans,  and 
proposed  to  exchange  them  for  her  own  people,  and  pay  the 
difference  in  horses.  Colonel  Pisher,  the  officer  in  command, 
informed  her  that  all  the  white  captives  must  be  brought  in, 
and  then  her  kindred  should  be  released.! 

The  Camanches  hung  about  San  Antonio  in  small  parties, 
brooding  over  their  loss.  The  killing  of  so  many  of  their 
chiefs  was  a severe  stroke,  and  they  were  divided  on  the  ques- 
tion of  war.  At  length  they  retired  to  their  homes,  on  the 
upper  branches  of  the  Texan  rivers,  to  make  serious  prepara- 
tions for  a terrible  visitation  on  the  white  settlements. 

* Report  of  Colonel  H.  M‘Leod  to  President  Lamar,  March  20,  1840. 

f “Telegraph,”  April  16,  1840. 


300 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


On  the  night  of  the  4th  of  August,  a large  body  of  Indians 
passed  down  south,  their  trail  crossing  the  road  at  M‘Clure's 
hill.  It  was  immediately  afterward  discovered,  and  the  news 
sent  to  Gonzales  by  the  6th.*  Couriers  were  despatched  with 
all  haste  to  the  settlements  on  the  Lavaca  and  the  Guadalupe, 
to  give  notice  of  the  approach  of  the  Camanches.  A company 
of  twenty-four  men  was  likewise  immediately  raised  by  Captain 
Ben  M‘Culloch,f  which  on  the  same  evening  set  out  in  pursuit. 
The  Indians  had  passed  down  rapidly,  and  appeared  before 
Victoria  on  Thursday  evening,  the  6th  of  August.  The  citi- 
zens had  no  knowledge  of  their  being  in  the  neighborhood  till 
they  had  surrounded  the  town.  Under  these  circumstances, 
they  hastily  gathered  such  arms  as  they  could  find,  and  de- 
fended the  place  so  well  as  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  pene- 


* Letter  of  W.  D.  Miller,  August  17,  1840. 

\ Ben  M'Culloch  is  a native  of  Tennessee.  He  arrived  in  Texas  in  January, 
1836,  and  joined  the  army  at  Groce’s,  just  as  it  set  out  on  that  memorable  march 
which  won  the  liberties  of  the  republic.  Having  an  offer  of  the  command  of 
one  of  the  “ Twin- Sisters''  he  joined  the  artillery,  and  served  in  that  capacity  at 
the  battle  of  San  Jacinto.  For  his  gallant  conduct  he  was  made  lieutenant  a few 
days  after  the  action,  and  wras  discharged  in  July  following.  In  Colonel  M'Cul- 
loch’s  statement  of  the  battle  of  the  21st,  he  says:  “We  commenced  firing  [the 
artillery]  at  twe  hundred  and  ten  paces  from  the  enemy’s  breastwork,  and  kept 
in  advance  of  our  line  until  we  were  less  than  one  hundred  paces  from  the  ene- 
my, when  they  gave  way  and  were  pursued  by  us  two  hundred  and  fifty  paces 
beyond  the  breastwork ; but  we  were  prevented  from  firing  by  our  own  men, 
who  had  outstripped  us  in  the  race.  During  the  action,  General  Houston  rode 
from  Millard’s  command  across  in  front  of  No.  1 [the  piece  commanded  by  M'Cul- 
locli],  which  delayed  the  firing  of  the  gun  for  a moment  I afterward  observed 
him  between  Burleson’s  regiment  and  the  enemy,  not  more  than  sixty  paces  from 
and  advancing  upon  the  enemy,  being  about  thirty  paces  in  advance  of  our  line.” 
In  1839-40,  Captain  M'Culloch  was  a member  of  the  Texan  Congress;  and,  in 
1845-’46,  of  the  first  state  legislature.  Besides  the  Camanche  war  of  1840,  he 
was  engaged  in  innumerable  battles  and  skirmishes  with  Indians  and  Mexicans. 
After  the  commencement  of  the  Mexican  war,  he  went  into  it  as  a captain  of 
rangers.  His  fame  won  in  that  war  is  world-wide.  General  Taylor  preferred 
him  to  all  others  as  a spy,  and  in  that  capacity  he  rendered  signal  service  to  the 
American  cause,  without  the  loss  of  his  men.  He  is  now  (1866)  the  efficient 
marshal  of  Texas. 


INDIAN  DEPREDATIONS — M‘CULLOCH’s  RANGERS.  301 

trating  into  the  more  settled  portions  of  the  town.  After  some 
fighting,  the  Indians  retreated,  having  collected  all  the  horses 
on  the  prairie,  and  a large  portion  of  the  cattle,  which  they 
drove  off.  On  the  morning  of  the  7 th,  they  made  another  at- 
tack on  the  town,  and  burnt  one  house.  As  they  met  with 
more  resistance  in  this  last  attack,  they  marched  across  the 
Guadalupe,  and,  after  committing  several  murders  and  robbe- 
ries on  the  way,  attacked  Linnville,  a small  place  of  only  five 
houses,  on  the  morning  of  the  8th.*  The  people  of  Linnville 
supposed  them  to  be  a caravan  of  Mexican  traders,  until  they 
had  come  up  to  the  town,  which  they  did  at  full  speed,  in  the 
shape  of  a half-moon.  The  citizens  fled  to  the  bay,  and  most 
of  them  found  safety  on  board  a lighter.  The  Camanches  re- 
mained in  the  town  until  dark,  burning  the  houses  one  by  one, 
and  destroying  such  property  as  they  did  not  wish  to  carry 
away ; also  all  the  cattle  they  could  find.  The  number  of  the 
savages  making  this  foray  was  estimated  at  four  hundred. f 
They  killed  at  and  near  Victoria  fifteen  persons,  and  six  more 
in  and  about  Linneville.  They  carried  off  Mrs.  Watts  as  a 
prisoner,  and  drove  off  an  immense  number  of  horses.  In 
their  retreat  they  were  further  burdened  with  a heavy  amount 
of  goods. 

The  company  that  left  Gonzales  on  the  6th  of  August,  under 
M‘Culloch,  was  reinforced  on  the  following  day  by  thirty-six 
men  from  the  upper  Lavaca,  and  sixty-five  more  from  Victoria 
and  Quero.  The  rangers  arrived  at  Victoria  at  sunset  on  the 
8th.  Learning  here  the  destruction  of  Linnville,  they  contin- 
ued their  march  until  midnight,  and  encamped  on  the  Casa 
Blanca.  Proceeding  down  that  stream,  they  discovered  the 
enemy  just  before  noon  on  the  9th,  and  had  a skirmish  with 

* “Texas  Sentinel,”  September  19,  1840. 

f William  H.  Watts  to  the  Editor  of  the  “Gazette,”  August,  1840. 


802 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


them,  in  which  the  whites  had  one  killed,  and  the  Indians  four 
or  five.  The  latter  retreated  northward,  pursuing  the  trail  by 
which  they  had  come  down.  The  Camanches  were  all  well 
mounted  on  fresh  horses,  while  those  of  the  Texans  were  worn 
down  and  exhausted  by  constant  riding  and  excessive  fatigue. 
As  the  Indians  declined  a fight,  it  was  impossible  to  force  it 
on  them.  However,  the  rangers  continued  the  pursuit,  being 
further  reinforced  by  Captain  Owen’s  company  from  Texana. 
On  the  morning  of  the  10th,  they  again  came  up  with  the  Ca- 
manches, and  found  them  drawn  up  in  order  of  battle  on  the 
top  of  a ridge.  The  Texans  advanced,  but  the  Indians  fled, 
and,  the  better  to  avoid  a conflict,  they  commenced  scattering 
on  the  way  the  plunder  they  had  gathered : and,  as  the  large 
number  of  their  horses  impeded  their  retreat,  they  killed  many 
of  them.  As  it  was  evident  that  the  Indians  would  not  fight 
until  forced  into  it,  Captain  McCulloch  was  despatched  to  the 
settlements  on  the  Colorado,  in  order  to  raise  a force  to  inter- 
cept the  savages  in  the  neighborhood  of  Plum  creek.  This 
stream,  a tributary  of  the  St.  Mark,  was  somewhat  beyond  the 
settlement,  and  it  was  believed  that  the  Indians  would  there 
make  a halt.  The  duty  of  raising  the  intercepting  force  was 
performed  with  wonderful  celerity.  Those  who  had  been  in 
pursuit  of  the  Camanches,  having  followed  them  to  McClure’s 
hill,  turned  in  to  Gonzales  to  refresh  their  exhausted  horses. 

The  news  of  the  inroad  of  the  Camanches  had  spread  rapidly 
through  the  settlements,  and  the  volunteers  wrere  soon  on  their 
way,  by  forced  marches,  to  the  point  of  interception.  Captain 
Caldwell  with  thirty-seven  men,  Captain  Ward  with  twenty- 
two  men,  and  Captain  Bird  with  thirty-five  more,  reached  there 
on  the  1 1 th  of  August.  General  Felix  Huston  arrived  on  the 
same  evening,  and  took  the  command.  On  the  morning  of  the 
12th,  the  spies  reported  that  the  Camanches  were  approach- 


BATTLE  WITH  TnE  CAMANCHES. 


303 


ing.  About  the  same  time,  Colonel  Burleson  came  up  with  a 
hundred  men  under  Captains  Jones,  Wallace,  and  Hardiman.* 
General  Huston  immediately  formed  for  battle.  The  Indians, 
seeing  the  Texans  in  their  front,  likewise  prepared  for  action. 
Their  right  occupied  a piece  of  woods,  while  their  line  extend- 
ed on  the  left  a quarter  of  a mile  into  the  prairie.  General 
Huston  dismounted  his  men,  and  a random  fire  was  commenced. 
The  Indian  chiefs,  arrayed  in  all  the  splendor  of  savage  war- 
riors, and  finely  mounted,  bounded  over  the  space  between  the 
hostile  lines,  exhibiting  feats  of  horsemanship  and  daring  which 
none  but  a Camanche,  who  is  said  to  live  on  horseback,  could 
perform.  But,  notwithstanding  the  rapidity  with  which  they 
rode,  several  of  them  were  seen  to  fall.  As  the  fighting  pro- 
gressed, the  Texans  advanced  ; and  the  enemy  being  disposed 
to  keep  at  a distance,  General  Huston  ordered  Burleson,  with 
the  right  wing,  to  move  around  the  point  of  the  woods  occu- 
pied by  a large  body  of  the  Camanches : at  the  same  time,  he 
directed  Caldwell,  with  the  left  wing,  to  charge  into  the  woods. 
These  movements  were  executed  in  gallant  style.  The  Indians 
fled  at  all  points,  and  scattered  in  every  direction,  abandoning 
all  their  plunder  and  stolen  horses.  A most  animated  pursuit 
was  kept  up  for  fifteen  miles.  About  an  hour  after  the  action 
commenced,  the  recruited  forces  from  Gonzales  came  up.  The 
rout  of  the  enemy  was  thus  complete.  Their  killed,  number- 
ing from  fifty  to  eighty,  were  scattered  from  Plum  creek  to  the 
St.  Mark,  and  as  high  up  as  the  San  Antonio  road.  Several 
hundred  horses  and  mules,  with  packs  and  baggage,  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  victors.  The  captive  Mrs.  Watts  was  retaken 
and  returned  to  her  friends.  Her  husband,  the  collector  at 
Linnville,  had  been  killed  there,  on  the  8th,  by  the  savages. 
Thus  did  the  Camanches  fail  in  their  revenge  for  their  slain 

* Felix  Huston’s  official  report,  August  12,  1840. 


304 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


chiefs  at  San  Antonio.  It  is  probable  that  they  were  directed 
in  this  incursion  by  the  Mexicans  at  Matamoras.  It  was  well 
known  there  that  large  quantities  of  goods  had  been  brought 
to  the  two  points  attacked,  for  the  purpose  of  trade  with  the 
federalists  on  the  Rio  Grande.  The  centralists  thought  it  a 
good  move  thus  to  break  up  these  depots. 

The  Texan  government  was  determined  still  to  pursue  these 
Camanches,  and  give  them  yet  another  proof  of  its  ability  to 
chastise  them.  Accordingly,  in  September,  Colonel  John  H. 
Moore  had  orders  to  raise  a volunteer  force  in  Fayette  county, 
and  march  up  the  Colorado  in  pursuit  of  those  that  escaped  at 
Plum  creek.  On  the  5th  of  October,  he  set  out  with  ninety 
Texans  and  twelve  Lipan  Indians.*  After  passing  the  head- 
waters of  the  San  Gabriel,  he  proceeded  to  the  San  Saba,  and 
up  that  stream.  Continuing  his  march  for  two  days  up  the 
latter  river  without  finding  the  enemy,  he  diverged  to  the  Con- 
cho, and  thence  to  the  Red  fork  of  the  Colorado,  passing  over 
a country  of  surpassing  richness  and  beauty.  On  reaching  the 
Red  fork,  Colonel  Moore  came  upon  the  trail,  leading  up  the 
river ; this  he  followed  until  the  signs  indicated  that  the  In- 
dians were  at  no  great  distance.  He  halted,  and  sent  out  two 
of  his  Lipan  spies.  They  returned  in  the  evening  of  the  23d 
of  October,  and  reported  that  they  had  discovered  the  Ca- 
mauclie  village.  The  troops  were  ordered  to  get  their  sup- 
pers, and  be  ready  to  march. f At  half-past  five  o’clock  in  the 
afternoon,  they  set  out,  and  proceeded  ten  miles  due  north, 
when  they  reached  the  river.  Continuing  about  four  miles  far- 
ther up  the  stream,  the  beef-cattle  were  herded  in  a mosquite- 
thicket,  and  four  miles  still  onward  the  troops  were  ordered  to 
dismount.  This  was  at  midnight.  Spies  were  again  sent  for- 

* “ Texas  Sentinel,”  November  14,  1840. 

f John  H.  Moore’s  official  report,  November  7,  1840. 


MASSACRE  OF  THE  CAMANCHES. 


305 


ward,  to  discover  the  force  and  position  of  the  enemy.  The 
scouts  returned  at  three  o’clock,  and  reported  the  village  as 
situated  on  the  south  bank  of  the  river,  and,  from  its  appear- 
ance, they  judged  it  to  contain  sixty  families  and  one  hundred 
and  twenty-five  warriors. 

At  daybreak  on  the  24th,  the  Texans,  leaving  their  pack- 
mules,  proceeded  to  the  village.  It  seems  they  were  not  dis- 
covered till  they  ascended  the  hill  two  hundred  yards  from  the 
village.  A charge  was  instantly  made,  and  the  Camanches 
fled  to  the  river,  which  bent  round  the  village  like  a half-moon. 
A murderous  fire  was  opened  and  continued  upon  the  flying 
enemy.  Passing  through  the  village,  the  Texans  dismounted 
and  continued  the  fire.  Some  of  the  Indians  were  killed  be- 
fore reaching  the  river ; others  were  shot  or  drowned  in  the 
stream.  A portion  succeeded  in  crossing  and  reaching  the 
prairie  on  the  opposite  bank ; but  Lieutenant  Owen,  who  had 
been  ordered,  with  fifteen  men,  to  cross  over  and  cut  off  their 
retreat,  succeeded  admirably  in  this  business.  As  this  was  a 
war  of  extermination,  the  bodies  of  men,  women,  and  children, 
were  seen  on  every  hand,  dead,  wounded,  and  dying.  The 
fight  around  the  village  lasted  about  half  an  hour,  and  the  pur- 
suit extended  some  four  miles. 

The  work  was  done : the  butcheries  of  Victoria  and  Linn- 
ville  were  avenged.  There  were  forty-eight  of  the  Camanches 
killed  in  the  village,  and  eighty  more  either  shot  or  drowned 
at  the  river ; and  thirty-four  prisoners  remained  in  the  hands 
of  the  victors.  The  latter  had  only  two  men  wounded.  The 
village  was  then  utterly  destroyed  by  fire ; and  Colonel  Moore 
collected  a caballada  of  five  hundred  horses,  taken  from  tho 
enemy,  and  returned  to  the  capital  of  Texas,  where  he  arrived 
with  all  his  forces  (except  one  man  who  had  died  on  the  way 
out)  on  the  7th  of  November.  This,  the  severest  chastisement 

Vol.  II.  — 20 


306 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


which  the  Camanches  had  received,  was  inflicted  on  them  in 
their  distant  home,  at  least  three  hundred  miles  from  Austin. 

The  fifth  Congress  assembled  at  Austin  on  the  2d  of  Novem- 
ber. The  message  of  President  Lamar  was  not  lengthy.  He 
spoke  favorably  of  the  progress  made  by  the  republic  in  her 
domestic  and  foreign  affairs.  General  James  Hamilton,  one 
of  the  loan-commissioners,  had  been  empowered,  previous  to 
his  departure  for  Europe,  to  establish  diplomatic  relations  with 
the  nations  of  that  continent ; and  the  importance  of  such  rela- 
tions with  Spain  was  referred  to,  on  account  of  the  extent  of 
the  trade  with  Cuba.  Mr.  Treat,  the  private  agent  of  Texas 
in  Mexico,  had  been  so  far  listened  to,  that  he  was  permitted 
to  submit  his  propositions  ; but  the  president  entertained  slight 
hopes  of  success.  On  the  subject  of  the  finances,  he  observed 
that,  “ so  long  as  we  have  to  depend,  for  our  daily  moneyed 
operations,  upon  the  promises  of  the  government  to  pay  at  a 
future  day,  no  matter  in  what  form  they  may  be  issued , those 
issues  must  and  will  depreciate.” — “This  depreciation  of  pa- 
per,he  continues,  “ not  founded  upon  a specie  basis,  or  its 
equivalent,  is  inevitable,  and  to  the  extent  of  the  depreciation 
is  the  loss  of  the  government  that  is  compelled  to  resort  to 
such  issues.  It  is,  therefore,  of  the  utmost  importance  to  our 
financial  prosperity  that  we  should  effect  a loan,  as  it  probably 
is,  at  present,  the  only  means  which  can  be  resorted  to,  for 
keeping  our  currency  at  par.,,  Such  reflections  are  whole- 
some, and  doubtless  grew  out  of  the  painful  experience  of  the 
president  in  the  management  of  the  Texan  currency.  Yet  it 
was  most  fortunate  for  Texas  that  she  did  not  secure  the  loan. 
At  that  time,  and  under  the  then-existing  circumstances,  it 
would  have  been  expended  in  a year  or  two,  leaving  the  repub- 
lic still  more  deeply  involved.  The  want  of  credit  prevents 
nations  as  well  as  individuals  from  going  into  debt.  Texas, 


BOUNDARY  DISPUTES  — THE  TEXAN  NAVY. 


307 


being  out  of  credit,  soon  learned  the  important  but  necessary 
lesson  of  living  within  her  means.  That  lesson  has  done  her 
more  good  than  three  such  loans. 

The  long-disputed  boundary-line  between  Texas  and  the 
United  States  was  not  yet  run.  St.  Denis  and  Governor  San- 
doval had  quarrelled'  about  it ; so  had  France  and  Spain  ; then 
Spain  and  the  United  States ; then  the  latter  and  Mexico.  Fi- 
nally, when  Texas  was  recognised,  she  made  a treaty  with  the 
United  States  for  running  the  boundary-line;  but  when  the 
commissioners,  Messrs.  Hunt  and  Overton,  met  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Sabine,  instead  of  running  the  line  according  to  the 
treaty  which  their  respective  governments  thought  was  plain 
enough,  they  disagreed,  and  opened  the  old  sore,  by  a diplo- 
matic discussion,  which  continued  until  the  Texan  appropria- 
tion was  exhausted.* 

The  Congress  of  1839-’40  had  provided  that  the  navy  should 
be  laid  up  in  ordinary,  unless  the  safety  of  the  coast  should 
require  it  to  remain  in  active  service.  A report  having  been 
circulated  that  Mexico  was  equipping  a squadron  with  which 
to  attack  Texas  and  her  commerce,  the  navy  was  continued  in 
active  service.  There  was  another  consideration  in  favor  of 
this  course.  The  states  of  Yucatan  and  Tobasco  had  declared 
their  independence  of  Mexico ; and  it  was  deemed  advisable 
to  make  a demonstration  of  the  naval  power  of  Texas  on  the 
coast  of  these  new  governments,  and  to  ascertain  whether  their 
secession  from  the  Mexican  confederacy  would  cause  them  to 
cease  hostilities  against  Texas. 

* This  correspondence  extends  from  the  22d  of  February,  1840,  to  the  16th 
of  March  following.  It  was  carried  on  near  the  mouth  of  the  Sabine,  on  its 
western  bank.  It  is  a recapitulation  of  the  old  discussion  between  John  Quincy 
Adams  and  Don  Luis  de  Onis  in  1818.  The  immediate  question  between  the 
commissioners  was,  whether  Sabine  lake  was  the  “ Sabine  river”  named  in  the 
treaty.  If  so,  the  line  should  run  on  its  western  bank;  if  not,  General  Hunt 
contended  that  it  should  run  along  the  middle  of  the  lake. 


308 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


Perhaps  one  of  the  best  evidences  of  the  progress  of  a nation 
is  to  be  found  in  its  newspaper  department.  In  1836,  Texas 
had  but  one  weekly  newspaper  ; in  1840,  she  had  over  a dozen, 
one  or  two  of  which  were  semi-weekly.*  These  papers  were 
brought  out  in  a creditable  style,  and  their  columns  well  edited. 
If  they  supported  their  respective  views  with  zeal,  they  did  so 
with  dignity,  and  seldom  ran  into  those  excesses  so  discredita- 
ble to  the  partisan  organs  of  the  parent-country.  True,  there 
were  exceptions,  but  they  were  mostly  attributable  to  new  ed- 
itors, who,  in  coming  to  Texas,  had  brought  with  them  more 
of  the  spirit  of  personal  controversy  than  was  common  in  the 
new  country. 

The  fifth  Congress  met  with  a determination  to  do  something 
for  the  credit  of  the  republic.  The  great  difficulty  was,  to  de- 
termine what  should  be  done.  While  complaints  were  made 
of  heavy  direct  taxes,  and  of  a burdensome  tariff  on  articles  of 
prime  necessity,  it  was  still  indispensable  to  have  a revenue  to 
carry  on  the  government.  The  most  sensible  conclusion  was, 
therefore,  to  reduce  the  appropriations.  Congress  digested 
and  passed  an  actf  greatly  reducing  the  number  of  officers  of 
the  government ; placed  all  the  public  vessels  in  ordinary,  ex- 
cept a schooner  ; declined  making  an  appropriation  for  the  reg- 
ular army ; and  enacted  some  other  provisions  in  regard  to  the 
revenue,  by  means  of  all  which  the  appropriations  were  reduced 

* These  papers  were  — 

In  Austin,  the  Gazette  and  the  Sentinel. 

In  Houston,  the  Telegraph , the  Times , and  the  Morning  Star. 

In  Galveston,  the  Civilian  and  the  Courier. 

In  San  Augustine,  the  Journal. 

In  Brasoria,  the  Brasoria  Courier. 

In  San  Luis,  the  Advocate. 

In  Matagorda,  the  Colorado  Gazette. 

In  Richmond,  the  Telescope ; and, 

In  Washington,  the  Emigrant. 
f An  act  to  abolish  certain  offices,  <fcc.,  January  18,  1841. 


IMPORTANCE  OF  TEXAS  ABROAD  — MONROE  EDWARDS.  309 

nearly  sixty-six  per  centum,  and  the  means  to  meet  them  in- 
creased. This  effort  on  the  part  of  Texas  to  meet  her  expenses 
helped  her  credit.  The  two  houses  did  nothing  with  the  cur- 
rency — perhaps  they  could  not.  It  was  diseased  ; and  nothing 
but  money  would  give  it  relief.  It  was  therefore  permitted  to 
languish  another  year — some  hoping  for  a loan,  others  that 
time  would  effect  a cure,  and  others,  again,  that  it  would  alto- 
gether cease  its  functions. 

The  year  1840  did  not  pass  away  without  further  evidence 
of  the  growing  consequence  of  the  republic.  England,  Hol- 
land, and  Belgium,  acknowledged  her  independence,  and  the 
former  country  sent  J.  T.  Crawford  as  charge  d’affaires  to  rep- 
resent her  near  the  government  of  Texas.  France  was  already 
represented  by  M.  De  Saligny,  with  the  same  diplomatic  rank. 
Texas  was  indebted  to  General  James  Hamilton  for  the  trea- 
ties of  recognition  with  England,  Holland,  and  Belgium.  The 
objections  on  the  part  of  England,  on  account  of  the  slavery 
question,  had  been  to  some  extent  removed  by  the  published 
writings  of  William  Kennedy  and  Jonathan  Ikan,  both  Eng- 
lishmen, who  had  visited  Texas,  and  given  an  impartial  and 
interesting  account  of  her  progress.  In  connection  with  this 
question  of  slavery,  we  find,  in  1840,  the  name  of  Monroe  Ed- 
wards. He  had  turned  up  as  a man  of  enterprise  in  Texas, 
and  entered  upon  a scheme  for  the  importation  of  slaves.  He 
met  with  a man  in  Mississippi  by  the  name  of  Dart,  with  whom 
he  entered  into  a partnership.  Dart  was  to  furnish  the  funds, 
and  did  furnish  him  thirty  thousand  dollars,  with  which  he 
went  to  Cuba,  to  purchase  negroes.*  It  appears  that  a slaver 
had  been  captured  by  a British  cruiser,  and  brought  into  Ha- 
vana, where  the  negroes  were  apprenticed  for  a term  of  years. 
Edwards  purchased  a large  number  of  these  negroes  and  intro- 

* Edwards  says  the  negroes  were  purchased  by  John  Edwin  Sumner  as  agent 


310 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


duccd  them  into  Texas.  It  was  understood,  between  him  and 
Dart,  that  they  were  to  be  sent  through  Texas  to  Louisiana. 
But  Edwards  commenced  selling  them  out  in  Texas,  and  ap- 
propriated the  proceeds  to  his  own  use.  Dart,  on  learning 
these  facts,  sequestered  the  remaining  negroes ; but,  on  the 
trial,  Edwards  gave,  in  evidence,  a full  receipt  from  Dart  for 
the  money  originally  advanced.  Upon  a close  examination  of 
this  paper,  it  was  found  that  Edwards  had  extracted  all  the 
writing  on  a letter  from  Dart  to  him,  except  the  signature,  and 
had  written  the  receipt  above  it.  Edwards  was  forthwith 
prosecuted  for  forgery.  He  gave  bail,  and  fled  to  the  United 
States.  In  1840,  he  wrote  to  President  Lamar,  and  also  to 
General  Houston,  and  perhaps  other  distinguished  persons  in 
Texas,  representing  the  facts  in  part,  but  stating  that  he  had 
been  defrauded  in  the  purchase  of  the  negroes,  believing  them 
to  be  slaves ; that,  by  treaty  stipulations,  both  England  and 
Spain  were  bound  for  the  restoration  of  the  negroes  to  free- 
dom ; that  the  British  government  had  been  fully  advised  of 
all  the  facts,  with  a descriptive  list  of  the  negroes ; that  he 
was  then  on  his  way  to  London,  with  letters  from  Mr.  Adams, 
General  Wilson,  Mr.  Fox,  Dr.  Channing,  and  twenty  other  gen- 
tlemen of  high  standing  here  and  in  Europe,  to  press  the  liber- 
ation of  the  negroes ; and  was  advised  that  the  Texan  govern- 
ment would  be  held  responsible  for  them.  He  further  stated 
that  he  had  high  authority  for  saying  that,  the  moment  the 
question  was  agitated  in  London,  the  successful  negotiation  of 
the  Texan  loan  was  at  an  end  ; and  concluded  by  advising  that 
the  negroes  be  safely  kept,  to  abide  the  issue  to  be  made  by 
the  British  government.* 

The  object  of  Edwards  in  writing  thus  is  not  so  easily  ascer- 
tained ; but  he  proceeded  to  London,  and,  by  the  plausibility 

* Edwards’s  letter,  November  1,  1840. 


FOREIGN  AND  DOMESTIC  COMMERCE  IN  1840. 


311 


of  his  story,  and  his  apparent  sympathy  for  these  negroes,  he 
attracted  so  much  attention,  and  acquired  such  influence  with 
the  ministry,  that  it  became  necessary  for  General  Hamilton  to 
interpose,  and  expose  him  as  a criminal  who  had  fled  from  jus- 
tice in  Texas.*  This  interposition  had  the  desired  effect,  and 
Edwards  turned  his  attention  to  other  enterprises. 

To  the  friends  of  Texas  it  was  gratifying  to  see  the  growth 
of  her  commerce,  and  the  interest  felt  therein  by  foreign  na- 
tions. During  the  first  quarter  of  1840,  ninety-two  vessels 
arrived  at  the  port  of  Galveston.  There  was  a corresponding 
increase  of  arrivals  at  Velasco,  Matagorda,  and  other  points. 
Many  of  these  vessels  were  from  Europe,  and  brought  merchan- 
dise to  exchange  for  cotton.  This  increase  of  trade,  though 
rapid,  was  natural,  and  did  not  exceed  the  increase  of  popula- 
tion induced  by  a constant  stream  of  immigration.  The  town 
of  Houston,  situated  at  the  head  of  Buffalo  bayou,  a river  navi- 
gable at  all  times,  had  already  become  the  centre  of  a consid- 


* As  proof  of  the  extent  of  Edwards’s  operations,  we  give  General  Hamilton’s 
letter  to  him : — 

“ No.  15  Cockspur  Street,  London,  November  23,  1840. 

“Sir:  I have  just  been  informed  by  Mr.  Stevenson  that  you  have  presented 
to  him  a letter  of  introduction,  asking  his  good  offices,  from  the  secretary  of 
state  of  the  United  States,  and  that  you  have  a similar  letter  to  General  Cass, 
the  Americau  minister  at  Paris.  I beg  leave  to  inform  you  that  I have  apprized 
Mr.  Stevenson  that  you  are  a fugitive  from  the  public  justice  of  Texas,  charged 
with  the  commission  of  an  infamous  crime.  I shall  feel  it  my  duty  to  make  a 
similar  communication  to  General  Cass. 

“I  likewise  understand  that  you  propose  making  an  application  to  Lord  Pal- 
merston for  the  aid  of  her  majesty’s  government  for  the  purpose  of  subserving 
some  alleged  objects  of  public  justice  in  Texas.  As  the  representative  of  the 
republic  of  Texas  in  Great  Britain,  I shall  not  fail  to  advise  Lord  Palmerston 
of  the  facts  which  I have  communicated  to  the  representatives  of  the  United 
States  at  Paris  and  London. 

“ I hope  you  will  spare  me  the  pain  and  necessity  of  a more  detailed  and  pub- 
lic statement  of  your  recent  history  in  Texas. 

“ I remain  your  obedient  servant, 

“ J.  HAMILTON,  Envoy  of  the  Republic  of  Texas. 

“ Monroe  Edwards,  Esquire.” 


312 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


erable  trade  with  the  interior.  This  trade  had  extended  up 
the  Brasos,  the  Trinity,  and  even  the  Colorado ; for  it  was 
found  to  he  a cheap  market  for  purchases,  and  transportation 
thence  to  the  state  capital  was  not  higher  than  from  Linnville. 
At  that  time,  freight  between  the  two  places  could  be  had  at 
eighteen  or  twenty  dollars  per  hundred  weight,  payable  in 
promissory-notes,  the  latter  being  worth  from  fifteen  to  eigh- 
teen cents  on  the  dollar.*  An  extensive  and  quite  an  increas- 
ing trade  was  carried  on  through  the  outlet  of  Red  river ; and 
this  traffic  was  the  more  profitable,  because  the  importers  were 
not  so  particular  about  paying  the  duties.  At  first,  Texas 
bought  much  and  sold  but  little,  and  the  balance  of  trade  was 
against  her ; but,  in  looking  at  the  comparative  tables  of  her 
commerce  for  the  years  from  1838  to  1841,  both  inclusive,  we 
find  that  her  necessities  induced  her  to  purchase  less  and  to 
sell  more.  For  example,  in  1838,  she  imported  thirty-five 
thousand  bushels  of  corn;  in  1841,  not  two  thousand  bushels, 
because  she  had  found  it  necessary  to  raise  it.  In  1838,  she 
imported  fifty-six  thousand  pounds  of  butter;  in  1841,  but  lit- 
tle over  half  that  quantity.  The  fluctuations  in  her  currency 
had  its  effect  during  these  years,  but  aside  from  this  the  ten- 
dency of  trade  was  favorable,  and  evinced  more  industry  and 
economy  on  the  part  of  the  population. 

Among  other  improvements,  the  republic  was  engaged  in  the 
construction  of  a military  road  from  Red  river  to  the  presidio 
crossing  of  the  Nueces  ; and  it  was  proposed  to  add  to  this  a 
like  road  from  the  town  of  Austin  to  Santa  Fe,  a distance  of 
six  hundred  miles.  The  motives  for  this  are  set  forth  in  the 
report  of  the  secretary  of  war.  Santa  Fe,  situated  about  twelve 
miles  east  of  the  upper  Rio  Grande,  or,  as  it  is  called  up  there, 
the  Rio  del  Norte,  was  included  within  the  statutory  limits  of 

* “Telegraph,”  June  24  and  July  15,  1840. 


SANTA  FE  — ITS  INLAND  TRADE. 


313 


the  republic  of  Texas.  The  place  was  settled  entirely  by  Mex- 
icans, and,  never  having  been  conquered  by  Texas,  was  still 
under  the  government  of  Mexico.  The  country  between  the 
Texan  capital  and  this  point  was  wholly  unoccupied,  except 
by  hordes  of  savages  that  roamed  over  it.  For  many  years 
the  adventurous  traders  of  the  United  States  had  carried  on  a 
successful  inland  commerce  with  Santa  Fe,  of  the  annual  value 
of  four  or  five  millions  of  dollars.*  Santa  Fe  was  not  alto- 
gether the  consumer,  but  rather  the  depot  for  these  importa- 
tions, which  were  distributed  thence  to  Chihuahua  and  other 
portions  of  northern  Mexico.  This  trade  was  conducted  prin- 
cipally through  St.  Louis,  in  Missouri ; and  it  was  believed 
that,  by  diverting  it  through  Texas,  the  distance  of  land-trans- 
portation would  be  shortened  three  or  four  hundred  miles,  and 
that  republic  be  made  the  recipient  of  the  vast  profits  realized. 
Another  object  was  to  be  attained : that  portion  of  the  Texan 
territory  would  thus  be  conciliated,  and  the  two  sections,  al- 
though separated  by  so  wide  a desert,  bound  together  by  the 
interests  of  commerce.  The  secretary  of  war  proposed,  as  a 
preparatory  step,  the  construction  of  a military  road  from  Aus- 
tin to  Santa  Fe.  President  Lamar  seemed  to  feel  a deep  inter- 
est in  the  affairs  of  New  Mexico,  and  as  early  as  April  14, 1840, 
had  addressed  a letter  to  the  authorities  and  people  of  that 
province. 

The  president’s  health  had  been  for  some  time  very  bad ; 
and,  getting  no  better,  he  obtained  from  the  Congress  a leave 
of  absence,  and  about  the  middle  of  December  retired  from  his 
official  duties,  leaving  them  to  be  discharged  by  the  vice-presi- 
dent. 

* Report  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  September  30,  1840. 


314 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

The  year  1841  opened  with  prospects  gloomy  enough.  The 
imports  into  Texas  during  the  past  fiscal  year  had  exceeded 
one  and  a third  millions  of  dollars,  while  the  exports  amounted 
to  but  little  over  two  hundred  thousand  dollars,  which  exhib- 
ited an  increase  of  indebtedness  for  that  year  of  more  than  a 
million.  From  this,  however,  should  be  deducted  a difference 
in  valuations,  and  the  amount  of  moneys  brought  into  the  coun- 
try by  immigrants  ; still,  it  would  leave  a large  balance  against 
the  people  of  the  republic.  To  this  add  the  increase  in  the 
public  debt ; and  also  the  utter  want  of  means  and  credit  of 
the  government ; and  we  may  form  an  idea  of  the  prospect  be- 
fore them.  That  the  condition  of  affairs  did  not  meet  the  pub- 
lic approbation  is  manifest  from  the  fact  that  very  few  of  the 
old  members  were  returned  to  the  fifth  Congress.  Under  the 
circumstances,  all  eyes  were  turned  to  the  able  negotiations  of 
General  Hamilton.  The  propositions  made  in  Great  Britain, 
France,  and  Belgium,  were  infinite.  To  grve  Texas  credit  in 
Europe,  and  raise  means  to  pay  her  debts,  was  a problem  which 
General  Hamilton  had  undertaken  to  solve.  He  was  a man 
of  financial  genius,  with  the  organ  of  hope  largely  developed, 
and  possessed  ot  a most  untiring  zeal.  He  was,  however, 
greatly  mistaken  in  supposing  that  he  could  easily  change  the 
views  of  the  chief  ministers  of  those  ancient  courts.  That  he 


GENERAL  HAMILTON’S  FINANCIAL  EFFORTS.  315 

labored  honestly  for  Texas,  there  can  be  no  doubt ; but,  at  the 
present  time,  it  is  equally  clear  that  the  republic  was  benefited 
by  his  want  of  success.  Among  the  plans  for  a loan  was  one 
set  forth  in  the  prospectus  of  Messrs.  Lafitte  and  Company, 
bankers  in  Paris.  After  much  negotiation,  General  Hamilton 
thought  the  affair  concluded,  and  so  wrote  on  the  4th  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1841.*  The  news  was  received  with  great  joy,  not  only 
in  Texas,  but  in  the  United  States,  for  she  had  many  friends 
there  who  were  interested  in  her  success.  The  treasury  notes 
and  bonds,  that  had  been  down  to  twelve  or  fifteen  cents  in 
the  dollar,  suddenly  rose  one  or  two  hundred  per  cent.f  This 
French  loan  was  to  extend  to  thirty-five  millions  of  francs,  and 
was  to  be  raised  by  subscriptions,  the  bonds  to  be  reimbursed 
in  lands,  duties,  or  cash,  at  the  option  of  the  subscriber.  Gen- 
eral Hamilton,  previous  to  the  consummation  of  the  arrange- 
ment, had  assured  himself,  as  he  supposed,  of  the  favorable 
disposition  and  protection  of  the  French  government  for  the 
negotiation  of  the  loan.  This  assurance  he  had  in  writing  from 
M.  Guizot,  the  prime  minister,  and  verbally  from  the  king.  No 
sooner,  however,  had  the  negotiator  left  for  London,  and  the 
prospectus  for  the  loan  was  issued,  than  an  article  appeared 
in  the  “Debats”  the  government  organ,  opposing  it.  The 
bankers,  seeing  this,  postponed  opening  the  books  for  subscrip- 

* “ Pabis,  February  4,  1841. 

“ To  the  Editor  of  the  New  York  Times  and  Star  : — 

“ Sir  : As  the  commissioners  of  loans  of  the  republic  of  Texas  were  instructed 
by  his  excellency  President  Lamar,  in  the  event  of  their  effecting  a negotiation 
of  the  loan  for  that  republic,  to  make  a public  announcement  of  the  fact,  that 
meritorious  holders  of  the  securities  of  government,  who  may  have  aided  the 
country  in  the  hour  of  its  necessity,  may  not  be  the  victims  of  the  speculation  of 
those  acting  under  secret  information,  I will  thank  you  to  state  in  your  paper 
that  I have  this  day  concluded  in  this  city  a contract  with  the  bank  of  Messrs. 

J.  Lafitte  and  Company,  for  the  Texan  loan 

“ I am,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

“J.  Hamilton.’* 


f Letter  to  B.  E.  Bee,  April  18,  1841. 


316 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


tious.*  General  Hamilton  did  not  yet  despair ; but  there  were 
difficulties  in  his  way  in  Texas,  of  which  he  was  not  then  ad- 
vised. In  February,  1841,  there  was  pending  before  the  Texan 
Congress  a bill  providing  for  the  incorporation  of  a French 
company,  which  by  its  terms  was  authorized  to  introduce  eight 
thousand  French  immigrants,  to  whom  were  to  be  granted  three 
millions  of  acres  of  land  along  the  frontiers  of  the  republic, 
from  Red  river  to  the  Rio  Grande.  This  measure,  which  M. 
Do  Saligny,  the  French  charge  d'affaires , had  much  at  heart, 
passed  the  house  of  representatives,  but  was  lost  in  the  senate ; 
and  much  unnecessary  prejudice  was  excited  against  the  French 
in  consequence.  There  was  also  another  matter  in  which  the 
French  charge  was  personally  interested.! 

It  seems  that  a difference  occurred  between  a servant  of  M. 
De  Saligny  and  Mr.  Bullock,  in  which  the  servant  was  beaten 
by  the  latter.  Saligny  made  his  complaint  to  the  government, 
and  Bullock  was  arrested,  and  bound  over  to  answer  at  the 
next  term  of  the  district  court.  In  the  meantime,  the  latter, 
who  kept  a hotel,  finding  Saligny  on  his  premises,  ordered  him 
away.  Complaint  was  also  made  of  this  outrage,  and  Bullock 
again  bound  over.  These  violations  of  diplomatic  privilege 
exasperated  the  French  minister,  and  a correspondence  fol- 
lowed; but  the  Texan  government  failing  to  give  satisfaction, 
the  former  left  his  post.J  Saligny  was  a brother-in-law  of  M. 

* Letter  of  .General  Hamilton,  May  18,  1841. 

f “Fiscal  History  of  Texas,”  p.  110.  Mr.  Gouge  says  he  “had  been  on  the 
spot,  and  inquired  into  the  particulars.  M.  De  Saligny  had  a number  of  horses, 
which  were  fed  with  corn.  Mr.  Bullock’s  pigs  intruded  into  the  stables  to  pick 
up  the  corn  the  horses  suffered  to  fall  to  the  ground.  One  of  M.  De  Saligny ’s 
servants  killed  some  of  the  pigs.  Mr.  Bullock  whipped  the  servant.” 

% It  was  understood  that  a French  fleet  was  coming  to  the  gulf  of  Mexico  to 
settle  this  affair;  and  the  Texan  charge  at  Washington  mentioned  the  subject  to 
the  American  secretary  of  state,  and  to  the  British  minister  in  that  city,  both 
of  whom  promised  to  send  their  respective  squadrons  around  there  to  look  after 
the  French.  But  when  Houston  came  again  into  office,  a kind  letter  was  sent 


FINANCIAL  SCHEMES  — NATIONAL  BANK  PROJECTED.  317 

Human,  the  French  minister  of  finance ; hence  he  was  found 
the  first  to  oppose  the  loan,  and  so  gave  notice  in  the  u Mes- 
Sager”  and  “ Moniteur  ” his  organs. 

Still,  General  Hamilton  thought  that  Lafitte  and  Company 
could  carry  the  loan  through  without  the  aid  of  the  French 
government,  or  at  least  that  these  differences  could  be  adjust- 
ed : so  he  wrote,  and  continued  to  inspire  the  Texans  with 
hope.  In  the  meantime,  gigantic  projects  were  hewn  out  in 
Texas.  A bank,  with  a large  capital,  was  to  be  established. 
General  Hamilton  had  procured  John  Horseley  Palmer,  late 
governor  of  the  bank  of  England,  to  lay  down  a plan  for  it, 
and,  it  was  said,  was  making  efforts  to  secure  the  services  of 
Samuel  Jaudon,  late  agent  of  the  United  States  bank,  as  presi- 
dent of  this  financial  organ  of  the  Texan  government.  But 
General  Hamilton  failed  in  Paris.  His  success  was  no  better 
among  the  Dutch,  for  they  also  were  borrowing.  Still,  the 
hope  of  a loan  did  not  suddenly  expire  ; the  prospect,  with 
alternations  of  brightness  and  gloom,  afforded  facilities  for 
gambling  in  the  sale  and  purchase  of  the  notes  and  bonds  of 
the  republic.  She  was  manifestly  living  on  that  hope : for  her 
revenues  in  1840,  though  nominally  four  hundred  and  fifty- 
eight  thousand  dollars,  were  in  fact  but  little  over  ninety  thou- 
sand dollars  ; and  her  expenses  during  that  year  were  upward 
of  four  times  that  amount. 

Texas  had  employed  all  the  means  in  her  power  to  secure 
her  independence,  and  to  induce  Mexico  to  acknowledge  it. 
She  had  formed  a convention  with  Great  Britain,  by  which  she 
had  promised  to  assume  five  millions  of  dollars  of  the  debt  due 
by  Mexico  to  British  subjects,  if  that  government  would  pro- 
cure from  Mexico  an  acknowledgment  of  her  independence. 


to  France,  which  satisfied  her  wounded  honor,  and  M.  De  Saligny  returned  to 
his  post. — Jones's  Letters  on  Annexation,  p.  10. 


318 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


She  had  sent  Mr.  Treat  as  a private  agent  to  treat  with  the 
latter  power ; then  Mr.  Bee ; and  subsequently,  in  the  spring 
of  1841,  she  had  despatched  Mr.  Webb,  with  instructions  to 
open  and  conduct  negotiations  for  peace,  under  the  influence 
of  the  mediation  promised  by  Great  Britain.*  But  the  latter 
agent  was  not  received,  and  immediately  returned.  This  was 
followed  by  a report  that  the  Mexicans  were  preparing  to  in- 
vade Texas.  Thus  was  the  republic  overwhelmed  with  debts 
at  home,  and  threatened  with  war  from  abroad.  But  the 
Texan  Congress  and  executive  were  equally  ready  to  meet  the 
enemy.  “ Texas  proper,”  says  President  Burnet,  “ is  bounded 
by  the  Rio  Grande : Texas,  as  defined  by  the  sword,  may  com- 
prehend the  Sierra  del  Madre.  Let  the  sword  do  its  proper 
w7ork.”  But  the  means  were  not  to  be  had.  It  is  believed 
that,  had  General  Hamilton  negotiated  the  loan,  an  army  of  at 
least  ten  thousand  men  would  have  marched  into  Mexico  in 
1841.  They  may  possibly  have  thus  won  a peace,  but  the  loan 
would  have  been  exhausted.  Mexico,  on  her  part,  was  ear- 
nestly preparing  for  an  invasion  of  Texas.  She  had  succeeded 
in  effecting  a loan  of  three  millions  of  dollars,  with  a portion 
of  which  fund  she  had  engaged  the  building  of  two  vessels-of- 
war  at  New  York.  These  vessels  were  built,  and  delivered  to 
her  at  Vera  Cruz.  But,  while  she  was  preparing,  she  found 
employment  for  her  troops  at  home.  Yucatan,  having  declared 
her  independence,  proceeded,  on  the  16th  of  May,  1841,  to 
proclaim  a republican  constitution  at  the  capitol  in  Merida, 
and  despatched  Colonel  Martin  Francisco  Peraza  as  envoy  to 
Texas.  He  arrived  at  Austin  on  the  11th  of  September,  and 
entered  into  a speedy  arrangement  with  the  executive,  the  sub- 
stance of  which  was,  that  Texas  should  furnish  certain  naval 
oid,  and  Yucatan  engaged  to  pay  its  expenses  in  part  whilo 

* Anson  Jones’s  Letters  on  Annexation,  p.  16. 


FREEBOOTERS  ON  THE  RIO  GRANDE. 


319 


operating  against  the  common  enemy.  The  business  was  soon 
done,  and  Peraza  embarked  with  the  naval  force  destined  for 
the  coast  of  Yucatan.  Mexico  had  yet  other  troubles.  On 
the  6th  of  October,  Santa  Anna,  at  the  head  of  ten  thousand 
men,  marched  into  the  capital  of  the  nation,  deposed  Busta- 
mente,  seated  himself  in  the  chair  of  state,  and  assembled  a 
Congress  of  his  own  selection  to  confirm  his  authority.  Thus 
was  Mexico  engaged  at  home. 

The  freebooters  on  her  frontiers  found  time,  however,  to 
make  occasional  excursions  across  the  Rio  Grande.  Some- 
times they  would  capture  the  property  of  the  citizens,  and  even 
the  citizens  themselves.  Captain  Philip  Dimit,  long  distin- 
guished as  a pioneer  and  gallant  defender  of  Texas,  became 
their  victim.  He  was  engaged,  with  some  workmen,  on  the 
4th  of  July,  1841,  in  erecting  a mercantile  establishment  on 
Corpus  Christi  bay,  about  fifteen  miles  below  the  present  town 
of  Corpus  Christi  (but  then  known  as  the  ranche  of  Aubrey 
and  Kinney),  when  the  place  was  visited  by  Captain  Sanchez, 
aide-de-camp  to  General  Ampudia,  with  a party  of  fifteen  cav- 
alry, who  took  Dimit  and  his  men  prisoners,  and,  after  plunder- 
ing the  establishment,  conducted  them  to  Matamoras.*  From 
this  point,  they,  with  others,  were  taken  to  Monterey,  and  de- 
livered over  to  Arista.  By  his  order  they  were  ironed,  and 
started  into  the  interior,  under  a guard  commanded  by  Captain 
Chaffind.  That  officer,  a humane  man,  had  their  irons  taken 
off  after  the  first  day’s  march.  On  the  third  day  they  arrived 
at  Saltillo.  Here  their  anticipations  of  a long  imprisonment 
and  horrid  treatment  were  such,  that  they  resolved  to  attempt 
their  escape.  They  proposed  to  procure  a quantity  of  muscal , 
well  drugged  with  morphine,  and  give  it  to  the  guard,  and, 
while  they  were  affected  by  it,  to  escape.  Two  physicians, 

* Deposition  of  William  Thompson,  July  10,  1861. 


320 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


who  were  among  the  prisoners,  were  charged  with  this  duty. 
Their  gourds  being  supplied  with  this  mixture,  they  arrived  at 
the  Hacienda  de  Agua  Nueva , where  they  were  quartered  for 
the  night.  The  Mexican  guard  were  abundantly  helped  to  the 
liquor  in  the  gourds,  and  in  the  night  the  signal  was  given  to 
make  the  attack.  By  some  means,  however,  the  morphine 
proved  to  be  inefficient,  and  the  muscal  alone  had  served  to 
keep  the  guard  awake,  and  to  stimulate  their  courage.  There 
were  only  nineteen  of  the  Texans,  armed  with  but  a few  guns 
which  they  had  picked  up,  and  a guard  of  ten  times  their  num- 
ber. The  Texans  had  got  off  some  distance,  when  daylight 
appearing,  Captain  Chaffind  sent  for  them,  and  said  that,  if 
they  would  return,  they  should  be  forgiven ; if  not,  he  would 
have  Limit  shot.  This  was  repeated  in  hearing  of  the  latter, 
who,  fearing  that  Chaffind  would  put  his  threat  into  execution, 
and  not  wishing  to  be  shot  like  a felon,  took  a large  dose  of 
morphine  which  he  had  with  him.  Having  taken  the  opiate, 
he  wrote  a letter  to  his  wife,  made  a disposition  of  his  prop- 
erty, and  then  calmly  lay  down  on  his  blanket,  requesting  his 
friends  around  him  to  make  known  his  death,  and  solicit  the 
Texans  to  throw  the  mantle  of  charity  over  the  act.  “ I do 
not  fear  death,”  said  he,  “ but  dread  the  idea  of  ending  my 
life  in  a loathsome  dungeon.  Tell  them  I prefer  a Roman’s 
death  to  the  ignominy  of  perpetual  imprisonment,  and  that  my 
last  wish  is  for  my  country’s  welfare.”  Soon  after,  he  sunk 
into  a sleep,  from  which  he  never  awoke.  Thus  fell  a noble 
spirit,  by  whom  the  first  “ Lone-Star”  banner  was  unfurled  on 
the  heights  of  La  Bahia.* 

One  of  these  bands  of  Mexicans,  under  Ignacio  Garcia,  was 
met  on  the  7th  of  April,  about  ten  miles  from  Laredo,  by  Cap- 
tain John  C.  Hays,  in  command  of  a company  of  twenty-five 


* Journal  of  Captain  Thomas  Pratt 


PROPOSED  EXPEDITION  TO  SANTA  FE. 


321 


spies.  After  a sjiort  contest,  the  enemy  retreated,  leaving 
three  killed  and  three  wounded.  Hays  pursued  the  fugitives 
so  closely,  that  he  took  twenty-five  of  them  prisoners,  without 
the  loss  of  any  of  his  command.*  These  scouts  under  Captain 
Hays  were  very  useful  and  efficient  in  protecting  the  western 
frontier  from  Mexican  and  Indian  incursions. 

In  the  latter,  part  of  the  spring  of  1841,  extensive  prepara- 
tions were  being  made  in  Texas  for  an  armed  visit  to  Santa 
Fe.  The  Congress  having  failed  to  make  an  appropriation  for 
the  army,  it  was  disbanded,  and  consequently  there  were  many 
men  thrown  out  of  employment,  who  were  anxious  for  such  an 
adventure.  The  objects  and  motives  of  the  expedition  must 
be  explained.  It  has  already  been  stated  that  the  secretary 
of  war  had  warmly  recommended  it  in  his  report.  President 
Lamar  had  spoken  on  the  subject  in  the  message  of  1839.  The 
friends  of  the  measure  had  brought  it  up  in  each  house  of  Con- 
gress, by  the  introduction  of  bills  authorizing  an  expedition  to 
Santa  Fe,  providing  only  for  a small  outfit ; but  both  bills  were 
rejected.!  The  object  of  the  expedition  was,  to  endeavor  to 
prevail  upon  the  people  of  New  Mexico,  residing  within  the 
statutory  limits  of  Texas,  to  submit  quietly  and  peaceably  to 
an  incorporation  with  the  other  citizens  of  the  republic,  and  to 
acknowledge  the  right  of  Texas  to  complete  jurisdiction  over 
them.  This  being  done,  the  revenue-laws  were  to  be  put  into 
operation,  and  a small  military  force  retained  there  for  the 
purpose  of  repelling  any  sudden  attack  of  Mexicans  or  Indians. 
A commissioner  was  also  to  reside  at  Santa  Fe,  as  the  agent 
of  the  government,  with  special  instructions  for  his  guidance. 
No  further  alterations  were  to  be  made  in  the  laws  or  form  of 


* Captain  Hays’s  official  report,  April  14,  1841. 

f Report  of  the  Select  Committee  on  the  Santa  F6  Expedition,  December  6, 
1841. 

VOL.  II.  — 21 


322 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


government  of  the  people  than  were  absolutely  necessary  in 
the  change  of  their  allegiance.*  It  was  stated  in  an  official 
paper  that  the  expedition  had  been  solicited  by  some  of  the 
citizens  of  Santa  Fe,  and  the  commander  was  instructed  by 
President  Lamar  not  to  attempt  a subjugation  of  the  people  by 
arms,  should  it  be  found  that  they  were  unwilling  to  submit  to 
the  Texan  laws ; and  that  the  men  were  only  permitted  to  go 
as  an  armed  body,  to  defend  themselves,  and  the  articles  of 
traffic  taken  with  them,  against  the  hordes  of  savages  which 
they  might  encounter  on  the  way.f 

The  members  of  the  expedition  rendezvoused  at  an  encamp- 
ment on  Brushy  creek,  about  twenty  miles  from  Austin.  The 
military,  under  the  command  of  brevet  Brigadier-General  Hugh 
M‘Leod,  consisted  of  five  companies  of  mounted  infantry  and 
one  of  artillery.  Accompanying  these  went  a caravan  of  mer- 
chants, with  goods,  suited  to  the  market,  drawn  in  wagons ; 
also  some  adventurers,  who  were  neither  soldiers  nor  mer- 
chants, but  who  went  along  for  pleasure ; and,  finally,  Messrs. 
William  G.  Cooke,  R.  F.  Brenhan,  and  J.  A.  Navarro,  the  com- 
missioners, who  were  charged  by  the  president  with  the  exe- 
cution of  his  instructions.  J 

Difficulties  were  raised  in  fitting  out  the  expedition.  There 
was  no  law  making  any  appropriation  for  such  an  object,  and 
each  branch  of  the  Congress  had  rejected  a proposition  for 
such  an  appropriation.  The  president,  however,  gave  orders 
to  the  quartermaster  and  commissary  generals  of  the  militia  to 
contract  for  the  necessary  provisions  and  munitions  of  war  for 
the  expedition.  Having  endorsed  the  orders  himself,  he  di- 
rected the  proper  officers  to  audit  and  pay  them.  The  control- 

* Secretary  of  State  of  Texas  to  B.  E.  Bee,  June  21,  1841. 

f James  Reilly,  Texan  Charge , to  American  Secretary  of  State,  March  21, 1842. 

X Secretary  of  State  to  B.  E.  Bee,  June  21,  1841. 


DEPARTURE  OF  THE  SANTA  FE  EXPEDITION. 


323 


ler  having  refused  to  allow  these  accounts,  was  ordered  by  the 
president,  through  the  secretary  of  the  treasury,  to  do  so.* 
The  gordian  knot  being  thus  untied,  the  expedition  set  out 
from  Brushy  creek  on  the  20th  of  June,  1841.  The  president 
had  spent  the  previous  night  in  the  camp,  and,  after  taking 
leave  of  the  “ pioneers,”  returned  to  the  capital. 

This  expedition  was  unfortunate — in  wanting  the  sanction 
of  law,  in  its  consequences,  and  especially  in  the  time  of  its 
departure  ; for,  on  the  22d  of  June,  the  commissioners  sent  by 
Arista,  to  treat  of  an  armistice,  arrived  in  Austin.  A more 
favorable  feeling  was  beginning  to  appear ; a brisk  trade  was 
springing  up  between  Texas  and  the  Rio  Grande,  encouraged 
by  both  parties  ; and  it  was  understood  that  Arista  was  willing 
to  unite  with  the  Texan  authorities  in  the  overthrow  of  the 
robbers  that  infested  the  plains  of  that  river.  So  soon,  how- 
ever, as  the  Commissioners  learned  the  departure  of  the  Santa 
Fe  expedition,  they  returned  to  Mexico,  and  the  abduction  of 
Captain  Dimit  and  others  followed. f 

The  number  of  volunteers  doing  duty  under  the  orders  of 
General  M‘Leod  was  two  hundred  and  seventy.  The  remain- 
der of  those  connected  with  the  expedition,  consisting  of  the 

* The  following  is  the  president’s  order:  — 

“Executive  Department,  March  24,  1841. 
"Hon.  John  G.  Chalmers , Secretary  of  the  Treasury:  — 

“Sir:  You  will  instruct  the  controller  to  open  upon  his  books  an  appropria- 
tion for  fitting  out  an  expedition  to  Santa  Fe  ; also  an  appropriation,  subject  to 
my  order,  for  disbanding  the  regular  army;  also  an  appropriation,  subject  to 
your  order,  for  extra  clerk-hire  in  the  treasury  department 

“ Mirabeau  B.  Lamar.” 

"To  J.  B.  Shaw,  Esq.,  Controller:  — 

“Sir:  You  will  comply  with  the  above  orders  of  the  president 

“ J.  G.  Chalmers,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury .” 

On  this  order,  something  over  eighty-nine  thousand  dollars  were  drawn  from 
the  treasury  and  applied  to  the  Santa  F6  expedition. — Report  of  Select  Commit- 
tee, <Scc.,  December  6,  1841. 

f “ Telegraph,”  June  23  and  30,  1841. 


324 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


staff,  the  commissioners,  merchants,  tourists,  and  servants,  num- 
bered about  fifty.  “ The  long  train  of  wagons  moving  heavily 
forward,  with  the  different  companies  of  volunteers,  all  well 
mounted  and  well  armed,  and  riding  in  double  file,  presented 
an  imposing  as  well  as  an  animating  spectacle,  causing  every 
heart  to  beat  high  with  the  anticipation  of  exciting  incidents 
on  the  boundless  prairies.”*  After  innumerable  adventures  — 
such  as  buffalo-hunts,  Indian  skirmishes,  and  mustang-chases 
— and  much  privation,  with  a loss  of  some  few  of  the  party — 
they  arrived,  on  the  11th  of  August,  within  seventy  or  eighty 
miles  (as  they  supposed)  of  San  Miguel.  During  the  most  of 
this  time  they  had  been  lost  among  the  mountains  of  the  Red 
and  Wachita  rivers.  From  this  point  they  sent  forward  Messrs. 
Howland,  Baker,  and  Rosenberry,  to  procure  provisions,  and 
ascertain  how  the  expedition  would  be  received. f The  main 
body  continued  their  wandering  journey  through  a broken,  bar- 
ren country,  until  the  10th  of  September,  when  they  came  to 
something  like  an  old  cart-road,  but  it  was  soon  lost  in  the 
sandy  waste.  The  party  were  nearly  driven  to  desperation  by 
hunger.  “ Every  tortoise  and  snake,  every  living  and  creep- 
ing thing,  was  seized  upon  and  swallowed  by  the  famishing 
men  with  a rapacity  that  nothing  but  the  direst  hunger  could 
induce.” J A few  days  afterward  they  came  up  with  some 
Mexicans,  on  their  return  from  a trading-excursion  among  the 
Indians  ; but  the  latter  could  give  them  nothing  to  eat,  nor  any 
information,  except  that  San  Miguel  was  still  some  seventy  or 
eighty  miles  distant,  but  that  there  were  settlements  and  flocks 
of  sheep,  where  they  could  procure  food,  at  the  village  of  An- 
ton Chico.  The  advance,  which  had  first  encountered  the 


* “Santa  Fe  Expedition,”  vol.  i.,  p.  72.  We  are  indebted  to  George  Wilkins 
Kendall  for  a lively  and  romantic  account  of  the  expedition, 
f lb.,  vol.  i.,  p.  162. 


% lb.,  p.  250. 


SANTA  FE  EXPEDITION  — ITS  PROGRESS. 


325 


Mexicans,  sent  back  three  of  them  to  guide  the  main  body  by 
a shorter  route,  while  they  set  out  for  the  settlements.  Arri- 
ving at  a fine  camping-ground  on  the  Rio  Gallinas,  where  the 
shepherds  kept  their  flocks,  “ a scene  of  feasting  ensued  which 
beggars  description.” 

The  next  morning  it  was  determined  by  the  advance  party 
to  send  W.  P.  Lewis,  captain  of  the  artillery,  and  George  Van 
Ness,  secretary  to  the  commissioners,  directly  to  San  Miguel. 
Messrs.  Howard,  Fitzgerald,  and  Kendall,  accompanied  them. 
They  took  a letter  to  the  alcalde , informing  him  that  a large 
trading-party  from  Texas  was  approaching ; that  their  views 
were  in  every  way  pacific,  and  that  they  desired  to  purchase  a 
considerable  quantity  of  provisions  to  send  back  to  the  main 
body.  They  also  took  with  them  a number  of  President  La- 
mar’s proclamation,  stating  the  object  of  the  expedition,  and 
that  if  the  inhabitants  of  New  Mexico  were  not  disposed  peace- 
ably to  join  the  Texan  standard,  the  expedition  would  forth- 
with return.  Accordingly,  Captain  Lewis  and  his  party  left 
the  Rio  Gallinas  on  the  14th  of  September  for  San  Miguel.* 
The  shepherds  at  the  Gallinas  had  informed  the  advance  that 
the  country  was  in  arms  against  the  Texans,  and  that  Howland 
and  his  companions,  who  had  been  sent  in  advance  on  the  11th 
of  August,  were  prisoners  at  Santa  Fe.  Here,  it  would  seem, 
a courier  should  have  been  despatched  to  General  M‘Leod  with 
the  information,  so  that,  whether  true  or  false,  he  could  have 
been  on  his  guard.  Howland  was,  in  fact,  in  prison,  and  at- 
tempted to  make  his  escape,  to  give  notice  to  the  Texan  com- 
mander ; but  he  was  retaken,  and  for  that  offence  afterward 
shot  in  San  Miguel. 

Captain  Lewis  and  his  party,  about  two  o’clock  in  the  after- 
noon of  the  14th,  came  up  with  two  muleteers.  From  them 

* Santa  F6  Expedition,  vol.  L,  p.  270. 


326 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


they  learned  that  Howland’s  party  were  prisoners  at  Santa 
Fe,  and  that  a great  stir  and  excitement  existed  in  the  country 
in  consequence  of  Governor  Armijo  having  informed  the  people 
that  it  was  the  intention  of  the  Texans  to  burn,  slay,  and  de- 
stroy, as  they  went.  Here,  again,  it  seems  that  this  informa- 
tion should  have  been  conveyed  back  to  the  main  body.  It 
was  transmitted  to  the  party  left  at  the  Rio  Gallinas,  but  not 
to  M‘Leod.  That  night,  Lewis  and  his  companions  slept  at 
Anton  Chico , where  they  received  an  intimation  that  they 
would  be  arrested  and  shot  the  next  day.  Disregarding  this 
warning,  they  proceeded  toward  San  Miguel ; but  on  the  way 
they  were  surrounded,  disarmed,  and  dismounted,  in  the  po- 
litest manner  possible,  by  a company  of  Mexicans  under  the 
command  of  Don  Salezar,  and  started  on  foot  for  the  point  of 
their  destination.  Shortly  afterward  they  set  out  on  the  march 
for  Santa  Fe,  but  on  the  road  met  Governor  Armijo,  on  his  way 
to  attack  the  Texan  invaders  of  New  Mexico.  In  addition  to 
the  fatigue  of  the  march,  the  captives  were  tied  together ; and 
in  this  condition,  about  sunset,  they  met  Armijo.  The  governor 
saluted  them  as  friends,  stated  that  he  had  heard  of  their  cap- 
ture, and  asked  them  who  they  were.  Captain  Lewis  replied 
that  they  were  merchants  from  the  United  States.  Here  Van 
Ness  interrupted  him,  and  said  that,  with  the  exception  of 
Kendall,  they  were  all  Texans.  Armijo,  seeing  the  lone  star 
and  the  word  “ Texas”  on  Lewis’s  coat,  took  him  by  the  col- 
lar, and  said : “ What  does  this  mean  ? I can  read — ‘ Texas  /’ 
....  You  need  not  think  to  deceive  me,”  continued  the  gov- 
ernor ; “ no  merchant  from  the  United  States  ever  travels  with 
a Texan  military  jacket  !”* 

Lewis,  being  well  versed  in  Spanish,  was  taken  as  the  gov- 
ernor’s interpreter,  and  mounted  on  a mule.  His  oOmpanions 

* Santa  F6  Expedition,  vol.  i.,  p.  295. 


SANTA  FE  EXPEDITION  — TREACHERY. 


327 


were  compelled  to  retrace  their  steps  on  foot  toward  San  Mi- 
guel, where  they  arrived  on  the  following  morning,  and  saw 
Howland  and  Baker,  two  of  the  Texans,  shot.  Armijo  next 
proceeded  against  Colonel  Cooke,  who  was  left  at  the  Rio  Gal- 
linas  with  the  advance  of  the  expedition,  consisting  of  ninety- 
four  men.  The  day  after  Lewis  and  his  party  had  left  Colonel 
Cooke,  the  latter  set  out  with  his  force,  and  encamped  near 
Anton  Chico.  He  sent  four  of  his  men  to  the  village  to  buy 
provisions,  where  they  were  arrested,  but  afterward  released. 
Cooke  asked  Salezar  what  had  become  of  Lewis  and  his  party. 
He  answered  that,  being  satisfied  with  their  good  intentions,  he 
had  sent  them  on  to  the  governor.  On  the  17th  of  September, 
when  Cooke  was  about  to  set  out  for  Santa  Fe,  Salezar  sent 
him  word  that  Armijo  would  be  there  in  a few  hours.  With 
professions  of  great  friendship  on  the  part  of  Salezar,  Cooke 
soon  found  himself  pretty  well  surrounded  by  four  or  five  hun- 
dred men.  He  was  about  to  commence  an  engagement,  when 
some  one  said  Captain  Lewis  was  at  the  head  of  the  Mexicau 
forces.  Very  soon,  Lewis,  in  company  with  the  governor’s 
nephew,  advanced.  The  former  told  Cooke  that  the  people  of 
New  Mexico  were  exasperated  against  the  Texans,  and  were 
in  arms ; that,  in  addition  to  the  six  hundred  troops  before 
them,  he  had  seen  four  thousand  more,  well  equipped,  who 
would  be  on  the  ground  in  a few  hours ; that  there  were  five 
thousand  more  on  the  march  from  Chihuahua,  but  Governor 
Armijo  had  commissioned  him  to  say  that,  if  the  Texans  would 
give  up  their  arms,  they  could  have  permission  to  come  in  and 
trade,  and  that  at  the  end  of  eight  days  they  would  be  returned 
to  them.  Lewis-further  stated  that  such  was  the  custom  of  the 
St.  Louis  traders  when  they  came  to  Santa  Fe,  that  no  harm 
could  result  from  such  a course,  and  for  the  truth  of  these  state- 
ments he  pledged  his  honor.  The  Texans  believed  Lewis  — 


328 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


gave  up  their  arms — were  betrayed,  arrested,  and  plundered. 
William  P.  Lewis  was  a traitor .*  One  is  here  reminded  of 
the  promises  made  to  Fannin  and  Ward.  Cooke  had  better 
have  acted  like  Jordan  at  Saltillo. 

The  following  day,  Governor  Armijo  arrived,  and  ordered 
the  prisoners  to  be  all  tied,  and  started  them  on  to  Mexico, 
without  permitting  them  to  see  their  friends  who  had  been  pre- 
viously taken,  after  which  he  immediately  set  out  to  meet  the 
main  body  of  the  Texans  under  General  M‘Leod.  The  latter, 
after  receiving  the  message  sent  by  the  Mexicans  at  the  Rio 
Gallinas,  proceeded  on  his  march  ; but  the  constant  annoyance 
of  the  Indians,  and,  above  all,  starvation,  rendered  his  move- 
ments slow,  and  wore  out  his  command.  He  had  reached  the 
Laguna  Colorado,  some  thirty  or  forty  miles  from  the  Rio  Gal- 
linas, when  he  was  met  by  Armijo.  Having  but  few  men  fit 
for  service,  their  horses  having  nearly  all  perished  or  run 
away,  and  many  of  the  men  having  thrown  aside  their  arms  to 
relieve  themselves  of  the  burden,  the  Texans,  upon  the  promise 
of  good  treatment,  and  that  their  personal  effects  should  be 
returned  to  them,  surrendered.  This  being  done,  they  were 
searched,  plundered,  bound,  and  marched  off  to  San  Miguel, 
where  the  last  of  them  arrived  on  the  12th  of  October. 

Kendall  assigns  the  following  as  causes  of  the  failure  of  the 
expedition  : “ In  the  first  place,  the  expedition  began  its  march 
too  late  in  the  season  by  at  least  six  weeks.  Had  it  left  Aus- 
tin on  the  first  of  May,  the  grass  would  have  been  much  better, 
and  we  should  have  had  little  difficulty  in  finding  good  water 


* Extract  of  a letter  from  Armijo  to  Garcia  Cond6,  governor  of  Chihuahua, 
and  published  in  "La  Luna:"  — 

“In  consideration  of  the  great  services  rendered  by  Captain  W P.  Lewis,  m 
assisting  me  to  capture  these  Texans,  I have  given  him  his  liberty  and  his  goods, 
and  earnestly  recommend  him  to  the  notice  of  the  central  government.”  — Santa 
Fe  Expedition^  vol.  i.,  p.  846. 


SANTA  FE  EXPEDITION  — CAUSES  OF  ITS  FAILURE.  329 

for  both  ourselves  and  our  cattle.  In  the  second  place,  we  were 
disappointed  in  obtaining  a party  of  Lipan  Indians  as  guides, 
and  were  consequently  obliged  to  take  a route  some  three  hun- 
dred miles  out  of  the  way,  and  in  many  places  extremely  diffi- 
cult of  travel.  Thirdly,  the  government  of  Texas  did  not  fur- 
nish wagons  and  oxen  enough  to  transport  the  goods  of  the 
merchants,  and  this,  as  a matter  of  course,  caused  serious  de- 
lays. Fourthly,  cattle  enough  on  the  hoof  were  not  provided, 
even  with  the  second  supply  sent  for  by  the  commissioners  from 
Little  river.  Again,  the  distance  was  vastly  greater  than  we 
had  anticipated  in  our  widest  and  wildest  calculations,  owing 
to  which  circumstance,  and  an  improvident  waste  of  provisions 
while  in  the  buffalo-range,  we  found  ourselves  upon  half  allow- 
ance in  the  very  middle  of  our  long  journey  — a privation  which 
weakened,  dispirited,  and  rendered  the  men  unfit  for  duty. 
The  Indians  also  annoyed  us  much  by  their  harassing  and  con- 
tinual attempts  to  cut  off  our  small  parties  and  steal  our  horses. 
Finally,  the  character  of  the  governor  of  New  Mexico  was  far 
from  being  understood,  and  his  power  was  underrated  by  all. 
General  Lamar’s  estimate  of  the  views  and  feelings  of  the  peo- 
ple of  Santa  Fe  and  the  vicinity  was  perfectly  correct.  Not  a 
doubt  can  exist  that  they  all  were,  and  are,  anxious  to  throw 
off  the  oppressive  yoke  of  Armijo,  and  come  under  the  liberal 
institutions  of  Texas : but  the  governor  found  us  divided  into 
small  parties  ; broken  down  by  long  marches  and  want  of  food  ; 
discovered,  too,  a traitor  among  us ; and,  taking  advantage  of 
these  circumstances,  his  course  was  plain,  and  his  conquest 
easy.”* 

It  would  seem  that  when  the  advance  reached  the  Gallinas, 

* “The  wild-goose  campaign  to  Santa  F6  was  an  ill-judged  affair;  and  their 
surrender  without  the  fire  of  a gun  has  lessened  the  prowess  of  the  Texans  iu 
the  minds  of  the  Mexicans,  and  it  will  take  another  San  Jacinto  affair  to  restore 
their  character.” — General  Jackson  to  General  Houston,  May  25,  1842. 


330 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


and  had  an  intimation  of  a hostile  feeling,  they  should  have 
notified  General  M‘Leod  of  that  fact;  and,  as  the  sheep-folds 
furnished  an  abundance  of  meat,  they  should  have  sent  back  a 
supply  to  his  famishing  soldiers  ; and,  above  all,  remained  there 
till  he  came  up  and  recruited  his  men.  They  would  then  have 
been  able  to  present  an  undivided  front  to  the  enemy.  Yet, 
after  all,  those  engaged  in  the  expedition  may  have  adopted 
the  best  course.  At  all  events,  they  were  paraded  in  bonds 
on  the  plaza  of  San  Miguel,  on  the  morning  of  the  17th  of  Oc- 
tober, and  marched  to  Mexico  by  way  of  Santa  Fe.  Armijo, 
the  governor,  is  fully  described  by  Kendall ; and  he  seems  to 
have  obtained  in  New  Mexico  a very  consistent  account  of  him. 
He  began  his  career  about  Albuquerque,  the  place  of  his  na- 
tivity, by  sheep-stealing.  At  this  business  he  was  very  expert. 
Even  after  he  became  governor,  he  boasted  of  having  stolen 
and  sold  to  the  owner  thereof  the  same  ewe  fourteen  times ! 
As  he  grew  up,  he  turned  his  attention  to  monte , at  which  he 
was  very  successful.  He  took  the  lead  in  the  revolt  against 
centralism  in  1837,  but  secretly  remaining  at  his  hacienda. 
Upon  the  overthrow  of  the  federal  party  in  Santa  Fe,  he  man- 
aged to  get  himself  appointed  governor.  In  that  exalted  sta- 
tion he  was  controlled  by  no  law  but  his  own  will,  nor  did  his 
desires  extend  beyond  the  accumulation  of  wealth.  His  char- 
acter was  as  bad  as  it  could  be,  and  his  actions  were  consistent 
with  it. 

Previous  to  leaving  San  Miguel,  the  goods  of  the  Texan  mer- 
chants were  brought  to  the  square,  and  disposed  of  according 
to  the  wishes  of  Governor  Armijo.  Captain  William  P.  Lewis 
obtained  a good  share  of  them,  as  did  also  the  governor.  The 
prisoners  were  placed  under  the  control  and  charge  of  Salezar, 
a brute  in  feeling,  and  a precious  scoundrel  in  his  business- 
relations.  It  is  doubtless  a clear  principle  that  a people  who 


SANTA  FE  EXPEDITION  — IN  MEXICAN  PRISONS. 


331 


will  submit  to  the  guidance  of  such  men  as  Armijo  and  Salezar 
are  unfit  for  liberal  government,  and  it  seems  to  be  no  viola- 
tion of  human  or  Divine  justice  that  such  a country  should  pass 
into  better  hands.*  To  illustrate  the  conduct  of  Salezar : early 
on  the  second  morning  after  leaving  San  Miguel,  the  prisoners, 
weary,  and  chilled  with  the  cold,  were  ordered  to  rise  and  con- 
tinue the  march.  The  only  food  offered  to  one  hundred  and 
eighty-seven  half-starved  men  consisted  of  fifty  small  cakes ! 
Calling  the  prisoners  around  him,  Salezar  would  toss  a cake 
into  the  air,  to  enjoy  the  scramble  made  by  the  poor  fellows 
for  the  little  morsel. 

Without  giving  a detail  of  a march  so  long  and  painful,  and 
under  treatment  so  cruel,  it  is  enough  to  say  that,  in  the  first 
days  of  February,  1842,  the  Texan  captives,  being  separated, 
were  safely  confined  in  the  prisons  of  Santiago,  Puebla,  and 
Perote.  Here  we  leave  them  to  the  tender  mercies  of  Santa 
Anna,  and  return  to  the  stirring  events  in  Texas. 

The  term  of  service  of  President  Lamar  would  expire  in  De- 
cember, 1841,  and  a new  chief  magistrate  was  to  be  elected  on 
the  first  Monday  in  September.  The  names  of  David  G.  Bur- 
net, the  vice-president,  and  Sam  Houston,  were  presented  to 
the  people  of  Texas  for  this  high  office.  During  the  canvass, 
there  was  much  excitement.  The  newspapers  entered  into  it 
with  spirit  and  feeling.  In  fact,  the  strife  was  only  surpassed 
by  that  witnessed  the  year  before  in  the  United  States,  in  the 
contest  between  William  H.  Harrison  and  Martin  Van  Buren. 

* “These  Mexicans  have  shown  themselves  incapable  of  observing  the  rules 
and  practice  of  honorable  war  between  civilized  nations.  Their  savage  course 
will  not  fail  to  draw  down  upon  them  the  retribution  they  deserve.  Ought  it 
not  to  be  so?  Why  should  a land,  abounding  in  many  of  Nature’s  favors,  be 
occupied  by  men  who  appear  incapable  of  either  moral  or  political  advance- 
ment? We  will  not  be  disappointed  if  this  proves,  too,  but  the  prelude  to  the 
occupation  of  that  country  [New  Mexico]  by  the  Anglo-Saxon  race — New  Or- 
leans Bulletin , January  8,  1 842. 


332 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


The  result  was,  the  election  of  Sam  Houston  by  three  fourths 
of  the  suffrages.  This  was  deemed  an  affirmance  of  his  hu- 
mane policy  toward  the  Indians,  of  a more  rigid  economy  in 
the  administration  of  the  public  expenditures,  and  of  a more 
pacific  conduct  toward  Mexico.  In  the  existing  condition  of 
Texas,  it  became  important  that  her  conduct  should  be  such  as 
to  meet  the  approbation  of  the  United  States,  of  France,  and 
of  England,  the  three  great  nations  that  had  acknowledged  her 
independence,  and  were  extending  to  her  the  relations  of  amity 
and  commerce ; for  their  sakes,  as  well  as  her  own,  it  was  im- 
portant that  she  should  act  on  the  defensive,  and  abstain  from 
all  acts  of  robbery  and  plunder.  By  this  course,  the  contrast 
would  be  more  manifest  when  compared  with  the  barbarous 
conduct  of  her  enemy,  and  she  could  appeal  with  a better  grace 
to  the  governments  that  had  introduced  her  into  the  family  of 
nations.  Edward  Burleson  was  elected  vice-president. 

Treaties  had  been  made  with  the  European  powers,  but  not 
with  the  United  States ; it  was  therefore  an  important  object 
with  President  Lamar  to  enter  into  a suitable  commercial  ar- 
rangement with  that  power.  The  treaty  of  1831,  between  the 
United  States  and  Mexico,  by  which  their  commercial  relations 
were  governed,  was  altogether  unsuitable.  The  boundary-line 
between  Texas  and  the  United  States  had  been  run,  and  in- 
cluded within  the  limits  of  the  former  a wealthy  and  consider- 
able settlement  on  Red  river,  before  then  considered  as  in 
Miller  county,  Arkansas.  For  the  benefit  of  this  and  other 
Texan  settlements  in  the  Red-river  valley,  it  was  important  to 
provide  by  treaty  for  an  entrepot  on  the  Mississippi.  A fur- 
ther and  more  definite  treaty  was  necessary  in  regard  to  the 
Indians  residing  near  the  borders  of  the  respective  republics. 
To  procure  the  formation  of  a treaty,  covering  these  objects,  oc- 
cupied the  last  days  of  the  administration  of  President  Lamar. 


MEETING  OF  CONGRESS  — FINANCIAL  REPORT. 


333 


But  the  engagements  of  Mr.  Secretary  Webster,  in  adjusting 
the  differences  of  the  United  States  with  Great  Britain,  pre- 
vented its  consummation. 

The  Texan  minister  at  Washington,  desirous  of  extending 
the  trade  of  the  republic,  addressed  a note  on  the  27th  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1841,  to  Sehor  D’Argaiz,  the  Spanish  embassador  in 
that  city,  suggesting  the  acknowledgment  of  the  independence 
of  Texas  by  Spain,  and  proposing  that  some  commercial  ar- 
rangement be  made  in  regard  to  the  trade  between  Texas  and 
Cuba.  D’Argaiz  answered  the  note  with  much  politeness,  and 
promised  to  transmit  a copy  of  it  to  Madrid,  and  also  one  to 
the  captain-general  of  Cuba.  He  did  so;  but  his  letter  to 
Madrid  was  lost  on  the  ill-fated  steamer  “ President .”  After 
some  delay,  he  sent  another  copy,  and  received  in  reply  the 
declaration  that  the  captain-general  of  Cuba  was  authorized  to 
make  a commercial  arrangement.  This  answer  was  verbally 
communicated  to  the  Texan  charge  at  Washington.* 

The  sixth  Congress  assembled  at  Austin  on  the  1st  of  No- 
vember, 1841.  The-  expenditures  for  the  year  had  been  one 
million,  one  hundred  and  seventy-six  thousand,  two  hundred 
and  eighty-eight  dollars ; while  the  receipts  were  only  four 
hundred  and  forty-two  thousand,  six  hundred  and  four  dollars, 
and  these  almost  entirely  in  government  paper.  The  amount 
of  the  public  debt  was  unknown ; in  fact,  it  had  increased  so 
enormously,  that  it  could  only  be  estimated.!  In  the  papers 
of  that  time,  and  even  in  official  documents,  the  estimate  varied 
from  seven  to  twelve  millions  of  dollars ! The  national  debt 
counted  against  the  republic  as  so  many  dollars,  while  her  daily 
receipts  and  expenditures  were  effected  through  the  medium 
of  her  own  paper,  at  a rate  varying  from  ten  to  twenty  cents 

* Sefior  D’Argaiz  to  B.  E.  Bee,  March  3,  1841. 

f Fiscal  History  of  Texas,  p.  118. 


334 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


on  the  dollar.  It  was  manifest  that  some  different  course  must 
be  pursued.  The  paper  was  becoming  every  day  more  worth- 
less, and  the  government  itself  could  not  long  survive  the  use 
of  it. 

While  her  expenditures  were  so  much  greater  than  her  re- 
ceipts, it  was  very  clear  that  Texas  was  not  paying  her  debt : 
nay,  the  question  arose,  whether  she  could  live  at  that  rate ; 
and,  to  men  of  reflection,  it  became  palpably  evident  that  she 
could  not.  Estimating  the  annual  expenses  at  two  hundred 
thousand  dollars,  and  the  interest  on  her  debt  at  four  hundred 
thousand  dollars,  the  amount  wanted  each  year  would  be  six 
hundred  thousand  dollars.  To  meet  this,  would  require  a tax 
of  fifty  dollars  to  be  paid  annually  by  each  of  her  twelve  thou- 
sand voters  — a thing  impossible.  The  government  was  bound 
to  live.  Bread  is  the  first  thing — in  affluence  Or  poverty,  bread 
is  indispensable.  Of  the  debt  (which  we  will  estimate  at  ten 
millions  of  dollars),  a portion  of  it,  say  three  millions,  had 
been  paid  out  by  the  government,  not  at  its  face  value,  but  at 
its  market  value,  varying  between  ten  and  fifty  cents  in  the 
dollar.  On  the  subject  of  its  redemption,  the  secretary  of  the 
treasury,  in  his  report,  says  : “ While  public  faith,  which  should 
be  held  sacred,  if  possible,  at  all  times,  would  seem  to  require 
the  payment  of  our  engagements  to  the  uttermost  farthing,  still 
it  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  we  have  not  received  full  con- 
sideration for  our  liabilities ; and  if,  under  the  imperious  cir- 
cumstances of  our  situation,  we  can  only  afford  a liberal  reim- 
bursement to  our  creditors  of  their  investment,  strict  justice 
will  have  been  obtained.”  On  this  observation  of  the  secre- 
tary, a late  writer,  in  behalf  of  the  creditors,  is  very  severe 
upon  Texas.  “ There  is  little  hope,”  says  Mr.  Gouge,  “ that 
the  rights  of  creditors  will  be  much  respected  when  those 
rights  come  in  collision  with  the  interests  and  necessities  of 


PUBLIC  DEBT  — SANTA  FE  PRISONERS. 


335 


government  and  he  speaks  farther  of  such  being  the  “ pub- 
lic mind”  in  Texas.  This  able  writer  is  aware  of  the  fact  that 
these  notes  and  bonds  were  not  money , and  that  they  were  not 
paid  out  as  such ; but  by  the  law  of  the  land  they  were  paid 
out  in  equivalents , at  their  supposed  value.  Many  of  them  were 
finally  sold  in  the  streets  at  three  and  five  cents  on  the  dollar ! 
A bill  calling  for  one  hundred  dollars,  thus  sold,  would  nomi- 
nally bear  eight  or  ten  per  cent,  interest.  The  fortunate  holder 
who,  upon  his  investment  of  five  dollars,  should  receive  back 
one  hundred  dollars  in  money,  and  interest  on  the  amount, 
would  be  more  lucky  than  the  finder  of  a gold-mine.  That 
portion  of  the  debt  contracted,  not  by  equivalents , but  to  the 
amount  called  for  on  the  face  of  the  notes  or  bonds,  stood  on  a 
very  different  footing ; and  the  same  good  faith  that  required 
Texas  to  pay  the  value  she  received  in  the  one  case,  required 
her  to  pay  the  entire  obligation  in  the  other : such,  at  least, 
was  her  feeling  and  wish  at  that  trying  moment.  It  is  very 
true  that  this  debt  need  not  have  been  so  large,  and  that  its 
augmentation  was  unwise  and  ruinous ; yet  the  fact  was  so, 
and  the  Congress  of  November,  1841,  could  not  undo  what 
had  been  done.  Nor  did  the  Texans  choose  to  follow  the  ex- 
ample of  their  fatherland  in  regard  to  the  continental  currency 
— let  it  go.  Mr.  Gouge  knew  nothing  of  the  “ public  mind  in 
Texas.”  If  he  had  examined  the  history  of  her  struggle,  as 
he  did  the  books  of  her  treasury,  he  might  have  learned  some- 
what of  the  public  mind. 

At  the  very  time  Mr.  Secretary  Chalmers  was  penning  the 
report  so  offensive  to  the  “ rights  of  creditors,”  a scene  was 
transpiring  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande,  which,  if  Mr. 

* Fiscal  History  of  Texas,  p.  114.  The  United  States  set  a bad  example,  in 
refusing  to  redeem  her  “ continental”  paper.  She  should  have  redeemed  it  for 
her  own  sake  — for  the  word  of  a state  is  sacred.  The  same  may  be  said  of 
Texas. 


336 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


Gouge  had  read,  as  Texas  read  it,  would  have  shed  some  light 
upon  the  subject  of  the  public  mind.  The  Texan  prisoners, 
hungry,  barefooted,  and  worn  out,  are  driven  before  the  Mexi- 
can guard.  We  will  give  the  affair  in  the  language  of  an  eye- 
witness : “ On  being  driven  from  the  cart,  McAllister  declared 
his  inability  to  proceed  on  foot.  Salezar  drew  his  sword,  and 
peremptorily  ordered  him  to  hurry  on,  and  this  when  Salezar 
had  half  a dozen  led  mules,  upon  either  of  which  he  could  have 
placed  the  unfortunate  man.  Again  M‘ Allister,  pointing  to  his 
swollen  and  inflamed  ankle,  declared  himself  unable  to  walk. 
Some  half  a dozen  of  his  comrades  were  standing  around  him, 
with  feelings  painfully  wrought  up,  waiting  the  denouement  of 
an  affair  which,  from  the  angry  appearance  of  Salezar,  they 
now  feared  would  be  tragical.  Once  more  the  bloodthirsty 
savage,  pointing  to  the  main  body  of  the  prisoners,  ordered  the 
cripple  to  hurry  forward  and  overtake  them.  He  could  not. 

‘ Forward !’  said  Salezar,  now  wrought  up  to  a pitch  of  frenzy ; 
‘forward,  or  I’ll  shoot  you  on  the  spot!’  — ‘ Then  shoot!’  re- 
plied M‘ Allister,  throwing  off  his  blanket,  and  exposing  his 
manly  breast,  ‘ and  the  quicker  the  better !’  Salezar  took  him 
at  his  word,  and  a single  ball  sent  as  brave  a man  as  ever  trod 
the  earth  to  eternity.  His  ears  were  then  cut  off,  his  shirt  and 
pantaloons  stripped  from  him,  and  his  body  thrown  by  the  road- 
side as  food  for  wolves.'5* 

President  Houston  having  entered  upon  the  discharge  of  his 
official  duties  on  the  13th  of  December,  sent  in  his  message  to 
Congress  on  the  20th.  On  the  subject  of  the  war  with  Mexico, 
he  stated  that,  after  the  unsuccessful  advances  already  made 
by  Texas  for  peace,  no  further  effort  should  be  made  on  her 
part ; that  kindness  should  be  extended  toward  the  people  of 

* Kendall’s  “Santa  F6  Expedition,”  vol.  L,  p.  893.  The  ears  were  taken 
along  as  a receipt,  showing  the  disposition  made  of  the  prisoner. 


PRESIDENT  HOUSTON’S  MESSAGE  — SYNOPSIS. 


337 


Mexico,  and  the  commerce  between  the  two  countries  encour- 
aged ; that  any  interference  in  the  civil  wars  in  Mexico  was 
incompatible  with  the  dignity  and  interests  of  Texas,  and  cal- 
culated to  exasperate  the  former,  while  it  only  weakened  the 
resources  of  the  latter.  This  portion  of  his  message  indicated 
his  course  in  regard  to  Yucatan.  His  views  on  this  subject 
were  given  more  explicitly  in  a letter  dated  October  26,  1841, 
before  the  naval  force  sailed  for  the  coast  of  that  peninsula. 
“We  have  no  interest,”  says  he,  “ in  forming  alliances  with 
foreign  countries,  if  the  laws  even  authorized  the  president  to 
do  so.  Those  who  joined  the  federalists  were  betrayed.  The 
result  will  be,  that  the  people  of  Yucatan  will  reunite  with  the 
central  government,  and  our  navy  will  be  betrayed.” 

On  the  subject  of  Indian  relations,  President  Houston  de- 
clared his  policy  to  be  totally  different  from  that  lately  pur- 
sued. He  recommended  that  trading-posts  be  established 
along  the  frontier,  that  traders  be  permitted  to  traffic  with  the 
Indians  at  these  posts,  and  that  a force-  of  some  twenty-five 
men  be  stationed  at  each.  He  further  recommended  the  ma- 
king of  treaties  with  the  Indian  tribes ; declaring  that  when 
the  latter  found  that  Texas  was  disposed  to  treat  them  kindly, 
confidence  would  be  restored,  and  the  interests  of  trade  would 
keep  them  quiet ; that  millions  of  dollars  had  been  expended 
in  the  attempt  to  exterminate  them,  but  it  had  served  only  to 
irritate,  and  war  and  theft  were  the  result.  With  an  amount 
less  than  one  fourth  of  former  appropriations  he  firmly  believed 
he  could  procure  and  maintain  peace  with  all  the  tribes  on  the 
Texan  borders. 

On  the  subject  of  the  finances  and  the  condition  of  the  treas- 
ury, the  president  stated  that  the  government  was  in  a condi- 
tion more  deplorable  than  at  the  period  of  its  commencement. 
“ There  is  not,”  he  observed,  “ a dollar  in  the  treasury.  The 
Vol.  II.  — 22 


338 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


nation  is  involved  from  ten  to  fifteen  millions.  The  precise 

amount  of  its  liabilities  has  not  been  ascertained We 

are  not  only  without  money,  but  without  credit,  and,  for  want 
of  punctuality,  without  character.  At  our  first  commencement 
we  were  not  without  credit;  nor  had  a want  of  punctuality 
then  impaired  our  character  abroad  or  confidence  at  home. 
Patriotism,  industry,  and  enterprise,  are  now  our  only  re- 
sources— apart  from  our  public  domain,  and  the  precarious 
revenues  of  the  country.  These  remain  our  only  hope,  and 
must  be  improved,  husbanded,  and  properly  employed.” 

The  president  then  proceeded  to  recommend  some  definite 
course  or  means  of  keeping  the  government  from  falling  to 
pieces.  He  says : “ I will  not  hesitate  in  recommending  the 
only  plan  which,  to  my  mind,  appears  practicable  and  efficient. 
View  it  as  we  may,  it  will  at  least  find  justification  in  neces- 
sity. We  have  no  money  — we  can  not  redeem  our  liabilities. 
These  facts  are  known,  and  we  had  as  well  avow  them  by  our 
legislation  as  demonstrate  them  by  every  day’s  experience.  I 
would  therefore  recommend  to  the  honorable  Congress  a total 
suspension  of  the  redemption  of  our  liabilities,  to  a period  suffi- 
ciently remote  to  enable  the  government  to  redeem  in  good 
faith  such  as  it  ought  to  redeem.  It  is  known  to  the  execu- 
tive that,  to  a considerable  amount,  they  have  been  justly  in- 
curred, while  he  has  reason  to  believe  that  many  will  be  brought 
forward  not  by  any  means  entitled  to  governmental  considera- 
tion. To  attempt  a redemption  of  our  present  liabilities  by 
taxing  our  population  to  the  amount  necessary,  would  be  to 
them  ruinous.  Much  as  we  might  have  deprecated  this  course 
of  policy,  we  have  now  no  other  remedy  left.  The  evil  is  upon 
us.  While  many  just  claims  are  thus  deferred,  we  can  only 
refer  our  creditors  to  our  inability  to  pay  our  debts.” 

To  sustain  the  government,  the  president  recommended  that 


A tl  REFORM  CONGRESS”  — PROPOSED  BELGIAN  LOAN.  339 

the  taxes  be  reduced,  and  that  the  same  as  well  as  the  customs 
be  paid  in  par  funds.  He  also  recommended  the  issuance  of 
exchequer  bills , not  exceeding  three  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
dollars  in  amount,  to  take  the  place  of  the  promissory-notes. 
He  also  advised  a loan  of  three  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
dollars. 

These  were  the  chief  points  in  Houston’s  message.  The 
sixth  Congress,  which  might  well  be  termed  the  “ Reform  Con- 
gress,” went  zealously  to  work,  not  only  to  reform  abuses,  but 
to  inquire  into  the  causes  of  those  that  had  already  occurred. 
A select  committee  of  the  house  of  representatives  took  to  task 
the  late  president  and  vice-president  for  moneys  drawn  from 
the  treasury  without  authority  of  law,  and  on  the  6th  of  Decem- 
ber, 1841,  made  a strong  report  on  the  facts.  Yet,  as  these 
moneys  were  applied  partly  to  the  payment  of  the  disbanded 
army  and  partly  to  the  Santa  Fe  expedition,  and  the  intentions 
of  those  high  officers  were  believed  to  be  good  and  patriotic, 
the  matter  was  passed  over. 

To  return  to  the  movements  of  the  Texan  financial  negotiator 
in  Europe.  After  dismissing  the  business  of  Lafitte  and  Com- 
pany in  Paris,  General  Hamilton  repaired  to  Brussels,  and  en- 
tered into  a quasi  agreement  with  the  Belgian  government ; 
and,  returning  to  London,  he  addressed  President  Houston  a 
note,  apprizing  him  that  he  would  be  in  Texas  between  the 
middle  of  January  and  the  first  of  February,  1842,  with  a com- 
missioner of  that  government,  who  was  coming  out  to  see  if  the 
arrangement  could  be  concluded.*  It  proposed  that  Belgium 
should  specifically  endorse  a loan  to  Texas  of  seven  millions 
of  dollars,  at  six  per  cent,  interest,  redeemable  by  a sinking- 
fund  within  twenty  years,  upon  a pledge  of  the  public  faith, 
the  taxes  and  resources  of  the  country,  a general  pledge  of  the 

* Hamilton  to  the  President,  November  18,  1841. 


340 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


whole  of  the  public  lands,  and  a special  pledge  of  five  millions 
of  acres  — together  with  a pledge  of  one  half  the  amount  bor- 
rowed, which  was  to  remain  in  the  Belgian  treasury,  at  four 
per  cent,  interest,  until  Texas  paid  up  the  other  half  with  the 
interest:  which  amounted  to  a joint-loan,  Texas  paying  two 
per  cent,  on  the  half  borrowed  by  Belgium,  to  obtain  her  as  a 
partner.  In  addition  to  this,  Texas  was  to  admit  Belgian  man- 
ufactures of  cotton,  iron,  woollen,  and  linen,  at  half  the  duties 
imposed  on  those  of  other  nations  ; and  her  arms  and  munitions 
of  war  were  to  enter  free  of  duty,  while  the  same  articles  from 
other  countries  should  pay  a duty  of  one  hundred  per  cent. 
Besides,  Belgian  vessels  were  to  have  the  same  privileges  in 
the  coastwise  trade  of  Texas,  and  pay  only  the  rate  of  tonnage 
paid  by  vessels  of  the  republic.  In  addition  to  all  this,  Bel- 
gium was  to  send  out  a commissioner  to  look  into  matters  in 
Texas,  and  report  upon  them  to  his  government.*  President 
Houston  submitted  the  projet , without  comment,  to  Congress ; 
but  that  body  did  not  adopt  it.f  On  the  contrary,  it  had  pre- 
viously repealed  all  laws  and  parts  of  laws  authorizing  the  five- 
million  loan.J 

Thus  ended  a fantasy  which  Texas  had  pursued  for  years, 
to  the  great  prejudice  of  her  finances  and  true  interests.  Honor 
to  the  noble  resolves  of  the  sixth  Congress*  which  had  pro- 
claimed in  Texas  the  true  doctrine  that  a nation  is  not  enriched 
by  borrowing,  and  that  the  Palmers  and  Jaudons  of  finance 
were  not  the  true  fountains  of  a people’s  wealth ! This  body 
went  still  further:  the  two  houses  enacted  a law  abolishing 
many  offices,  and  reducing  the  salaries  of  those  retained  ;||  and 

* General  Hamilton’s  projet , Brussels,  October  20,  1841. 

f Special  Message,  February  22,  1842. 

% Act  of  January  12,  1842. 

| Act  of  December  11,  1841.  “A  comparative  statement  of  the  officers  em- 
ployed at  the  seat  of  government,  their  grade  and  pay,  during  the  years  1840, 


FINANCIAL  MEASURES  OF  CONGRESS. 


341 


while  they  declined  making  a proposition  for  a loan,  even  for 
the  small  amount  of  three  hundred  thousand  dollars — for  they 
knew  of  no  one  that  would  take  it — they  authorized  the  issu- 
ance of  exchequer  bills  to  an  amount  not  exceeding  two  hun- 
dred thousand  dollars.  The  law  further  provided  that  nothing 
but  gold  and  silver,  and  such  bills,  should  be  received  for  du- 
ties, or  for  direct  or  license  taxes ; that  collectors  of  revenue 
should  redeem  them,  when  presented,  with  any  money  which 
they  might  have  on  hand  ; that  the  bills  should  be  paid  out  for 
no  other  purpose  than  those  specified  in  the  appropriation  laws, 
and  when  returned  into  the  treasury  they  were  to  be  cancelled.* 
But,  ten  days  afterward,  Congress  went  still  further,  and  passed 
a law  directing  that  a joint  committee  of  the  two  houses  should 
call  on  the  secretary  of  the  treasury,  and  receive  from  him  ev- 
ery species  of  notes,  star-paper,  eight  or  ten  per  cent,  bonds  or 
notes,  treasury  warrants,  drafts,  or  change-bills  (which  had 
been  redeemed  or  paid  in),  “ and  the  same  set  fire  to,  burn  up, 
and  wholly  destroy.”!  And  the  same  thing  was  to  be  repeat- 
ed on  the  first  day  of  every  month,  by  commissioners  to  be  ap- 
pointed for  that  purpose.  These  were  favorable  signs. 

On  the  18th  day  of  January,  1842,  the  first  authentic  infor- 
mation of  the  capture  of  the  Santa  Fe  expedition  was  received 
in  the  Texan  capital.  It  came  through  Senor  Alvarez,  the 
American  consul  at  Santa  Fe,  and  with  a wonderful  accuracy 
of  detail.  It  filled  the  people  of  the  republic  with  profound 
sorrow.  They  had  seen  a well-appointed  force  of  noble  spirits 
set  out  from  the  valley  of  the  Brushy  on  the  21st  of  June,  pro- 


1841,  and  1842,”  made  out  by  James  B.  Shaw,  controller,  on  the  16th  of  Decem- 
ber, 1842,  is  now  before  me,  and  shows  the  amount  of  salaries  as  follows:  — 


1840  

1841  

1842  

* Act  of  January  19,  1842. 


$174,200 

178,606 

82,800 

f Act  of  January  29,  1842. 


342 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


ceeding  as  they  supposed  to  an  easy  and  peaceful  conquest. 
During  the  long  march  through  the  wilderness,  they  heard 
nothing  from  them ; and  it  was  indeed  astounding  to  learn,  for 
the  first  time,  seven  months  afterward,  that  the  entire  expedi- 
tion, with  all  the  arms,  horses,  and  goods,  had  been  taken — 
without  firing  a gun  — the  property  appropriated  by  the  cap- 
tors,  and  the  prisoners  bound  and  on  the  march  to  the  city  of 
Mexico ! 

On  the  receipt  of  the  first  report  of  the  capture,  the  Texan 
representative  at  Washington  laid  the  matter  before  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States,  and  urged  its  kind  offices  in  be- 
half of  the  prisoners.  As  many  of  them  were  citizens  of  that 
republic,  and  had  gone  out  in  no  hostile  attitude,  but  only  as 
travellers  and  adventurers,  this  fact  was  also  strongly  urged.* 
Mr.  Secretary  Webster  immediately  sent  special  instructions 
to  Mr.  Ellis,  the  American  minister  at  Mexico,  to  procure  the 
release  of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  so  captured ; and, 
in  relation  to  the  Texan  prisoners,  he  charged  him  to  say  to 
the  Mexican  authorities  that  summary,  sanguinary,  or  undue 
punishment,  of  the  Texans  in  their  custody,  would  be  more  apt 
to  defeat  the  object  of  that  punishment  than  if  the  offenders 
were  to  have  a fair  trial : that  it  would  excite  and  foment  in 
the  United  States  a bitterness  of  feeling  prejudicial  to  Mexico : 
therefore,  in  a friendly  manner,  regular  judicial  proceedings 
and  mild  punishments  were  recommended. 

Texas,  not  satisfied  with  this  step,  urged  the  appointment  of 
a special  envoy  from  the  United  States  to  Mexico ; and,  as  the 
captives  had  many  friends  about  Washington,  a memorial  was 
strongly  signed  and  presented  for  that  purpose.  Other  memo- 
rials also  came  in  from  a distance.  These  wefe  followed  by 
resolutions  from  the  legislature  of  Kentucky,  and  then  by  reso- 

* N.  Amory  to  the  Secretary  of  State  of  Texas,  January  4,  1842. 


SANTA  FE  PRISONERS  — EFFORTS  FOR  THEIR  RELEASE.  343 


lutions  of  inquiry  from  the  national  house  of  representatives. 
Mr.  Amory,  the  Texan  charge  d'affaires,  called  upon  Senator 
Preston,  of  South  Carolina,  for  advice.  Mr.  Preston  suggested 
that  General  Waddy  Thompson,  of  his  own  state,  be  sent  as 
minister  to  Mexico,  with  full  instructions  on  the  subject ; and 
immediately  waited  on  Mr.  Webster,  and  urged  his  appoint- 
ment. The  latter  approved  of  the  proposition,  and  promised 
to  lay  it  before  President  Tyler.*  General  Thompson  was  ap- 
pointed, and  took  out  with  him  further  instructions  to  demand 
positively  the  release  of  the  prisoners  who  were  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  and  also  requiring  that  the  Texans  who  were  in 
captivity  should  be  treated  with  humanity,  and  not  abused  or 
put  to  slavish  or  degrading  labor. f 

The  Texan  Congress,  upon  receipt  of  the  intelligence  of  the 
capture  of  the  party  sent  to  Santa  Fe,  passed  an  act  extending 
the  boundaries  of  the  republic,  so  as  to  include  portions  of  the 
states  of  Tamaulipas,  Coahuila,  Durango,  and  Sinaloa,  and  the 
whole  of  Chihuahua,  Sonora,  New  Mexico,  and  the  two  Califor- 
nias  — embracing  a country  of  greater  extent  than  the  Ameri- 
can Union  at  that  time,  and  including  two  thirds  of  the  terri- 
tory of  Mexico,  with  two  millions  of  her  inhabitants  ! President 
Houston  vetoed  the  bill,  upon  several  grounds.  He  stated  that 
other  nations  would  view  it  as  a legislative  jest,  inasmuch  as  it 
was  the  assumption  of  a right  utterly  impossible  to  exercise. 
He  took  occasion  also,  in  his  veto-message,  to  give  a view  of 
his  pacific  policy 4 “ I need  not  assure  your  honorable  body,” 

lie  observes,  “ of  the  ardent  desire  I entertain  for  peace  and 
friendly  intercourse  with  all  nations.  So  long  as  we  are  not 
on  amicable  terms  with  Mexico,  so  long  will  we  suffer  hindrance 

* N.  Amory  to  the  Secretary  of  State  of  Texas,  January  14,  1842. 

f James  Reilly  to  Anson  Jones,  Secretary  of  State,  March  25,  1842.  Daniel 
Webster  to  Waddy  Thompson,  April  25,  1842. 

\ "Veto-Message,  February  1,  1842. 


344 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


to  our  prosperity.  The  constant  cry  of  invasion  will  he  sound- 
ed, not  only  throughout  Texas,  but  throughout  all  nations  to 
whom  we  are  known ; and  while  this  is  the  case,  we  may  feel 
confident  that  immigration  will  be  impeded,  if  not  entirely  pre- 
vented. From  this  source  we  are  to  draw  both  population  and 
wealth  ; and  no  matter  how  desirable  our  soil  and  climate  might 
be  to  foreigners,  nor  how  great  their  anxiety  to  make  our  coun- 
try their  home,  it  certainly  would  be  no  additional  inducement 
to  families  that  Texas  should  remain  in  hostile  relations  with 
Mexico,  which  might,  and  would,  at  all  times,  render  their  sit- 
uation one  of  unpleasant  excitement,  if  not  of  danger 

Texas  only  requires  peace  to  make  her  truly  prosperous  and 
respectable.  Peace  will  bring  with  it  every  advantage.”  He 
further  argued  that  the  bill  for  taking  so  much  of  their  terri- 
tory would  arouse  and  unite  the  Mexicans,  and  excite  them  to 
a powerful  effort  against  Texas,  which  would  at  least  annoy 
the  latter,  and  withdraw  her  citizens  from  the  pursuits  of  in- 
dustry. He  further  stated  that  the  mediation  of  Great  Britain 
had  been  invoked,  and  its  exercise  only  delayed  to  await  the 
ratification  of  certain  treaties ; that  should  this  extension  of 
boundary,  however,  be  enacted,  it  would  form  a barrier  to  any 
successful  negotiation,  and  suspend  all  diplomatic  action  on  the 
part  of  the  British  government.  The  president,  in  conclusion, 
stated  that  the  moment  selected  for  bringing  forward  such  a 
measure  was  most  unfortunate,  as  the  Santa  Fe  prisoners  were 
then  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  and  he  was  using  his  best 
efforts  for  their  release  ; that  the  news  of  this  claim  set  up  by 
Texas  to  so  much  of  Mexico,  arriving  in  the  capital  of  the  lat- 
ter country,  would  render  abortive  all  his  efforts  for  their  lib- 
eration, and  perhaps  cause  their  destruction.  The  fact  of  the 
passage  of  the  bill  by  Congress,  notwithstanding  the  presiden- 
tial veto,  had  an  unhappy  effect  upon  the  diplomatic  relations 


ANNEXATION  TO  THE  UNITED  STATES  PROPOSED.  345 

of  Texas.  Mr.  Webster,  the  American  secretary  of  state,  men- 
tioned it  to  the  Texan  charge  d’affaires , and  said  “ it  looked 
as  if  Texas  was  too  grasping,  and  might  excite  the  jealousy  of 
other  nations.”* 

The  unanimous  vote  of  the  people  of  Texas  in  favor  of  an- 
nexation to  the  United  States  will  be  remembered,  as  also  the 
diplomatic  correspondence  between  Mr.  Forsyth  and  Mr.  Hunt, 
in  1837,  on  that  subject.  The  administration  of  Martin  Van 
Buren  being  opposed  to  it,  the  proposition  was  formally  with- 
drawn by  Texas  on  the  12th  of  October,  1838, f and  not  re- 
vived again  until  1842.  On  the  26th  of  January  of  the  latter 
year,  Mr.  Reilly,  the  Texan  charge  d affaires  at  Washington, 
was  instructed  to  direct  his  attention  to  the  subject,  and  ob- 
serve whether  there  was  any  disposition  on  the  part  of  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States  to  assent  to  or  offer  a proposal 
of  that  kind,  and  whether  the  American  Congress  and  the  peo- 
ple of  that  country  manifested  a like  disposition.  If  so,  he  was 
directed  to  report  the  facts  for  further  instructions.  Mr.  Reilly, 
after  making  the  necessary  inquiries,  reported  to  his  govern- 
ment that  the  administration  of  President  Tyler  was  decidedly 
in  favor  of  the  annexation  policy,  that  it  was  popular  with  the 
Congress,  and  that  Texas  was  rapidly  increasing  in  reputation 
and  character  in  the  United  States 4 The  position  of  Presi- 
dent Tyler  before  the  people  of  the  American  Union  was  pecu- 
liar. A reference  to  a few  facts  will  illustrate  this.  In  the 
contest  between  the  two  political  parties  in  1840,  the  whigs 
advocated  a United  States  bank,  and  the  democrats  the  inde- 
pendent treasury.  William  H.  Harrison,  as  the  exponent  of 
the  former  party,  was  their  candidate  for  president ; and,  to 

* James  Reilly  to  the  Texan  Secretary  of  State,  March  11,  1842. 

f Anson  Jones  to  Aaron  Yail,  October  12,  1838. 

\ James  Reilly  to  the  Texau  Secretary  of  State,  April  15,  1842. 


346 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


enable  them  to  succeed  in  the  election,  they  had  added  to  the 
ticket  the  name  of  John  Tyler  for  vice-president.  The  antece- 
dents of  the  latter  had  shown  him  to  be  a democrat,  and  op- 
posed to  a national  bank ; yet,  as  they  would  have  the  presi- 
dent on  their  side,  the  whigs  were  willing  to  wink  at  these 
heresies  of  their  vice-president,  provided  they  could  thus  draw 
over  enough  of  the  democratic  element  to  succeed.  Mr.  Tyler 
also  waived  the  subject  as  much  as  possible,  in  order  to  obtain 
the  office.  The  plan  was  laid  with  great  skill,  advocated  with 
unusual  zeal,  and  crowned  with  triumphant  success.  On  the 
4th  of  March,  1841,  these  distinguished  persons  were  duly  in- 
stalled into  office,  and  an  extra  session  of  Congress  called  to 
meet  on  the  last  day  of  the  following  May,  to  put  the  bank  into 
operation.  But,  on  the  4th  day  of  April,  just  one  month  after 
his  installation,  President  Harrison  died,  and  John  Tyler  was, 
by  the  constitution,  invested  with  the  executive  functions.  The 
Congress  met,  and  the  triumphant  party  very  soon  chartered  a 
bank,  which,  to  satisfy  the  supposed  scruples  of  President  Tyler, 
they  called  the  “ fiscal  bank.”  He  received  the  bill  on  the  6th 
of  August,  and  vetoed  it  on  the  16th.  As  this  veto  was  not 
included  in  the  programme  of  1840,  the  Congress  got  up  an- 
other bill,  which,  in  further  compliance  with  his  conscientious 
scruples,  was  denominated  the  “ fiscal  corporation.”  This  bill 
was  sent  to  him  on  the  3d  of  September,  and  he  returned  it 
with  his  veto  on  the  9th.  The  whig  party,  which  had  thus  far 
sustained  him,  could  stand  it  no  longer,  but  nearly  all  deserted. 
With  the  exception  of  Daniel  Webster,  the  secretary  of  state, 
who  had  foresight  enough  to  discover  that  a national  bank  was 
“ an  obsolete  idea,”  the  entire  cabinet  resigned.  Mr.  Tyler, 
having  estranged  himself  from  his  ancient  friends  the  demo- 
crats, could  not  count  on  their  aid : so  the  administration  pre- 
sented the  anomaly  of  a government  without  friends.  However, 


ANNEXATION  A QUESTION  OF  TIME  MERELY.  347 

the  president  had  patronage,  and  some  discretion,  and  soon 
gathered  around  him  what  was  known  in  that  day  as  a “ cor- 
poral’s guard,”  and  so  the  federal  government  went  on. 

Since  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  the  annexation  of  Texas  had 
been  more  or  less  discussed  by  the  people  and  press  of  the  Uni- 
ted States,  and  all  men  of  discernment  saw  that  it  must  take 
place,  and  that  its  consummation  was  only  a question  of  time. 
The  vast  emigration  to  Texas,  following  the  achievement  of  her 
independence,  excited  and  hurried  on  this  feeling  in  the  popu- 
lar mind.  Mr.  Tyler  saw  it,  and  had  too  much  penetration, 
and  was  too  much  in  need  of  friends,  to  permit  the  performance 
of  an  act  so  glorious  to  pass  into  other  hands.  He  spoke  freely 
to  the  Texan  minister  on  the  subject.  “ I am  anxious  for  it,” 
said  he,  “ and  wish  most  sincerely  I could  conclude  it  at  once.” 
— “ The  president  would  act  in  a moment,”  wrote  Mr.  Reilly, 
“ if  the  senate  would  assent.”*  But,  as  matters  then  stood,  it 
was  deemed  best  to  mediate  with  Mexico.  Accordingly,  in- 
structions were  sent  out  to  Waddy  Thompson  to  use  his  best 
efforts  to  bring  about  a peace  between  Texas  and  Mexico. 

* James  Reilly  to  Anson  Jones,  Secretary  of  State,  July  11,  1842. 


348 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

It  is  said  to  be  easier  to  raise  spirits  than  to  put  them  down. 
The  spirit  of  economy  had  been  called  up  in  Texas ; and  the 
sixth  Congress,  being  fully  pledged  to  it,  doubtless  went  too 
far.  It  is  true  that  the  appropriations  of  the  two  houses  ex- 
ceeded the  revenue ; but  they  took  no  measures  to  increase  the 
latter.  The  president  had  recommended  that  the  taxes  be  re- 
duced one  half,  but  paid  in  par  funds.  This  would,  in  fact, 
have  increased  them  two  hundred  and  fifty  per  cent. ; but  it 
was  not  done,  and  the  amount  of  direct  taxes  collected,  scarcely 
paid  the  expenses  of  the  operation.*  The  result  was,  that  the 
issue  of  exchequer  bills,  though  small,  was  entirely  dependent 
upon  the  duties  on  imports  for  redemption.  The  large  frontier 
of  the  republic,  contiguous  to  the  United  States,  afforded  such 
abundant  facilities  for  smuggling,  that  the  amount  of  these  du- 
ties was  greatly  reduced.  Hence  the  exchequer  issue  was  not 
worth,  in  June,  1842,  more  than  fifty  cents  in  the  dollar.  Texas 
was  in  a state  of  torpor,  and  her  people,  occupied  with  their 
private  affairs,  seemed  to  take  little  interest  in  the  national 
credit  or  in  public  business. 

But  they  were  soon  aroused  from  this  state  of  torpidity  by 
the  appearance  of  an  invading  army  from  Mexico.  This  army 
was  not  intended  or  expected  to  resubjugate  Texas.  That 

* Houston’s  Message,  June  27,  1842. 


MEXICAN  CAPTURE  OF  SAN  ANTONIO. 


349 


idea  had  not  entered  into  the  head  of  Santa  Anna  since  he 
kissed  the  hand  of  Sylvester,  on  the  22d  of  April,  1836.  The 
subject  of  annexation  had  been  freely  discussed  in  the  United 
States.  In  all  those  discussions,  the  principle,  as  laid  down 
by  Secretary  Forsyth  in  1837,  was  admitted  to  be  correct ; 
“ but,”  said  the  advocates  of  annexation,  “ the  war  between 
Mexico  and  Texas  has  terminated ; no  hostile  army  of  the  for- 
mer has  invaded  the  territory  of  the  latter  for  six  years,  and, 
though  there  has  been  no  formal  recognition  by  Mexico,  the 
war  is  in  fact  ended,  and  there  is  no  legal  impediment  to  an- 
nexation.” It  was  in  reply  to  these  discussions  that  a thou- 
sand Mexican  troops  were  despatched  to  Texas  early  in  1842. 
Texan  spies  had  given  short  notice  of  their  advance  upon  Re- 
fugio, Goliad,  and  San  Antonio.  The  enemy,  under  the  com- 
mand of  General  Rafael  Vasquez,  amounting  to  about  seven 
hundred  men,  of  which  only  about  one  hundred  were  infantry, 
appeared  before  San  Antonio  early  on  the  5th  of  March,  and 
sent  in  Colonel  Corasco  to  demand  a surrender  of  the  place, 
promising  complete  protection  and  immunity  to  such  as  should 
not  contend  in  arms.  At  that  time,  the  Texan  force  in  the 
town  consisted  of  only  a little  over  one  hundred  men,  mostly 
from  Gonzales,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  John  C.  Hays. 
A consultation  was  held,  when  it  was  determined  to  despatch 
Messrs.  Van  Ness  and  Morris  to  the  Mexican  general,  and  in- 
form him  that  the  Texans  would  decide  by  two  o’clock  in  the 
afternoon  what  they  would  do.  The  commissioners  repaired 
to  the  enemy’s  headquarters,  and  made  known  this  fact.  In 
the  meantime,  the  Texans  concluded  to  evacuate  the  place, 
which  they  did,  and  retired  upon  the  Guadalupe.  The  com- 
missioners remained  with  Vasquez  until  night,  were  treated 
with  great  hospitality,  and  then  escorted  out  of  the  enemy’s 
lines.  The  Mexicans,  in  taking  possession  of  the  town,  hoisted 


350 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


the  national  flag,  appointed  an  alcalde , and  declared  the  Mexi- 
can laws  to  be  in  force.  They  behaved  with  great  propriety 
at  first,  and  placed  sentinels  over  private  property  for  its  pro- 
tection. They  brought  with  them  and  scattered  over  the  place 
Arista’s  proclamations  of  the  9th  of  January  preceding.  The 
American  population,  with  very  few  exceptions,  left  with  the 
Texans  troops.  Tbe  enemy  remained  in  the  town  only  two 
days,  and  departed  on  the  morning  of  the  7th.  They  took 
with  them  all  the  valuables  they  could  carry,  for  which  pur- 
pose they  collected  what  wagons  and  carts  they  could  find. 
In  other  respects  they  behaved  as  well  as  could  be  expected 
of  a public  enemy.  A considerable  number  of  the  Mexicans  of 
San  Antonio  went  with  them.*  It  is  also  to  be  observed  that 
the  plunder  taken  was  not  by  order  of  the  enemy’s  officers,  but 
by  the  soldiers  privately,  and  by  the  Mexican  citizens,  who  car- 
ried it  off  with  them  as  their  own.f 

On  the  -day  the  enemy  took  San  Antonio,  a small  force  en- 
tered Refugio.  They  conducted  themselves  with  like  propriety 
at  that  point,  paying  for  what  was  furnished  them.J  On  the 
evening  of  the  3d  of  March,  a party  of  forty  Mexicans  appeared 
at  Goliad.  They  found  few  people  there,  nor  were  they  so 
civil  to  them,  but  took  two  or  three  of  the  men  prisoners,  and 
drove  off  some  beeves. ||  They,  however,  soon  retreated,  as 
did  those  from  Refugio. 

The  news  of  this  invasion  was* sent  from  each  point  of  con- 
tact with  wonderful  despatch  to  every  part  of  Texas,  and  loud 
calls  were  made  for  a turn  out  en  masse  to  repel  the  invaders. 
The  summons  was  immediately  obeyed ; but  the  distance  from 
these  points  to  the  settlements  was  considerable.  However, 

* Letters  of  W.  D.  Miller,  March  9 and  13,  1842. 

f Letter  of  General  Terrill,  March  16,  1842. 

% Letter  of  W.  J.  E.  Heard,  March  6,  1842. 

{ Letter  of  James  D.  Owen,  March  4,  1842. 


APPREHENDED  ATTACK  ON  AUSTIN.  351 

General  Burleson  reached  San  Antonio  on  the  evening  of  the 
15th  of  March  with  two  or  three  hundred  men,  and  other  forces 
from  the  lower  settlements  on  the  Guadalupe  and  Colorado 
soon  arrived.  The  panic,  nevertheless,  induced  many  families 
on  the  frontier  to  fly  from  their  homes.  The  report  had  pre- 
ceded them  that  the  enemy  were  many  thousand  strong.  Offi- 
cial calls  were  made  upon  the  militia  to  turn  out  and  repair  to 
the  point  of  danger ; and  Brigadier-General  A.  Somervell,  of 
the  first  brigade,  being  the  senior  officer  of  the  militia,  was 
directed  to  take  the  command.*  It  was  understood  and  ex- 
pected that  Austin,  the  capital,  would  be  attacked.  This 
was  a most  important  point  to  Texas ; for  all  her  records,  and 
especially  the  papers  of  the  land-office,  upon  which  every  land- 
title  in  the  republic  depended,  were  there  kept.  While  most 
of  the  inhabitants  retired  farther  within  the  settlements,  a force 
of  some  two  hundred  men  remained  behind  to  guard  the  town. 
The  chests  containing  many  of  the  records  were,  for  greater 
safety,  buried  in  the  ground. 

By  the  15th  of  March,  the  number  of  Texans  in  camp,  and 
on  the  march,  was  at  least  thirty-five  hundred  ;f  but  they  had 
turned  out  without  preparation,  and  only  for  a campaign  of  a 
few  weeks.  A consultation  was  held  on  that  day  by  the  offi- 
cers at  San  Antonio,  when  it  was  concluded  that  the  Mexicans 
had  already  crossed  the  Rio  Grande ; and,  as  the  order  of  the 
secretary  of  war  did  not  authorize  a march  across  the  Texan 
boundary,  it  was  decided  to  halt  until  General  Burleson  could 
ascertain  the  views  of  the  president  on  the  subject  of  marching 
into  the  enemy’s  country.  But,  on  the  day  before,  the  execu- 
tive had  issued  an  order,  directing  the  troops  to  be  organized, 
and  to  await  further  orders. 


* Order,  March  10,  1842.  Executive  Record,  p.  47. 
f Order,  March  14,  1842.  Executive  Record,  p.  61. 


352 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


Having  determined,  if  practicable,  to  commence  offensive 
war  against  Mexico,  it  became  necessary  to  obtain  aid  from  the 
friends  of  Texas  in  the  United  States.  To  carry  the  Texan 
banner  successfully  into  the  enemy’s  territory,  “ would  require 
all  the  munitions  of  an  invading  army  ; a military  chest  would 
also  be  necessary  to  effect  the  object  and  insure  success the 
troops  should  be  landed  at  a designated  point,  and  subject  to 
the  orders  of  the  executive ; each  soldier  should  be  supplied 
with  six  months’  clothing  ; the  recompense  of  the  troops  should 
consist  of  the  property  they  obtained  by  conquest  upon  princi- 
ples of  honorable  warfare.*  These  were  the  views  made  pub- 
lic by  the  president  on  the  16th  of  March ; and  agents  were 
despatched  to  the  United  States  to  see  what  could  be  done. 
W.  H.  Dangerfield  was  appointed  commissioner,  under  an  old 
unrepealed  law  of  1839,  authorizing  a loan  of  a million  of  dol- 
lars, to  ascertain  what  could  be  effected  in  that  way.f  He 
was  also  instructed  to  act  as  an  agent,  as  were  others,  and 
directed  to  use  every  exertion  to  procure  pecuniary  aid  from 
abroad 4 Iu  regard  to  the  volunteer  troops  that  were  invited 
from  the  United  States,  special  orders  were  given  to  the  agents 
that  none  were  to  come  except  such  as  were  armed  and  “ clothed 
and  provisioned  for  six  months.”  This  was  absolutely  neces- 
sary, for  Texas  had  neither  money  nor  credit  with  which  to  do 
these  things.  It  was  estimated  that  five  thousand  troops  would 
be  required  for  a successful  invasion,  and  that  two  millions  of 
dollars  would  be  needed.  When  we  look  at  the  force  and 
means  employed  subsequently  by  the  United  States  for  the 
same  purpose,  the  estimate  was  low  enough. 

* Letter  to  H.  H.  Washington  and  others. 

Houston  to  Dangerfield,  May  17,  1842.  Executive  Record,  p.  92. 

X lb.,  Executive  Record,  p.  81.  Letter  to  H.  R.  A.  Wigginton,  May  IS,  1842. 
Letter  to  John  Darrington,  May  12, 1842.  Letter  to  Walter  Smith,  May  12,  1842. 
Letter  to  Barry  Gillespie,  April  30,  1842. 


PROPOSED  INVASION  OF  MEXICO. 


353 


The  president  again  wrote  to  General  Somervell,  on  the  18th 
of  March,  reminding  him  of  the  important  preparations  neces- 
sary for  an  offensive  war.  As  many  of  the  troops  were  anx- 
ious to  proceed  at  once  across  the  Rio  Grande,  without  any 
preparation,  order,  union,  or  discipline,  he  referred  to  this 
point,  and  to  the  fate  of  Grant,  Johnson,  and,  in  fact,  all  the 
disasters  of  the  spring  of  1836,  and  warned  them  against  dis- 
obedience of  orders.  Making  an  estimate  of  the  time  necessary 
to  collect  means  and  troops  from  the  friends  of  Texas  in  the 
United  States,  the  president  informed  General  Somervell  that 
the  army  would  not  be  ready  to  move  from  the  rendezvous  un- 
der four  months,  or  until  the  20th  of  July. 

In  the  meantime,  great  excitement  had  arisen  among  those 
volunteers  who  expressed  a wish  to  advance  immediately.  In 
fact,  it  was  reported  that  an  army  would  be  raised  and  march 
into  Mexico  on  its  own  account ; and  that,  for  this  purpose, 
agents,  other  than  those  appointed  by  the  government,  were 
collecting  troops  and  means  in  the  United  States.  To  coun- 
teract these  lawless  proceedings,  President  Houston  issued  his 
proclamation  on  the  25tK  of  April,  declaring  such  agents  as 
acting  without  the  authority  of  the  republic ; that  the  war  with 
Mexico  was  national,  and  would  be  conducted  by  the  nation ; 
and  that  such  conduct  on  the  part  of  such  pretended  agents 
was  calculated  to  embarrass  the  republic. 

This  excitement  and  party  strife  had  been  greatly  increased 
by  proceedings  in  the  Texan  camp  at  Bexar.  General  Somer- 
vell arrived  in  camp  on  the  18th  of  March,  but  the  troops  re- 
fused to  obey  the  president’s  order.  General  Somervell  then 
retired,  leaving  General  Burleson  in  command,  but  without 
orders.  On  the  31st  of  March,  General  Burleson  addressed 
him  a note,  saying  that  if  he  would  repair  to  headquarters  the 

next  day,  he  would  again  cheerfully  yield  the  command  to  him. 

Vol.  II.  — 23 


354 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


This  General  Somervell  declined,  as  the  troops  claimed  the 
right  of  electing  their  commander.  On  the  2d  of  April,  Gen- 
eral Burleson  disbanded  them.  This  was  followed  by  a publi- 
cation from  that  officer  on  the  6th  of  April,  in  which  he  says : 
“ I feel  no  hesitation  in  believing  that  if  my  orders  had  per- 
mitted me  to  cross  the  Rio  Grande,  and  retaliate  upon  our  ene- 
my his  oft-repeated  outrages,  by  this  time  five  thousand  brave 
men  would  have  been  west  of  said  river,  inflicting  a chastise- 
ment upon  him  which  would  result  in  an  honorable  peace.  But 
President  Houston’s  order  of  the  22d  of  March  — in  which  he 
says  that ‘ one  hundred  and  twenty  days  will  be  necessary  be- 
fore we  can  make  a move  against  the  enemy’  — was  a finishing 
stroke  to  all  our  present  prospects  of  redress.”  The  vice- 
president  may  have  been  right  in  his  view  of  the  matter,  for  he 
was  a man  of  daring  spirit  and  military  sagacity ; but  experi- 
ence has  since  shown  that  it  required  from  the  United  States 
an  army  of  twenty  thousand  men,  and  an  expenditure  of  sev- 
enty millions  of  dollars,  to  procure  from  Mexico  an  honorable 
peace. 

In  the  meantime,  the  president  advised  the  Texan  agents  in 
the  United  States  to  send  all  emigrants  to  Corpus  Christi,  and 
not  to  permit  them  to  come  without  arms,  clothing,  and  provis- 
ions, for  Texas  was  absolutely  unable  to  furnish  these  things. 
Notwithstanding  these  directions,  the  volunteers  came  over  the 
gulf,  and  landed  at  Galveston,  without  having  any  of  the  re- 
quisites named  in  the  positive  and  repeated  orders  of  the  exec- 
utive. The  government  therefore  pressed  into  its  service  a 
vessel  to  take  them  to  the  rendezvous,  where  they  were  com- 
pelled to  subsist  as  best  they  could — and  they  could  bbtain 
nothing  but  beef. 

To  obtain  means,  and  a legal  sanction  to  an  invasive  war, 
the  president  convened  the  Congress,  to  meet  on  the  27th  day 


OFFENSIVE  AND  DEFENSIVE  PREPARATIONS  FOR  WAR.  355 


of  June.  It  was  summoned  to  meet  at  Houston.*  The  Mexi- 
cans having  procured  two  vessels-of-war  from  England,  in  ad- 
dition to  the  two  purchased  at  New  York,  it  was  expected  that 
they  would  appear  on  the  Texan  coast ; and  preparations  were 
made  at  Galveston  for  their  reception.  The  Texan  navy  hav- 
ing sailed  to  the  coast  of  Yucatan  in  the  fall  of  1841,  in  pur- 
suance of  the  treaty  concluded  with  Peraza,  was  not  available, 
although  its  return  was  expected.  In  the  meantime,  a coast- 
guard, under  the  command  of  Captain  John  Clark,  was  organ- 
ized and  despatched  to  Aransas  bay,  and  elsewhere  along  the 
coast,  to  look  out  for  any  vessels  freighted  for  the  enemy.j-  A 
number  of  volunteers  from  the  United  States  being  collected  at 
Corpus  Christi,  the  adjutant-general,  James  Davis,  was  ordered 
on  the  5th  of  May  to  repair  to  that  point  and  take  the  com- 
mand.:): He  was  directed  to  organize  and  discipline  the  troops ; 

* The  constitution  provided  (section  3,  general  provisions)  that  the  president 
and  heads  of  departments  should  keep  their  offices  at  the  seat  of  government, 
unless  removed  by  permission  of  Congress,  or  unless  in  cases  of  emergency  in  time 
of  war  the  public  interest  may  require  their  removal.  On  receipt  of  the  news 
of  the  Mexican  invasion,  the  president  issued  an  order  (March  10,  1842)  for  the 
removal  of  the  archives  of  the  republic  to  the  city  of  Houston.  The  citizens  of 
Austin  held  a meeting,  and  appointed  a committee  to  organize  resistance  to  this 
order.  They  notified  Colonel  Ward,  commissioner  of  the  general  land-office, 
that  they  were  ready  to  assist  in  the  removal  of  the  land-office  papers,  but  that 
it  must  be  to  such  place  as  they  might  select,  and  not  the  president.  The  affair 
created  considerable  excitement  at  the  time,  and  the  more  because  local  inter- 
ests were  involved  as  well  as  the  safety  of  the  records.  The  following  order 
from  the  officer  acting  under  the  authority  of  those  who  had  resolved  to  resist 
the  executive  order,  will  give  an  idea  of  the  matter:  — 

“ Regimental  Orders,  Bastrop,  March  19,  184B. 

“ Mr.  George  Noessel : — 

“Sih:  In  pursuance  with  orders  from  headquarters,  dated  18th  inst,  you  are 
hereby  ordered  to  stop  any  wagon  running  down  the  river,  except  those  under 
a French  passport  [De  Saligny  was  removing  his  archives]. 

“ You  will  exumine  all  trunks,  unless  the  teamster  will  swear  that  he  saw  the 
same  loaded,  or  the  contents  of  the  same,  <fcc. 

“ W.  S.  Wallace,  Lieutenant- Colonel  4th  Regiment  Texas  Militia .” 

f Order,  March  12,  1842.  Executive  Record,  p.  61. 

$ Executive  Record,  p.  87. 


356 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


and  they  were  by  no  means  to  advance  toward  the  frontier 
without  the  orders  of  the  executive,  and  any  attempt  to  do  so 
without  orders  was  to  be  suppressed.  “ The  greatest  and  ev- 
ery curse,”  says  the  order,  “ which  has  befallen  Texas,  and 
every  disaster  and  massacre,  have  resulted  from  a foolish  pas- 
sion to  take  Matamoras  without  means.  When  there  are  means 
for  a successful  attack,  it  shall  be  taken ; and,  until  then,  any 
attempt  would  be  destructive  to  Texas.” 

General  Davis,  on  reaching  the  troops,  found  them  on  the 
Nueces,  greatly  disorganized,  and  without  anything  to  eat.  He 
appointed  a quartermaster,  but  he  could  procure  nothing  but 
beef,  and  that  he  obtained  from  the  few  settlers  without  remu- 
neration ; for,  as  has  already  been  stated,  the  government  had 
neither  money  nor  credit.  The  citizens  of  Refugio  county  com- 
plained bitterly  to  the  president  of  the  consumption  of  their 
property.  “ Not  only  have  all  our  beeves  been  taken,”  say 
they  in  their  petition,  “ but  our  cows  and  young  calves  are  im- 
pressed, and  many  of  our  families  left  without  beef,  the  princi- 
pal means  of  our  support.”*  Unhappy  Texas!  — too  poor  to 
provide  provisions  for  a few  troops,  and  too  much  out  of  credit 
to  borrow  ! Nevertheless,  it  was  perhaps  best  for  the  cause  of 
humanity  and  civil  liberty  that  both  Texas  and  Mexico  were 
unable  to  raise  the  means  for  prosecuting  offensive  war.  The 
want  of  men  and  munitions  gave  opportunity  for  reflection ; 
and  the  time  required  to  procure  these  served  also  to  calm  the 
passions  aroused  and  to  heal  the  wounds  inflicted  by  past  op- 
pression. The  poverty  of  Mexico  had  another  good  effect : it 
induced  her  to  release  the  Santa  Fe  prisoners.  Some  few  of 
them  were  discharged  in  April,  1842,  and  the  others  not  long 
afterwardf  — with  the  exception,  however,  of  Jose  Antonio 

* Petition  of  Michael  Reilly  and  others,  May  13,  1842. 

f “ I have  just  returned  from  Mexico,  where  I had  the  means  of  knowing 


SANTA  ANNA’S  VIRTUOUS  INDIGNATION  AROUSED.  357 


Navarro,  one  of  the  commissioners  sent  out  by  President  La- 
mar. He  remained  in  prison  some  two  years  longer. 

The  solemn  assurances  voluntarily  given  by  Santa  Anna, 
while  in  Texas,  of  his  favorable  disposition  in  regard  to  her 
independence,  did  not  accord  with  his  conduct  in  sending  the 
force  under  Vasqucz  to  San  Antonio.  In  addition  to  this 
fact,  he  had  written  letters  to  Messrs.  Bee  and  Hamilton,  full 
of  the  high  pretensions  of  Mexico.  General  Hamilton  had 
written  him  a letter,  proposing  an  indemnity  of  five  millions 
of  dollars  to  Mexico  in  consideration  of  a treaty  of  peace  and 
limits,  and  two  hundred  thousand  dollars  for  contingencies 
and  secret  service.  Santa  Anna  became  indignantly  virtuous 
on  the  receipt  of  this  letter,  and,  although  it  was  marked  “ con- 
fidential,” caused  it  to  be  published  in  the  newspapers  of  the 
city  of  Mexico  on  the  18th  of  February,  1842,  with  his  reply, 

pretty  well  what  disposition  would  probably  be  made  of  the  Texan  prisoners. 
The  government  have  kept  them  so  long,  and  at  so  great  expense,  that  they 
would  willingly  get  rid  of  them  under  any  conditions.  It  was  supposed  by 
their  excellencies,  General  Thompson  and  Mr.  Pakenham,  that  they  wonld  all 
be  released  in  a short  time;  and,  with  this  expectation,  the  former  wrote  me,  on 
the  30th  of  April,  to  request  the  ‘Texas  government  and  their  friends  at  home 
to  put  him  in  funds  to  take  care  of  them.’  They  will  require  at  least  two  thou- 
sand dollars  to  take  them  from  their  several  places  of  confinement  to  Vera 
Cruz.”  — Letter  of  F.  Perin,  May  26,  1842. 

“Two  drafts,  one  for  1163.66  dollars,  and  another  for  6090.10  dollars — both 
in  favor  of  L.  S.  Hargous,  Esq.,  American  consul  at  Vera  Cruz — have  been  laid 
before  me.  I can  not  describe  my  regret  at  not  having  it  in  my  power  to  meet 
the  demands.  The  government  has  not  one  dollar  of  the  funds  described,  nor 
has  the  executive  the  means  to  obtain  them  for  any  purpose.  The  situation  of 
the  Santa  Fc  prisoners  has  been  known  to  the  honorable  Congress  for  the  last 
two  sessions,  and  its  attention  called  to  their  condition,  but  no  law  was  passed 
for  their  relief.  There  is  not  one  dollar  left  at  the  disposition  of  the  president, 
except  to  meet  special  appropriations  made  for  the  present  year.  The  president 
sympathizes  most  feelingly  with  the  Santa  F6  prisoners,  and  rejoices  at  their 
return  to  their  country  and  friends.  If  his  private  means  would  enable  him  to 
do  so.  he  would  most  certainly  relieve  all  their  wants,  and  contribute  to  their 
comforts ; but  he  is  as  destitute  of  means  as  the  government  of  Texas. 

“ I am  your  obedient  servant,  “ Sam  Hotwrow. 

“ AugvM  24,  1842.” 

Executive  Record,  d.  189. 


358 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


in  which  he  denounced  the  offer  as  impudent  and  audacious.* 
This  conduct  of  Santa  Anna  was  presented  to  the  notice  of  the 
president  of  Texas,  and,  after  the  incursion  of  Vasquez,  he 
deemed  it  proper  to  reply  to  these  pretensions  of  the  Mexican 
dictator.  This  he  did  on  the  21st  of  March,  by  a reference  to 
past  transactions,  and  in  a manner  so  appropriate  as  to  attract 
the  attention  of  other  powers.  The  letter  was  extensively  cir- 
culated in  America  and  Europe ; it  was  also  published  in  Yu- 
catan in  the  Spanish  language,  and  thence  circulated  to  some 
extent  in  other  parts  of  Mexico. f 

In  accordance  with  the  executive  call,  the  Texan  Congress 
assembled  at  Houston  on  the  27th  of  June ; and  on  the  same 
day  the  president  sent  in  his  message.  After  referring  to  the 
late  incursion  of  the  enemy  under  Yasquez,  and  the  pompous 
declaration  of  Santa  Anna,  threatening  the  resubjugation  of 
Texas,  he  said : “ Our  citizens  have  been,  and  are  still,  liable 
to  continual  annoyance  from  the  enemy.  No  formidable  inva- 
sion, it  is  true,  has  been  attempted  since  1836,  nor  do  I believe 
they  will  ever  be  able  to  effect  its  accomplishment ; but,  though 
this  is  my  firm  conviction,  I am  nevertheless  equally  satisfied 
that  they  will  interpose  every  impediment  to  the  peace,  pros- 
perity, and  settlement,  of  our  frontier.”  He  therefore  advised 
that  measures  be  taken  to  counteract  the  enemy’s  designs.  He 
further  stated  that,  under  the  conviction  that  an  immediate  in- 
vasion had  been  intended  by  the  Mexicans,  he  had  felt  himself 
authorized,  by  virtue  of  existing  laws,  to  invite  immigrants 
from  the  United  States,  to  assist  in  giving  protection  to  tho 
advanced  settlements.  Under  that  invitation,  immigration  to 
some  extent  had  taken  place ; and,  for  want  of  means  on  the 


* Those  facts  are  taken  from  a Spanish  copy  of  General  Hamilton’s  reply  of 
March  21,  1842,  published  in  Merida  de  Yucatan, 
f Executive  Record,  p.  56.  See  Appendix  No.  YIIL 


PRESIDENT’S  MESSAGE  — ACTION  OF  CONGRESS. 


359 


part  of  the  government,  the  immigrants  had  been  sustained 
almost  entirely  by  private  contributions.  They  could  not,  how- 
ever, be  longer  supported  in  that  way.  The  president  there- 
fore asked  the  Congress  for  an  immediate  decision  of  the  ques- 
tion of  invasion.  He  then  referred  to  the  finances  of  the  repub- 
lic— reminding  the  two  houses  of  former  recommendations,  and 
the  consequences  which  had  resulted  from  their  failure  to  pro- 
vide a revenue.  Among  other  things,  he  stated  that,  for  want 
of  appropriations,  the  transportation  of  the  mails  had  entirely 
ceased.  This  had  greatly  embarrassed  the  executive,  “ for  ho 
had  not  one  dollar  at  his  disposition  for  the  employment  of  ex- 
presses, even  under  the  most  urgent  circumstances.”  These 
matters,  together  with  a recommendation  that  an  appropriation 
be  made  for  the  support  of  the  navy  — lately  returned  from  the 
coast  of  Yucatan — closed  the  more  important  points  of  the 
message. 

The  two  houses,  during  their  session,  called  upon  the  presi- 
dent for  information  in  regard  to  the  immigrant  volunteers. 
He  replied  on  the  18th  of  July,  informing  them  that  a spirit 
of  insubordination  and  mutiny  openly  prevailed  among  them, 
destroying  every  hope  of  usefulness  and  harmony : that  he 
despaired  of  their  reformation,  and  suggested  that  it  would  be 
more  politic  for  Texas  to  rely  upon  her  own  militia,  and  to 
discharge  the  foreign  volunteers.* 

The  Congress  at  length  passed  a bill  authorizing  offensive 
war  against  Mexico.  It  provided  that  the  president  should 
call  for  volunteers  for  that  purpose,  and,  should  the  number 
responding  to  such  call  be  insufficient,  then  he  was  required  to 
order  out  not  exceeding  one  third  of  the  militia  of  the  republic, 
including  those  that  volunteered.  The  executive  was  author- 
ized to  take  command  of  the  army  in  person ; and  suitable 
* Executive  Record,  p.  120. 


360 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


agents  were  to  be  appointed  to  receive,  in  and  out  of  the  re- 
public, contributions  of  land,  money,  provisions,  and  equip- 
ments, necessary  for  the  prosecution  of  an  offensive  war ; and 
the  president  was  authorized  to  hypothecate  or  sell  not  exceed- 
ing ten  millions  of  acres  of  the  public  lands  for  the  purpose  of 
raising  a war-fund. 

It  was  very  clear  that,  to  prosecute  an  offensive  war,  with 
the  hope  of  making  even  an  impression  on  the  eastern  prov- 
inces of  Mexico,  less  than  five  thousand  troops  would  not  be 
sufficient.  It  was  equally  clear  that  they  must  have  a military 
chest.  So  large  a body  of  men  could  not  march  and  subsist 
on  the  proceeds  of  the  chase,  or  the  few  cattle  on  the  route 
east  of  the  Rio  Grande.  The  Congress  had  appropriated  ten 
millions  of  acres  of  the  public  lands ; yet,  at  that  time,  under 
existing  contracts,  persons  emigrating  to  Texas  could  obtain 
lands  by  settling  on  them ; and  land-scrip  representing  thou- 
sands of  acres  was  in  the  markets  of  the  United  States,  and 
could  be  purchased  at  the  rate  of  twenty-five  dollars  per  sec- 
tion. At  this  rate,  if  the  whole  ten  millions  of  acres  could 
have  been  immediately  sold,  it  would  have  realized  only  four 
hundred  thousand  dollars.  This  amount  would  scarcely  have 
equipped  the  army.  As  to  the  donations,  the  government  had 
not  even  the  means  to  start  out  its  agents.  The  people  of 
Texas  were  too  poor  to  give  to  any  extent,  and  the  zeal  of  her 
friends  in  the  United  States  had  greatly  abated  since  they  had 
received  the  news  of  the  retreat  of  Yasquez  from  San  Antonio. 
Colonel  Dangerfield,  who  had  proceeded  to  New  Orleans  to 
procure  the  million  loan,  did  not  obtain  a dollar.  For  these, 
and  other  reasons  presented,  the  president  vetoed  the  bill.* 

* Veto-Message,  July  22,  1842.  Executive  Record,  p.  126.  General  Jackson, 
in  a letter  to  President  Houston,  dated  August  17,  1842,  says  : “ If  you  had  not 
vetoed  this  bill,  it  would  have  led  to  the  destruction  of  your  country,  and  the 


ACTION  ON  THE  NUECES. 


361 


The  Mexicans  embodied  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande 
were  constantly  advised,  through  the  traders  to  Corpus  Christi, 
of  the  situation  and  numbers  of  the  Texan  force  on  the  frontier. 
The  volunteers  under  General  Davis,  on  the  Nueces,  by  the 
last  of  June  had  been  reduced  by  desertions  and  other  causes 
to  one  hundred  and  ninety- two  men.  The  enemy,  being  in- 
formed of  this,  determined  to  attack  them.  Accordingly,  on 
the  evening  of  the  6th  of  July,  General  Davis  received  intelli- 
gence that  he  would  be  assailed  the  next  morning  by  a con- 
siderable force  under  Canales,  the  old  federalist  chief.  He  re- 
moved his  camp  from  the  open  prairie  about  two  hundred  yards 
nearer  to  a ravine,  for  the  better  security  of  his  troops  against 
the  Mexican  cavalry,  having  his  right  protected  by  the  river 
and  a slight  skirt  of  timber.  At  daylight  on  the  7th,  the  ene- 
my, about  seven  hundred  strong,  of  whom  five  hundred  were 
cavalry,  with  one  piece  of  artillery,  attacked  the  camps,  or  tents 
of  brush,  which  the  Texans  had  left  the  evening  before.  After 
making  a charge,  they  discovered  that  the  Texans  were  not 
there,  but,  discerning  their  new  position,  they  advanced  upon 
them  in  a very  careless  and  disorderly  manner.  A few  of  the 
enemy,  being  in  advance  of  their  main  force,  were  permitted 
to  approach  near  the  Texan  lines,  when  they  were  fired  upon 
with  some  effect.  This  checked  them,  and  they  fell  back  to 

disgrace  of  all  concerned  in  the  invasion  of  Mexico  — as  the  attempt  in  your 
present  situation  must  inevitably  have  failed,  and  placed  you  in  a condition  that 
you  could  not  successfully  defend  Texas  from  being  reconquered  by  the  power 
of  Mexico.  Your  true  policy  is  to  act  upon  the  defensive,  and  husband  all  your 
means  for  this  purpose,  and  be  at  all  times  prepared  to  meet  and  destroy  any 
invading  or  marauding  party  of  Mexicans.” 

“ I have  always  thought,”  says  Joel  R.  Poinsett,  in  a letter  dated  May  26, 
1842,  “that  the  true  policy  of  Texas  consisted  in  maintaining  a defensive  atti- 
tude, strengthening  itself  as  much  as  possible  at  home  and  abroad,  and  suffering 
Mexico  to  forget  its  existence,  which,  with  their  usual  apathy,  if  unmolested, 
they  would  soon  do.  Every  year  would  render  invasion  by  Mexico  less  proba- 
ble, as  well  as  much  less  likely  to  succeed,  should  such  an  unprofitable  and  ex- 
travagant measure  be  resolved  upon  by  the  pride  and  folly  of  that  government” 


362 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


the  main  body,  who  opened  a fire  upon  the  Texans,  but  the 
distance  was  too  great  to  produce  any  result.  When  the  enemy 
had  got  out  of  reach,  the  Texans  ceased  to  fire,  but  remained 
in  their  position.  In  a short  time,  fifty  of  the  Mexican  cavalry, 
with  the  piece  of  artillery,  took  a position  about  two  hundred 
and  fifty  yards  to  the  Texan  left,  with  a view  to  rake  their 
line.  At  this  moment,  a Texan  soldier,  named  Ferguson,  by 
a lucky  shot  with  a large  rifle,  inflicted  a mortal  wound  on  the 
officer  commanding  the  detachment  with  the  cannon ; where- 
upon the  whole  force  under  Canales  retreated.  They  carried 
off  with  them,  however,  a stand  of  colors  belonging  to  the  Gal- 
veston company,  which  had  been  accidentally  left  at  the  former 
camp.  In  this  affair,  the  Texans  had  only  one  man  slightly 
wounded  ; the  enemy’s  loss  was  not  ascertained.*  Soon  after 
this,  the  volunteers  under  General  Davis  disbanded. 

The  veto  of  the  war-bill  produced  considerable  excitement 
against  the  president,  yet  he  was  firm  to  his  purpose.  It  is  not 
improbable  that  information  received  from  the  Texan  charge 
d'affaires  at  Washington!  had  some  influence  on  the  mind  of 
the  executive  ; for  just  before  the  war-bill  passed  the  Congress, 
he  received  notice  that  the  government  of  the  United  States 
intended  to  represent  to  that  of  Mexico  the  folly  of  a further 
continuation  of  the  war,  and  to  offer  its  services  as  mediator. 
Accordingly,  Mr.  Webster  addressed  to  the  American  minister 
at  Mexico  an  admirable  letter  on  that  subject.  He  referred  to 
the  facts  that  the  language,  customs,  and  habits,  of  the  Texans, 
were  different  from  those  of  the  people  of  Mexico  ; the  great 
distance  of  Texas  from  the  Mexican  capital ; the  long  period 
during  which  they  had  been  separated ; the  recognition  of  the 
independence  of  Texas  by  so  many  great  states ; the  treaties 

* General  Davis’s  report,  July  7,  1842. 

■j-  James  Reilly  to  the  President,  June  10,  1842. 


AMERICAN  MEDIATION  DECLINED  BY  MEXICO.  363 

and  commercial  relations  entered  into  with  her ; and  the  addi- 
tional but  important  fact  that  the  ultimate  reannexation  of 
Texas  to  Mexico  “ was  among  the  things  most  to  be  doubted.”* 
For  these  reasons,  the  United  States  looked  upon  the  war  as 
useless,  and  quite  annoying  to  the  commerce  on  the  gulf ; and, 
while  she  could  not  interfere,  if  the  parties  were  determined  to 
continue  the  contest,  she  could  not  look  at  it  with  indifference, 
and  would  cheerfully  accept  the  office  of  mediator  if  desired. 
Mexico,  however,  having  rejected  the  mediation  of  Great  Brit- 
ain,! also  rejected  that  of  the  United  States,  and  prepared,  not 
for  another  invasion,  but  for  a marauding  expedition  similar  to 
that  which  she  had  sent  out  in  the  spring. 

At  daybreak,  on  the  11th  of  September,  1842,  a force  of 
about  twelve  hundred  Mexicans,  under  the  command  of  Gen- 
eral Adrian  Woll,  entered  San  Antonio.  At  that  time,  the 
district  court  for  Bexar  county  was  in  session,  and  the  appear- 
ance of  the  enemy  being  unexpected,  the  citizens  were  but  little 
prepared  for  defence.^  After  a slight  resistance,  by  wdiich  a 
few  of  the  invaders  were  killed  and  wounded,  a capitulation 
was  agreed  upon  ; and  the  citizens,  having  assurances  that  they 
would  be  treated  as  prisoners-of-war,  surrendered.  The  enemy 
thus  acquired  fifty-three  prisoners,  including  Judge  Hutchinson, 
presiding  in  the  court,  and  the  lawyers  in  attendance.  They 
conducted  themselves  with  the  same  propriety  as  in  their  incur- 
sion of  the  previous  spring.  No  authorized  plunder  or  robbery 
occurred.  The  object  of  the  expedition  was  doubtless  the  same 
as  that  of  the  former — that  is,  to  contradict  the  argument  ad- 
vanced by  the  annexationists  in  the  United  States,  that  the  war 
was  in  fact  at  an  end. 


* Daniel  Webster  to  Waddy  Thompson,  June  22,  1842. 
f Ashbel  Smith  to  President  Houston,  May  31,  1842. 

\ Report  of  the  Secretary  of  War  and  Marine,  November  12,  1842. 


364 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


General  Woll  still  lingered  in  San  Antonio ; and  news  of  the 
incursion  reaching  the  Texan  executive,  orders  were  issued  to 
the  militia  west  of  the  Brasos  to  repair  to  the  point  of  attack, 
and  to  the  militia  east  of  that  river  to  hold  themselves  in  readi- 
ness. Brigadier-General  Somervell,  the  senior  officer  of  the 
western  militia,  was  ordered  to  repair  to  the  frontier  and  take 
the  command.*  His  instructions  were  to  assume  the  charge 
of  all  the  troops  who  would  submit  to  his  orders.  The  secre- 
tary of  war  had  previously  issued  an  order,  directing  those 
who  had  turned  out  on  the  first  alarm  to  report  to  the  govern- 
ment : but  no  report  was  made.  General  Somervell  was  there- 
fore ordered  to  report  regularly,  as  the  government  would  look 
to  him  for  official  news. 

The  report  of  the  enemy’s  arrival  at  San  Antonio  reached 
Gonzales  the  same  day,  when  the  citizens,  to  the  number  of 
eighty  men,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Matthew  Caldwell, 
set  out  to  m^et  him.  They  arrived  at  Seguin  on  the  13th  of 
September.!  Having  advanced  to  the  Salado,  a creek  six 
miles  east  of  San  Antonio,  Captain  John  C.  Hays  was  de- 
spatched with  about  fifty  men  to  draw  out  the  Mexicans.  In 
this  he  succeeded  well ; for  General  Woll,  with  two  hundred 
cavalry  and  six  hundred  infantry,  sallied  from  the  town  in  pur- 
suit, while  Hays  fell  back  on  the  Salado.  Caldwell  had  here 
a force  of  about  two  hundred  and  twenty  men,  well  posted  be- 
hind the  bank  of  the  creek,  some  two  miles  above  the  crossing. 
About  eleven  o’clock  in  the  morning,  he  was  attacked  on  two 
sides  by  Woll’s  entire  force  of  eight  hundred  men.  The  action 
continued  till  near  sunset,  when  the  enemy  fell  back,  badly  cut 
up,  with  a loss  of  sixty  killed,  and  perhaps  as  many  wounded.  J 

* President  Houston  to  Somervell,  October  3,  1842.  Executive  Record,  p.  149. 
f Quartermaster  Bennett’s  letter,  September  27,  1842, 

\ Caldwell’s  first  report  of  this  engagement  is  as  follows:  — 

“ Sunday.  September  17,  7 o'clock,  P.  M. 

“At  the  Salado,  two  miles  above  the  old  crossing,  we  commenced  fighting  at 


BATTLE  OF  THE  SALADO. 


865 


The  Texans  had  but  one  killed  (Jett),  and  nine  wounded.  But 
just  as  the  fight  ceased  between  Caldwell  and  the  Mexicans,  a 
fearful  tragedy  occurred.  Captain  Dawson,  with  fifty-three 
men,  from  La  Grange,  in  attempting  to  join  Caldwell,  were 
discovered  and  surrounded  by  the  enemy.  Dawson  found  a 
grove  of  mosquite-bushes,  in  which  he  rallied  his  men  and  com- 
menced his  defence  ; but  the  Mexicans  withdrew  from  the  range 
of  his  rifles,  and  poured  in  upon  his  unprotected  company  a 
shower  of  grape-shot.  Dawson  sent  out  a white  flag,  but  it 
was  fired  on.  Thirty-two  of  his  men  were  killed,  two  or  three 
escaped,  fifteen  were  taken  prisoners,  and  the  remainder  cut 
down  after  they  had  surrendered.  Among  those  that  escaped 
was  Woods,  who,  in  the  act  of  delivering  up  his  arms,  received 
a cut  from  a sword.  He  seized  a lance  in  the  hands  of  one 
of  the  enemy,  killed  the  lancer,  mounted  his  horse,  and  reached 
the  position  of  Caldwell  in  safety.* 

Many  of  the  Mexicans  of  San  Antonio  and  its  vicinity  were 
engaged  on  the  side  of  the  enemy.  Among  them  were  Colonel 
John  M.  Seguin  and  Cordova.  Seguin,  up  to  the  beginning  of 
1842,  had  been  the  steady  friend  of  Texas : he  had  a small 
company  of  rancher  os  at  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  where  he 
behaved  handsomely ; and  after  that  event,  he  had  been  con- 
tinued in  command  on  the  western  frontier.!  But  he  left  the 


eleven  o’clock  to-day.  A hot  fire  was  kept  up  till  about  one  hour  by  sun,  when 
the  enemy  retreated,  bearing  off  their  dead  on  the  ground,  and  very  many  dead 
and  wounded  were  taken  from  the  field  by  their  friends.  We  have  a glorious 
band  of  Texan  patriots,  among  whom  ten  only  were  wounded,  and  not  one 
killed.  The  enemy  are  all  round  me,  on  every  side ; but  I fear  them  not  I 
will  hold  my  position  till  I hear  from  reinforcements.  Come  and  help  me  — it 
is  the  most  favorable  opportunity  I have  ever  seen.  There  are  eleven  hundred 
of  the  enemy.  I can  whip  them  on  my  own  ground  without  any  help,  but  I 
can  not  take  prisoners.  Why  don’t  you  come?  — Huzza  ! huzza  for  Texas! 

“ Matthew  Caldwell,  Colonel  commanding .” 

* Thomas  William  Ward’s  letter,  September  28,  1842. 
f Letter  of  Colonel  John  C.  Hays,  September,  1842. 


366 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


Texans  at  a time  ■when  he  was  not  much  needed,  and  when  he 
could  have  little  hope  of  anything  but  disgrace  in  the  abandon- 
ment of  the  lone-star  banner.  Cordova,  who  had  figured  so 
conspicuously  about  Nacogdoches  in  1838,  had  little  to  lose 
except  his  life ; and  it  is  said  he  was  killed  at  the  Salado,  on 
the  17th  * 

The  enemy  hurried  back  to  San  Antonio,  and  sent  off  their 
baggage  on  the  same  night  after  the  action.  At  daybreak  on 
the  18th,  their  forces  set  out  on.  the  retreat,  taking  with  them 
such  of  the  Mexicans  of  Texas  as  adhered  to  them.  The  lat- 
ter, in  departing,  made  another  forcible  requisition  upon  the 
unhappy  town  for  plunder,  and  carried  off  what  they  could. 
Colonel  Caldwell,  having  his  force  now  increased  to  four  or 
five  hundred  men,  went  in  pursuit  of  the  Mexicans.  Twice  he 
came  up  with  them,  but  feared  to  attack  them,  as  he  supposed 
they  would  be  reinforced.  This  expected  reinforcement  was 
said  to  be  a body  of  fifteen  hundred  men  under  General  Ampu- 
dia,  who  had  marched  to  Goliad.  The  supposition  proved  to 
be  incorrect,  but  it  saved  the  enemy  from  a handsome  defeat. 
After  a pursuit  of  some  thirty  or  forty  miles,  the  Texans  re- 
turned. 

At  the  first  news  of  the  advance  of  the  Mexicans,  the  town 
of  Austin  was  thrown  into  commotion,  from  an  expectation  that 
they  would  visit  that  place.  This  excitement  was  increased 
from  the  fact  that,  on  the  4th  of  September,  five  men  on  Brushy 
road,  two  miles  from  Austin,  were  attacked  by  the  Indians,  and 
two  of  them  killed.  The  records  of  the  land-office  were  still 
there,  and  their  safety  jeoparded.  Colonel  Ward,  the  commis- 
sioner, closed  the  land-office  by  proclamation.!  As  the  danger 


* It  was  said  that  Cordova  was  killed  by  Jett,  at  the  beginning  of  the  action. 
— Letter  of  T.  W.  Ward,  September  28, 1842. 
f Proclamation,  September  28,  1842. 


ANOTHER  APPREHENDED  ATTACK  ON  AUSTIN. 


367 


of  having  the  records  destroyed  was  imminent,  the  committee 
of  the  citizens  who  had  controlled  them  since  the  invasion  of 
the  previous  spring,  felt  the  necessity  of  their  removal,  and 
proposed  to  the  commissioner  to  take  them  to  such  point  as 
they  should  deem  safe  from  the  encroachments  of  the  enemy. 
A conference  was  held,  and  it  was  proposed  that  the  commis- 
sioner should  remove  them  to  such  point  as  he  should  deem 
proper,  the  wagons  to  continue  hauling  until  they  had  trans- 
ported such  of  the  records  as  the  committee  thought  valuable. 
This  the  commissioner  declined,  but  proposed  to  remove  them 
eastward  as  far  as  Brushy  creek.  This  was  conceded  on  the 
part  of  the  committee,  but  the  wagoners  refused  to  remove 
them.*  Thus  they  remained  there,  and,  by  the  retreat  of  the 
enemy,  were  left  unmolested. 

As  a considerable  number  of  troops  were  marching  west- 
ward, a further  and  special  order  was  issued  to  General  Som- 
ervell on  the  13th  of  October,  directing  him  to  select  an  eligi- 
ble point  for  a rendezvous,  and  proceed  to  the  organization  and 
drill  of  all  such  volunteers  as  should  report  to  him  with  a “ firm 
resolve”  to  be  obedient  to  orders,  and,  if  required,  to  cross  the 
Rio  Grande.  He  was  instructed  to  receive  no  others  into  the 
service.  He  was  further  directed  to  establish  his  camp  at 
some  distance  from  San  Antonio,  that  the  Mexicans  might  not 
be  informed  of  his  designs.  “ When  the  force  shall  have  as- 
sembled,” continued  the  order,  “ if  their  strength  and  condi- 

* Letter  of  the  Commissioner  of  the  General  Land-Office,  September  28, 1842. 

“Austin,  September  23,  1842. 

“ Thomas  William  Ward,  Esq. : — 

“ Sir  : The  committee  of  safety,  having  prepared  wagons  to  take  the  archives 
of  the  government  to  a place  which  they  deei..  safe  from  the  encroachments  of 
the  enemy,  should  it  approach  this  city,  are  now  ready  to  commence  the  removal 
of  them  to  that  place.  “Tour  obedient  servants, 

“SAMUEL  WHITING,  Chairman, 
“James  Webb,  “Joseph  Lee,  “Eugene  C.  Keltt, 

“A.  D.  Coombs,  “William  L.  Cazneau.” 


368 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


tion  will  warrant  a movement  upon  the  enemy,  it  is  desirable 
that  it  should  be  executed  with  promptness  and  efficiency.”* 
From  the  time  of  the  first  assembling  of  the  troops  until  their 
departure,  there  was  much  confusion,  arising  out  of  a want  of 
provisions  and  ammunition,  but,  above  all,  from  the  insubor- 
dination and  ambitious  pretensions  of  various  persons  in  the 
army,  who,  feeling  themselves  competent  to  assume  the  direc- 
tion of  the  entire  force,  and  march  them  to  victory  over  the 
whole  of  Mexico,  were  surprised  and  indignant  that  the  com- 
mand was  not  conferred  on  them.  The  result  was,  that  many 
of  the  volunteers  returned  home  from  Bexar.  However,  about 
the  18th  of  November,  General  Somervell  set  out  from  the 
Medina  with  some  seven  hundred  and  fifty  men,  and,  after  a 
rather  unpleasant  march,  reached  Laredo,  on  the  Texan  side 
of  the  Bio  Grande,  on  the  morning  of  the  8th  of  December.! 
About  one  hundred  Mexican  troops,  who  had  evacuated  the 
town  on  the  approach  of  the  Texans,  retired  across  the  river. 
General  Somervell  marched  three  or  four  miles  down  the  left 
bank  of  the  stream,  where  he  encamped.  The  next  day  (the 
9th)  a portion  of  the  troops  visited  Laredo  and  plundered  it. 
This  conduct  was  in  direct  violation  of  the  orders  of  the  execu- 

* M.  C.  Hamilton,  Secretary  of  War,  to  A.  Somervell,  October  13, 1842.  Gen- 
eral Alexander  Somervell  was  a native  of  Maryland,  and  was  about  fifty  years 
old  at  the  time  of  this  campaign.  In  1817,  he  removed  to  Louisiana,  where  he 
established  a farm.  Failing  in  this  business,  he  proceeded  in  1824  to  Missouri, 
where  he  followed  the  business  of  a merchant.  In  1833,  he  was  induced  by  the 
late  James  F.  Perry  to  remove  with  his  vocation  to  San  Felipe,  in  Texas.  When 
the  Texan  Revolution  broke  out,  he  took  part  in  it,  and,  with  the  rank  of  major, 
participated  in  the  operations  and  battles  around  San  Antonio  in  1885.  §uch 
was  his  popularity,  that,  in  the  reorganization  of  the  army  early  in  1836,  he 
was  elected  lieutenant-colonel.  In  this  office  he  was  among  those  distinguished 
at  San  Jacinto.  He  served  in  the  Texan  Congress  as  a senator  in  1836-7  ; was 
in  the  Indian  campaign  of  1889,  under  Colonel  J.  C.  Neill;  and  was  afterward 
elected  to  the  command  of  the  first  brigade  of  Texas  militi'a.  He  was  accident- 
ally drowned  in  January,  1854.  He  was  a man  of  fine  social  qualities,  sincere 
attachments,  and  a welcome  guest  — Colonel  John  Henry  Browns  Notes. 

■j-  Letter  of  General  Memucan  Hunt,  January  8,  1842. 


MOVEMENTS  OF  TEXAN  TROOPS  ON  THE  RIO  GRANDE.  369 

tive  and  of  General  Somervell.  So  soon  as  the  commander 
discovered  what  was  transpiring,  he  gave  orders  to  the  senti- 
nels on  duty  to  arrest  every  straggler  as  he  came  within  the 
lines  of  the  encampment,  that  he  might  be  conducted  to  the 
quarters  of  the  guard  and  examined.  The  result  was,  that  the 
spoils,  consisting  of  a little  of  everything  in  the  town,  were 
thrown  into  a pile,  and  the  alcalde  sent  for,  and  directed  to 
return  the  articles  to  the  owners.* 

On  the  10th  of  December,  it  seems  that,  by  consent  of  Gen- 
eral Somervell,  those  of  the  troops  that  desired  to  do  so  were 
permitted  to  return  to  their  homes.  Some  two  hundred  availed 
themselves  of  this  permission,  and  returned,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Colonel  J.  L.  Bennett.  The  remainder  of  the  army, 
moving  down  the  river,  arrived  opposite  Guerrero  on  the  14th. 
On  that  day  and  the  next,  the  Texans  crossed  the  stream,  and 
encamped  within  a mile  of  the  town,  which  submitted  without 
a contest,  and  filled  the  requisition  made  upon  it  for  supplies. 
On  the  16th,  General  Somervell  ordered  the  troops  to  recross 
the  river,  which  was  effected  on  that  day  and  the  succeeding. 
On  their  first  passage  they  had  crossed  in  canoes  : their  return 
was  greatly  facilitated  by  the  use  of  four  large  flat-boats  found 
in  the  Rio  Salado,  which  empties  into  the  Rio  Grande  near 
Guerrero.  General  Somervell  had  made  a requisition  upon 
the  town  for  a hundred  horses,  but,  as  they  were  not  supplied, 
he  sent  Major  John  C.  Hays  with  seventy  men  to  demand  five 
thousand  dollars  in  lieu  of  the  horses.  The  alcalde  came  into 
the  Texan  camp  with  seven  hundred  dollars,  declaring  it  was 
all  that  could  be  raised,  and  that  the  horses  could  not  be  pro- 
cured, as  they  had  been  driven  off  by  the  rancheros , who  had 
retreated  from  the  town  on  the  appearance  of  the  Texans.  An 

* Letter  of  General  M.  Hunt,  January  8, 1842.  Statement  of  William  B.  Mid- 
dleton. 

Vol.  II.— 24 


370 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


order  had  been  published,  assuring  the  troops  that  there  should 
be  an  equal  division  of  the  spoils.  “ In  some  instances,”  says 
General  Hunt,*  “ captains  of  companies  would  allow  their  men 
to  detach  themselves  in  small  numbers,  and  acquire  for  their 
purposes  any  number  of  horses  and  mules  they  could  find ; 
other  officers  denied  their  men  this  privilege,  saying  that  all 
property  thus  acquired  should  be  procured  by  regular  details 
of  men,  and  equally  divided  between  officers  and  men.  But, 
when  we  commenced  this  second  retreat,  General  Somervell 
failed  altogether  to  conform  to  his  pledge.  Consequently,  the 
captains  who  had  been  most  particular  in  requiring  and  enfor- 
cing discipline  and  subordination  from  their  men,  in  not  allow- 
ing parties  to  leave  camp,  acquired  no  horses  or  mules  to  sup- 
ply those  of  their  companies  whose  horses  were  unfit  for  ser- 
vice. This  produced  great  dissatisfaction,  and  increased  the 
prejudice  and  contempt  almost  universally  entertained  and 
openly  expressed  by  the  officers  and  men  toward  General  Som- 
ervell. In  fact,  I heard  many  of  the  officers  and  men  declare 
their  determination  not  to  be  commanded  by,  and  conducted 
on  their  march  home,  by  an  officer  incompetent  as  he  had 
proved  himself  to  be.  Consequently,  on  the  morning  of  the 
19th,  when  General  Somervell  issued  an  order  of  march, f Cap- 


* This  quotation  from  General  Hunt  is  made  with  the  more  confidence,  be- 
cause lie  was  present,  and  reduced  the  facts  to  writing  immediately  on  his  re- 
turn. 

f The  following  is  the  order  of  the  19th  of  December  1842:  — 

“Order  No.  64. 

“ Headquarters,  Camp  opposite  the  Mouth  of  the  Salado,  } 

“ East  Bank  ok  Rio  Grande.  ) 

“ The  troops  belonging  to  the  Southwestern  Army  will  march  at  ten  o’clock 
this  morning  for  the  junction  of  the  Rio  Frio  and  the  Nueces,  thence  to  Gonzales, 
where  they  will  be  disbanded.  By  order  of  Brigadier-General  Somervell,  com- 
manding the  Southwestern  Army. 

“John  Hemphill,  Acting  Adjutant- General” 

General  Somervell  states  as  his  reason  for  issuing  the  above  order,  that,  “hav- 
ing been  eleven  days  on  the  river,  and  knowing  the  various  positions  of  the 


DISRUPTION  OF  THE  TEXAN  TROOPS. 


371 


tains  Fisher,  Cameron,  Eastland,  Ryan,  and  Pierson,  refused 
obedience,  together  with  most  of  the  men  under  their  command, 
and  a large  number  of  officers  and  privates  of  other  companies. 
The  result  was,  another  division  of  our  forces,  which  were  then 
reduced  to  about  five  hundred  men.  About  two  hundred  offi- 
cers and  men  accompanied  General  Somervell,  and  three  hun- 
dred accompanied  the  five  captains  above  mentioned.  The  five 
captains  who  separated  from  General  Somervell  declared  their 
intention  to  proceed  down  the  river  far  enough  to  procure 
horses  to  remount  those  of  their  commands  who  were  on  foot, 
or  whose  horses  were  unable  to  carry  them,  and  a necessary 
supply  of  food  to  take  them  into  the  settlements,  when  they 
would  return  home.” 

Before  the  two  parties  finally  separated,  it  was  proposed  to 
depose  General  Somervell,  and  elect  another  commander,  but 
the  proposition  was  not  acceded  to.  Somervell  then  set  out 
on  his  return,  marching  slowly  the  first  two  or  three  days,  to 
enable  his  men  to  get  a supply  of  beef.  The  march  was  then 
more  rapid ; and  the  troops  finally  reached  Bexar  during  the 
last  days  of  January,  1843,  having  suffered  much  for  want  of 
provisions  and  winter  clothing. 

The  companies  who  had  separated  themselves  from  Somer- 
vell marched  four  miles  down  the  Rio  Grande  on  the  19th  of 
December,  where  they  encamped  for  the  night.  The  next 
morning  they  elected  Captain  William  S.  Fisher  to  the  com- 
mand, and  resumed  their  march  down  the  river.  Four  or  five 
fiat-boats  were  used  in  the  descent,  to  transport  baggage,  pro- 
visions, and  a portion  of  the  troops.  On  the  21st,  they  arrived 
and  encamped  opposite  the  town  of  Mier,  which  is  situated 


enemy’s  troops,  I was  satisfied  that  they  were  concentrating  in  such  numbers  as 
to  render  a lunger  stay  an  act  of  imprudence.” — Report  to  the  Secretary  of  War 
(without  date). 


372 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


about  six  miles  distant  from  the  right  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande. 
On  the  following  day  they  crossed  the  river  and  marched  into 
the  town,  where  they  made  a requisition  upon  the  alcalde  for 
provisions  and  clothing.*  He  promised  that  the  articles  called 
for  should  be  delivered  the  next  day  at  the  river,  but  below 
the  Texan  camp.  The  troops  then  returned  to  their  camp  on 
the  east  side  of  the  river,  bringing  the  alcalde  with  them  as  a 
surety  for  the  performance  of  his  promise.  On  the  morning 
of  the  23d,  the  Texan  camp  was  moved  down  opposite  to  the 
point  where  the  articles  were  to  be  delivered.!  That  day  and 
the  next  passed  away,  however,  but  still  the  requisition  was 
not  filled.  The  Texan  spies,  who  had  been  kept  on  the  west 
side  of  the  river,  on  the  morning  of  the  25th  captured  a Mexi- 
can, who  reported  that  General  Ampudia  had  arrived  at  Mier 
with  troops,  and  prevented  the  fulfilment  of  the  alcalde’s  prom- 
ise. The  Texans  determined  to  pass  the  river  and  give  them 
battle.  By  four  o’clock  in  the  evening  they  had  all  crossed 
over,  and  were  on  their  march  to  the  town.  Captain  Baker 
with  the  spies,  being  in  the  advance,  first  met  the  enemy,  who 
had  sallied  out  from  Mier.  On  the  approach  of  the  Texans, 
Ampudia  retreated  to  the  town.  At  dark,  the  invaders  found 
themselves  on  an  eminence  to  the  eastward  of  the  town,  with 
the  Alcantra  (a  small,  rapid  stream)  between  them  and  the 
enemy.  The  latter  had  succeeded  in  capturing  five  Texans, 
from  whom  they  derived  such  information  as  the  prisoners 
chose  to  give  them. 

After  some  difficulty  in  finding  a crossing,  the  Texans  at 
length  passed  the  Alcantra  in  the  dark  (a  constant  fire  being 
kept  up  between  Baker’s  spies  and  the  Mexican  cavalry),  and 
stumbled  upon  a small  picket  of  the  enemy.  Giving  them  a 

* Statement  of  Messrs.  Watson  and  Hensley. 

f “Mier  Expedition,”  p.  78. 


BATTLE  AT  MIER,  ON  THE  ALCANTRA.  373 

fire,  the  assailants  advanced  to  a street  leading  directly  to  the 
square,  the  entrance  of  which  was  protected  by  artillery.  The 
Texans  would  take  their  position  in  the  street,  fire  upon  the 
artillery,  and  then  turn  the  corner  to  reload,  while  the  enemy’s 
grape-shot  passed  harmlessly  by.  Thus  the  night  wore  on,  a 
light  rain  falling  during  the  action.  The  Texans,  in  order  to 
protect  themselves  from  the  weather,  and  get  nearer  the  square, 
commenced  opening  passages  through  the  stone  houses,  until 
they  got  within  fifty  yards  of  the  artillery.  Opening  portholes, 
they  now  poured  a destructive  fire  upon  the  Mexicans.  When 
daylight  appeared  so  that  they  could  see  the  artillerymen,  they 
silenced  the  enemy’s  pieces  with  their  unerring  rifles.  The 
Mexicans  then  occupied  the  housetops,  and  the  fight  continued 
till  noon  on  the  26th.  Ahout  this  time,  the  small  Texan  guard 
that  had  been  left  the  previous  night  on  the  east  side  of  the 
Alcantra,  attacked  about  sixty  of  the  enemy’s  cavalry,  and 
routed  them.  A large  body  of  Mexicans  then  advanced  to 
overwhelm  this  guard.  The  latter  resolved  to  break  through 
their  ranks,  and,  if  possible,  join  their  comrades  in  the  town. 
They  made  the  attempt,  fired  with  good  effect,  and  started  for 
the  Alcantra.  The  distance  was  three  hundred  yards.  It  was 
a fearful  feat,  and  in  its  accomplishment  four  were  killed,  three 
were  made  prisoners,  and  two  only  succeeded. 

Shortly  after  this,  Colonel  Fisher,  in  repelling  a charge  of 
the  enemy,  received  a wound,  which,  though  not  very  severe, 
was  sufficiently  so  to  produce  vomiting.  During  the  confusion 
caused  by  this  event,  the  Mexicans  sent  in  a white  flag  by  Dr. 
Sinnickson,  one  of  the  Texan  prisoners  they  had  taken,  with  a 
proposition  from  General  Ampudia  for  the  Texans  to  surren- 
der, declaring  that  they  should  be  treated  with  all  the  consid- 
eration due  to  prisoners-of-war ; that  they  should  not  be  sent 
to  Mexico,  but  kept  upon  the  frontier  until  peace  was  made, 


374 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


or  an  exchange  effected  ;*  and  that,  if  these  terms  were  not 
accepted,  they  should  be  allowed  no  quarter.  The  Texans, 
having  a considerable  list  of  wounded,  and  their  commander 
believing  that  they  could  not  reach  their  position  east  of  the 
Rio  Grande  without  a loss  of  two  thirds  of  their  number,  sur- 
rendered upon  the  terms  proposed.  But  the  articles  of  capitu- 
lation, not  being  drawn  up  until  after  the  surrender,  were 
altered  to  suit  the  views  of  the  victors. f The  enemy  had  en- 
gaged in  this  contest  over  two  thousand  men ; the  Texans  two 
hundred  and  sixty-one  !$  The  loss  of  the  latter  was  sixteen 
killed  and  mortally  wounded,  and  twenty  or  thirty  more  or  less 
seriously  wounded.  The  Mexican  loss  was  not  ascertained, 
but  was  doubtless  four  or  five  hundred. 

On  the  last  day  of  December,  General  Ampudia  set  out  with 
the  prisoners  for  Mexico,  leaving  those  of  them  that  were 
wounded  at  Mier,  in  charge  of  Dr.  Sinnickson.  On  the  9th  of 
January,  1843,  the  captives  reached  Matamoras,  where  they 
remained  until  the  14th,  when  tney  again  set  out,  guarded  by 
a troop  of  cavalry  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Savriego. 
They  arrived  at  Monterey  on  the  29th,  where  they  remained 
till  the  2d  of  February,  and,  having  changed  their  commander, 
they  proceeded  to  Saltillo,  where  they  found  a half-dozen  of 
the  Texans  who  had  been  taken  by  Woll  on  his  recent  visit  to 
San  Antonio.  At  Saltillo,  Colonel  Barragan  took  charge  of 
the  prisoners,  and  proceeded  with  them  to  the  Hacienda  Sa- 
lado , a hundred  miles  farther  on,  where  they  arrived  on  the 

* This  is  the  way  GreeD  states  it  (“  Mier  Expedition,”  p.  96),  but  Dr.  Sinniok- 
son,  who  carried  the  message,  and  whose  statement  Green  has  furnished  (lb., 
p.  474,  Appendix  IV.),  says  that  Ampudia  promised  “to  use  his  influence  with 
the  supreme  government  to  prevent  their  being  marched  to  the  city  of  Mexico, 
but  to  have  them  retained  east  of  the  mountains,”  Ac. 

f Mier  Expedition,  p.  82,  et  seq. 

\ The  Texans  had  left  a guard  of  forty-two  men  on  the  east  side  of  the  Rio 
Grande,  who,  after  the  battle,  returned  home. 


ESCAPE  OF  THE  MIER  PRISONERS. 


375 


10th.  The  captives  had  for  some  time  determined  to  overcome 
the  guard,  and  attempt  their  escape  out  of  the  country. 

Just  at  sunrise  on  the  11th  of  February,  when  the  word  was 
given  by  Captain  Cameron,  he  seized  and  disarmed  one  of  the 
sentinels  at  the  door  of  the  prison,  and  Samuel  H.  Walker 
(afterward  so  distinguished  iu  the  Mexican  war)  disarmed  the 
other.  The  prisoners  rushed  out  into  the  outer  court  of  the 
building,  where  were  one  hundred  and  fifty  infantry  guarding 
the  arms  and  cartridge-boxes.*  Some  of  these  fled,  and  the 
others  surrendered,  while  the  Texans  were  arming  themselves, 
and  securing  ammunition.  There  was  another  company  sta- 
tioned at  the  gate  of  the  outer  court ; the  cavalry  had  likewise 
formed.  The  Texans,  being  armed,  rushed  out  at  this  gate, 
and  forced  the  cavalry  to  retreat ; the  infantry  stationed  there 
also  surrendered.  The  conflict  was  soon  over,  and  the  victory 
won : the  Texans  had  five  killed  and  several  wounded ; the 
loss  of  the  enemy  was  considerably  more.  One  of  the  articles 
of  the  capitulation  provided  that  the  wounded  of  the  Texans, 
who  were  to  be  left  behind,  should  be  cared  for. 

At  ten  o’clock  in  the  forenoon,  the  Texans  set  out  for  home. 
After  a march  of  fifty-three  miles,  they  halted  at  midnight  and 
fed  their  horses.  They  then  proceeded  twelve  miles  farther, 
and  .slept  two  hours.  The  next  morning  early,  leaving  the 
Saltillo  road,  they  continued  the  march,  proposing  to  leave 
that  city  on  their  right.  On  the  13th,  they  struck  the  road 
leading  from  Saltillo  to  Monclova ; but  the  ensuing  night  they 
unfortunately  abandoned  it,  and  took  to  the  mountains  on  the 
left.  The  14th,  15th,  16th,  17th,  and  18th,  were  spent  in  try- 
ing to  make  their  way  through  those  barren  mountains,  during 
which  time  they  suffered  intolerably  for  want  of  food  and  wa- 
ter. They  killed  and  ate  their  horses,  and  many  of  them,  be- 

* Mier  Expedition,  p.  164 


376 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


coming  exhausted  and  deranged  through  hunger  and  thirst, 
wandered  off,  or  fell  down  among  the  ravines.  At  one  o’clock 
in  the  afternoon  they  discovered  a smoke,  but,  on  approaching 
it,  they  found  a troop  of  Mexican  cavalry.  Many  of  the  fugi- 
tives had  thrown  away  their  arms,  and  the  remainder  were  too 
much  worn  down  and  dispirited  to  make  a defence.  They 
accordingly  surrendered,  but  on  the  positive  promise  that  they 
were  to  be  treated  as  prisoners-of-war.  Here  they  were  tied 
in  pairs,  and  remained  till  the  22d  to  recruit.  The  Mexicans 
brought  in  such  of  the  prisoners  as  they  could  find  scattered  in 
the  mountains ; but,  of  the  one  hundred  and  ninety-three  who 
left  the  Salado  on  the  morning  of  the  11th,  five  died  of  starva- 
tion in  the  mountains,  four  more  effected  their  escape  and  re- 
turned to  Texas,  and  three  others  were  never  heard  of,  but 
were  supposed  to  have  died  in  that  barren  waste. 

On  the  22d,  the  prisoners  were  marched  back,  stragglers 
being  constantly  found  and  brought  up  to  the  main  body.  On 
the  27th,  the  number  being  increased  to  one  hundred  and  sixty, 
they  were  all  ironed.  On  the  24th  of  March,  they  reached 
the  Salado,  the  scene  of  their  late  victory,  where  they  received 
news  of  the  order  of  Santa  Anna  that  every  tenth  man  should 
be  shot.  They  were  all  securely  bound  in  irons,  and  well 
guarded.  They  were  then  drawn  up  to  a wall,  behind  which 
the  officer  stood  with  the  fatal  pitcher  containing  one  hundred 
and  fifty-nine  white  beans  and  seventeen  black  ones.  The 
pitcher  was  held  up  so  that  those  drawing  could  not  look  into 
it.  As  their  names  were  called,  they  advanced  and  drew  each 
one  a bean.  This  solemn  business  was  performed  by  the  pris- 
oners without  a change  of  countenance,  but  with  that  self- 
respect  which  they  felt  they  should  display.  The  irons  were 
taken  off  from  the  unfortunate,  and  that  evening  (the  25th  of 
March)  they  were  led  to  the  place  of  execution,  bound  together 


MIER  PRISONERS  SHOT  — DEATH  OF  CAMERON.  377 

with  cords,  and  their  eyes  bandaged.  They  asked  the  privi- 
lege of  being  shot  in  front,  but  it  was  refused.  They  were 
made  to  sit  down  upon  a log  near  the  wall,  with  their  backs  to 
their  executioners,  where,  just  before  dark,  they  were  repeat- 
edly shot  till  life  was  extinct.*  Thus,  for  this  courageous  and 
praiseworthy  attempt  to  escape  from  a captivity  so  cruel,  were 
these  men  barbarously  put  to  death. 

The  survivors  were  marched  thence  to  the  city  of  Mexico. 
Arriving  at  Huehuetoca,  within  eighteen  miles  of  the  capital, 
they  were  met  by  an  order  from  Santa  Anna  directing  Captain 
Ewing  Cameron  to  be  shot.  The  command  was  promptly  exe- 
cuted the  next  morning ; and  Cameron,  in  dying,  left  to  the 
world  an  example  of  heroic  fortitude  in  the  manner  in  which 
he  met  his  fate.f  He  had  passed  the  ordeal  on  the  25th  of 
March,  and  drew  a white  bean.  After  thus  trifling  with  his 
life,  it  seemed  to  be  a refinement  of  cruelty  to  order  his  exe- 
cution, almost  within  sight  of  the  capital  of  a nation  that  would 
at  least  wish  the  world  to  believe  it  civilized ! The  warrant 
for  his  death  was  procured  through  the  influence  of  Canales. 
When  the  federal  army  was  encamped  on  the  Nueces,  previous 
to  the  campaign  of  1840,  Cameron  lost  his  horse,  but  afterward 
found  him  in  the  possession  of  a Mexican.  The  former  seized 
his  property,  and  the  Mexican  resisted,  calling  upon  his  coun- 
trymen to  assist  him.  Canales,  hearing  the  altercation,  ordered 
Cameron  to  deliver  up  the  horse,  which  he  refused  to  do,  and. 


List  of  those  who  drew  the  black  bean,  and  were  shot,  at  the  Hacienda  Sa- 


lado,  on  the  25th  of  March,  1843:  — 


L.  L.  Cash, 

James  D.  Cocke, 
Robert  Dunham, 
William  M.  Eastland, 
Edward  Este, 

Robert  Harris. 


Thomas  L.  Jones, 
Patrick  Mahan, 
James  Ogden, 
Charles  Roberts, 
William  Rowan, 
J.  L.  Sheppard, 


J.  M.  N.  Thompson, 
James  N.  Torrey, 

James  Turnbull, 

Henry  Whaling, 

M.  C.  Wing. 

Mier  Expedition , p.  444. 


f lb.,  p.  284. 


378 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


drawing  his  pistol,  declared  in  broad  Scotch  that  he  would 
shoot  the  first  man  who  laid  hands  on  his  property.  Shortly 
afterward,  Canales  had  him  tried  by  a court-martial  (of  which 
Captain  Thomas  Pratt  was  judge-advocate),  for  disobedience 
of  orders.  The  court,  looking  upon  the  affair  as  an  attempt 
of  Canales  and  the  Mexican  to  rob  the  prisoner,  acquitted  him. 
From  that  moment  the  vengeance  of  Canales  pursued  him  ; and 
in  1843,  when  the  one  had  got  into  favor  with  Santa  Anna,  and 
the  other  was  a captive  in  chains,  the  order  for  his  execution 
was  solicited  and  obtained.* 

The  remainder  of  the  prisoners  were  conducted  to  the  city 
of  Mexico,  where,  in  heavy  irons,  and  subjected  to  the  most 
servile  labors,  we  will  for  the  present  leave  them ; promising, 
however,  to  render  an  account  of  their  escape  from  the  dun- 
geons of  the  capital. 

The  result  of  the  expeditions  to  Santa  Fe  and  Mier  was  a 
practical  proof  of  the  general  principle  that  Texas  was  not  pre- 
pared for  an  offensive  war  against  Mexico.  The  last-named 
expedition  proved  also  that  the  Texans,  though  never  wanting 
in  prowess,  were  not  in  1842  under  the  same  discipline,  and  as 
obedient  to  orders,  as  the  men  of  1836.  General  Somervell’s 
instructions  were  to  receive  none  under  his  command  but  such 
as  promised  obedience  to  his  orders.  These  instructions  were 
made  known  to  the  volunteers,  and  they  gave  the  promise.  It 
was  left  to  his  discretion  to  cross  the  Rio  Grande  or  not.  For 
reasons  given  in  his  report,  he  issued  the  order  of  the  19th  of 
December  for  the  troops  to  march  to  Gonzales,  to  be  disbanded. 
Whether  he  was  right  or  wrong  in  giving  this  order,  he  was  in 
command.  It  was  disobeyed  ; and  the  consequence  was,  a fear- 
ful sacrifice  of  many  noble  men,  and  a long  and  gloomy  captivity 
of  others. 


* Captain  Pratt’s  Journal,  MS. 


MEETING  OF  CONGRESS  — PRESIDENT’S  MESSAGE.  379 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

The  Congress  at  the  called  session  had  changed  the  time  of 
its  regular  sessions  to  the  first  Monday  in  December  ;*  but  cir- 
cumstances, in  the  opinion  of  the  president,  required  its  earlier 
convention.  It  was  accordingly  summoned  to  meet  at  Wash- 
ington, on  the  14th  of  November,  1842.  The  executive  and 
heads  of  the  departments  had  removed  to  that  place  on  the 
20th  of  the  preceding  September.!  President  Houston,  in  his 
message,  presented  the  public  affairs  as  in  a gloomy  condition 
— the  country  without  credit,  without  means,  and  millions  of 
dollars  in  debt.  In  regard  to  the  late,  troubles  on.  the  frontier, 
he  complained  of  a want  of  concert  of  action,  and  a disposition 
to  proceed  without  means  or  orders.  As  to  the  currency,  the 
exchequer  bills  had  at  one  period  fallen  to  twenty-five  cents  in 
the  dollar,  although  at  the  time  not  more  than  one  hundred  and 
twenty-five  thousand  dollars  were  in  circulation.  The  amount 
in  circulation  at  the  date  of  the  message  did  not  exceed  thirty 
thousand  dollars ; yet,  for  want  of  a revenue  to  support  these 
bills,  they  were  under  par.  As  an  important  remedy  for  these 
evils,  he  recommended  the  collection  of  revenue,  the  suppres- 
sion of  individual  and  corporation  notes  issued  for  circulation, 
as  also  the  notes  of  foreign  banks.  He  further  recommended 
some  provision  for  carrying  the  mails.  He  likewise  gave  an 

* Act  of  July  23,  1842.  \ Executive  Record,  p.  148. 


380 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


account  of  the  trouble  in  regard  to  the  archives,  and  the  resist- 
ance opposed  to  their  removal ; and  also  in  regard  to  the  steps 
that  had  been  taken  to  conciliate  the  Indian  tribes.*  A favor- 
able commercial  treaty,  which  had  been  made  on  the  30th  of 
July,  1842,  between  the  United  States  and  Texas,  was  pre- 
sented to  the  senate. f The  alliance  with  Yucatan  was  dis- 
couraged, and  an  opinion  expressed  that  the  revolted  province 
would  reunite  with  Mexico.  J 

On  the  subject  of  the  navy,  in  connection  with  the  Yucatan 
alliance,  the  president,  on  the  22d  of  December,  sent  a secret 
message  to  Congress.  He  had  not  referred  to  it  in  his  annual 
message,  not  wishing  the  world  to  know  the  deplorable  condi- 
tion of  that  arm  of  the  public  service.  The  vessels  of  the  navy 
had  returned  from  Yucatan  early  in  May,  1842,  and  were  or- 
dered to  repair  to  New  Orleans  and  Mobile  to  refit,  prepara- 
tory to  the  enforcement  of  the  blockade  of  the  ports  of  Mexico. 
This  blockade  had  been  proclaimed  by  Texas  in  the  confident 
belief,  as  expressed  by  Commodore  Moore,  that,  with  the  aid 
of  the  friends  of  the  republic  in  the  United  States,  the  squad- 
ron would  be  ready  for  sea  in  a few  weeks.  But,  up  to  July, 
it  was  not  ready.  In  that  month,  application  was  made  for  the 
balance  of  the  naval  appropriation,  amounting  to  nearly  nine- 
teen thousand  dollars,  Texas  currency ; and  it  was  advanced, 
upon  the  representation  that  by  its  use  four  vessels  could  be 
got  to  sea.  This  also  failed,  and  the  navy  was  ordered  to  re- 
port at  Galveston  for  further  instructions.  ||  This  order  to 

* Message,  December  1,  1842.  f lb.,  December  19,  1842. 

X lb.,  December  14,  1842. 

|]  Order  of  October  29,  1842.  This  order  was  repeated  on  the  5th  and  again 
on  the  16th  of  November,  1842.  Not  beiog  obeyed,  Captain  Moore  was,  on  the  2d 
of  December,  commanded  to  repair  to  Washington,  on  the  Brasos,  and  report 
in  person  to  the  department  of  war  and  marine.  This  last  order  was  repeated 
on  the  2d  of  January,  1843;  and,  not  being  obeyed,  he  was,  on  the  22d  of  that 
month,  peremptorily  ordered  to  turn  over  the  command  to  the  senior  officer  in 


SECRET  MESSAGE  TO  CONGRESS  — STATE  OF  THE  NAVY.  381 

repair  to  Galveston  was  repeated  two  or  three  times,  and,  being 
disobeyed,  Captain  Moore  was  ordered,  on  the  very  day  the 
secret  message  was  sent  to  Congress,  to  turn  over  the  command 
to  the  senior  officer  present,  and  report  in  person  to  the  depart- 
ment of  war  and  marine.  The  blockade  not  being  enforced  by 
Texas,  other  nations  complained  of  its  existence,  and  asked  that 
it  be  discontinued.  The  San  Antonio  had  been  despatched  to 
Yucatan  in  August,  1842,  without  the  knowledge  of  the  Texan 
government,  and  was  lost  in  a storm.  The  estimates  made  for 
the  support  of  the  navy  for  the  current  year  amounted  to  over 
two  hundred  thousand  dollars,  which  Texas  could  not  meet. 
Under  all  these  circumstances,  the  president  recommended  the 
sale  of  the  vessels.  A large  portion  of  the  public  debt  had 
been  incurred  in  their  purchase ; they  were  still  unpaid  for ; 
and  he  believed  that  the  person  from  whom  they  had  been  pur- 
chased could  be  induced  to  take  them  again. 

In  accordance  with  this  representation,  the  Texan  Congress 
passed  a secret  act,  authorizing  the  president  to  sell  the  war- 
vessels  ;*  and,  in  compliance  with  this  act,  he  appointed  com- 
missioners to  dispose  of  them.  They  repaired  to  New  Orleans, 
and  made  known  their  business  to  Captain  Moore.  It  appears, 
from  an  unofficial  letter  of  one  of  the  commissioners,  dated  the 
10th  of  March,  1843,  that  Captain  Moore  had  large  claims 
against  the  navy  for  moneys  expended  for  its  use,  and  that  he 
was  inclined  to  hold  on  to  the  vessels ; that  he  was  not  bound 
to  obey  any  orders  from  the  navy  department  emanating  from 

the  navy,  and  report  to  the  department  in  person.  On  the  10th  of  March,  1843, 
Captain  Moore  replied  that  “it  is,  of  course,  unnecessary  for  me  to  proceed  to 
the  seat  of  government;”  and  “I  expect  to  get  to  sea  in  a few  days,  and  keep  at 
sea  until  the  determination  of  our  difficulties  with  Mexico,  without  any  expense 
to  the  government  of  Texas.” — G.  W.  Hill , Secretary  of  War  and  Marine , to 
Captain  Moore , July  19,  1843. 

* Act  of  January  16,  1843 : not  published  in  the  la  we.  This  secret  act  was 
repealed  by  the  act  of  February  5,  1844. 


382 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


a law  not  promulgated ; and  that  the  secretary  of  war  and  ma- 
rine was  bound  to  send  him  a certified  copy  of  that  secret  act 
before  he  was  under  obligations  to  comply  with  it.  It  further 
appears  that  Colonel  Zavala,  of  Yucatan,  was  at  New  Orleans, 
urging  Captain  Moore  to  sail  down  the  gulf-coast  and  capture 
the  Mexican  fleet.  The  latter  declared  that  he  would  take  it, 
blockade  the  whole  coast,  and  levy  contributions  to  the  amount 
of  eight  hundred  thousand  dollars,  half  of  which  he  would  de- 
posite  in  the  treasury  of  Texas.* 

Under  these  circumstances,  the  president,  having  before  him 
the  act  for  the  sale  of  the  vessels,  and  his  orders  being  diso- 
beyed, issued  further  and  peremptory  instructions  to  the  com- 
missioners, dated  March  22,  1843,  requiring  them  to  proceed 
to  New  Orleans  and  get  the  vessels  into  their  possession,  if 
practicable,  and  hold  them  subject  to  the  orders  of  the  govern- 
ment ; and,  should  resistance  be  made,  they  were  instructed  to 
call  upon  the  proper  authorities  of  the  United  States  for  aid. 
The  instructions,  referring  to  the  previous  orders  issued  to 
Captain  Moore,  declared  that  he  had  no  authority  to  enter  into 
any  arrangement  with  Yucatan,  or  to  do  anything  but  to  sail 
to  the  port  of  Galveston,  and  report  in  person  to  the  depart- 
ment, as  he  had  been  ordered  to  do.  The  commissioners  were 
further  instructed,  should  Captain  Moore  fail  to  render  obedi- 
ence to  former  orders,  to  publish  a proclamation  which  the 
president  sent  them.  This  proclamation,  referring  to  former 
orders,  and  the  fact  that  they  were  disobeyed,  gave  notice  of 
Captain  Moore’s  suspension  from  his  command,  required  him  to 
return  home  and  report,  disavowed  all  his  acts,  and  requested 
all  nations  in  amity  with  Texas  to  seize  and  bring  in  the  ves- 
sels to  the  port  of  Galveston. 

The  commissioners,  on  arriving  at  New  Orleans,  presented 

* Letter  of  Colonel  James  Morgan,  March  10,  1848. 


CAPTAIN  MOORE  AND  THE  NAVY-COMMISSIONERS.  383 

their  authority,  and  placed  the  proclamation  in  the  hands  of 
Captain  Moore.  It  seems  that  the  latter  acknowledged  the 
authority  of  the  commissioners,  and  promptly  consented  to  sail 
for  Galveston.  Accordingly,  they  departed  ; Colonel  Morgan, 
one  of  the  commissioners,  being  on  board.  Arriving  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  they  learned  that  the  Mexican  war- 
steamship  Montezuma  "was  at  Telchak,  distant  from  the  other 
vessels  of  the  Mexican  navy,  and  that  it  could  probably  be 
taken.  They  sailed  to  that  point,  but  arrived  at  Telchak  after 
the  steamship  had  left.  Captain  Moore  then  proceeded  down 
the  coast  with  the  Austin  and  Wharton , and  had  two  impor- 
tant engagements  with  the  vessels  of  the  enemy,  in  which  the 
Texans  fought  gallantly,  and  gained  some  advantages. 

In  the  meantime,  the  president,  finding  that  his  commission- 
ers as  well  as  Captain  Moore  had  disobeyed  his  orders,  and 
that  one  of  them  had  actually  gone  out  with  the  navy,  and  was 
advising  and  directing  its  operations — and  that  new  arrange- 
ments had  been  entered  into  with  Yucatan,  without  his  orders 
— and  also  ascertaining  that  his  proclamation  had  been  disre- 
garded, and  not  published — took  immediate  steps  to  publish 
it  himself.  It  reached  the  public  eye,  and  in  due  time  the 
coast  of  Yucatan,  and  brought  the  wandering  commissioner  and 
captain  in  command  of  the  navy  to  the  part  of  Galveston,  where 
they  arrived  in  July. 

It  seems,  from  the  newspapers  of  that  day,  that  this  cruise 
had  been  got  up  in  New  Orleans ; and  that  the  management  of 
the  navy  h*d  effectually  been  taken  out  of  the  hands  of  the 
Texan  government,  and  was  controlled  by  others.  The  New 
Orleans  papers,  ignorant  of  the  existence  of  the  secret  act  of 
Congress,  denounced  President  Houston  in  such  terms  as  would 
have  satisfied  the  world  that  the  navy  was  under  their  control, 
and  subject  to  their  orders,  and  that  the  government  of  Texas 


384 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


had  nothing  to  do  with  it  but  to  pay  for  the  vessels.*  The 
position  of  the  Texan  post-captain  at  Xew  Orleans,  according 
to  his  own  showing,  seems  to  have  been  this : if  he  attempted 
to  obey  the  first  orders  given  him,  he  could  not  obtain  the 
means  to  take  the  vessels  to  Galveston ; but,  to  go  on  a cruise 
to  the  coast  of  Mexico,  the  government  of  Yucatan  and  certain 
friends  in  Xew  Orleans  would  furnish  the  means.  Of  course, 
Yucatan  and  the  Xew  Orleans  friends  would  expect  to  be  ben- 
efited thereby.  How  ? In  the  prizes  taken ; for  there  was  no 
other  means  of  remuneration. 

After  the  return  of  the  vessels  of  the  navy  to  Galveston, 
they  were  placed  in  ordinary,  and,  for  want  of  funds  to  equip 
and  man  them,  they  so  remained. 

The  seventh  Congress,  which  adjourned  its  regular  session 
on  the  16th  of  January,  1843,  passed  but  few  laws  of  a general 
character.  The  policy  of  treating  with  the  Indians  had  so  far 
proved  successful,  that  but  ten  thousand  dollars  were  appropri- 
ated for  intercourse  with  them  ;f  and  provision  was  made  for 
trading-houses,  interpreters,  the  restoration  of  stolen  property, 
and  for  prohibiting  the  sale  of  ardent  spirits  among  them . J It 
was  also  declared  murder  for  a white  man  to  kill  an  Indian  in 
time  of  peace  within  the  settlements.  Another  law  was  passed 
for  the  better  collection  of  license-taxes,  which  was  important, 
as  under  former  laws  but  few  paid  such  taxes,  and  they  were 
greatly  needed.  The  most  important  act  of  the  session  was 
one  for  the  protection  of  the  western  frontier.  It  provided  for 
the  election  of  a major-general,  and  required  him  to  call  into 
immediate  service  on  the  western  frontier  six  companies.  It 
further  provided  that,  “ should  the  major-general  of  the  militia 

* Expose  of  Colonel  James  Morgan,  July  16,  1843.  Letter  to  the  People  of 
Texas,  by  Edwin  Ward  Moore,  — Telegraph,  July  16,  1843. 

f Act  of  January  6,  1843.  t Act  of  January  16,  1843. 


LAWYER  ROBINSON — HIS  LETTER  TO  SANTA  ANNA.  385 

deem  it  expedient,  he  may  at  any  time  take  the  field,  and  com- 
mand in  his  official  capacity  any  number  of  troops.”  Fifty 
thousand  dollars  were  appropriated  to  this  service.  The  presi- 
dent disapproved  of  this  bill,  because  it  created  a military  gov- 
ernment, and,  though  the  constitution  made  the  executive  com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  army  and  navy,  yet  by  this  law  the  major- 
general  was  rendered  independent  of  the  government.  The 
two  houses,  however,  passed  the  bill  by  a two-thirds  majority ; 
but  they  elected  Thomas  J.  Rusk  to  the  high  office  so  created, 
by  whom  the  laws  were  respected.* 

As  the  year  1843  witnessed  the  first  diplomatic  movement, 
in  which  Mexico  was  a party,  for  a termination  of  the  war,  it 
will  be  necessary  to  give  some  account  of  its  rise  and  progress. 
It  seems  to  have  had  its  origin  in  the  castle  of  Perote,  in  the 
brain  of  J.  W.  Robinson  — commonly  called  “ Lawyer  Robin- 
son”— one  of  the  prisoners  captured  and  taken  to  Mexico  by 
General  Woll,  in  September,  1842.  Robinson,  taking  lessons 
from  his  illustrious  correspondent  General  Santa  Anna,  who, 
when  a prisoner,  was  willing  to  treat  on  any  terms,  addressed 
a letter  to  the  Mexican  president  on  the  9th  of  January,  1843. 
In  this  communication  he  set  forth  that  he  was  an  old  Texan  — 
a colonist — and  had  never  been  wanting  in  loyalty  to  Mexico ; 
that  when  Woll  entered  San  Antonio,  although  he  thought  his 
band  was  a pillaging-party,  he  did  not  make  use  of  his  arms, 
but  laid  them  down  as  soon  as  he  knew  they  were  the  troops 
of  Santa  Anna — an  error  which  made  him  appear  a rebel,  f 
The  writer  then  proceeded  to  give  in  his  adhesion  to  Mexico, 
and  thought  himself  capable  (as  he  was  a lawyer)  of  commu- 
nicating to  Santa  Anna  some  rare  information  ; that  on  his  way 

* Act  passed  by  a constitutional  majority,  January  16,  1843. 

f Robinson  committed  another  error,  of  whioh  he  did  not  inform  Santa  Anna: 
he  was  at  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto  1 

Vol.  II.— 25 


386 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


through  the  Mexican  republic,  he  had  been  thinking  of  a plan, 
the  details  of  which  could  better  be  given  in  a personal  inter- 
view : and  that  the  Texans,  after  seven  and  a half  years  of  war, 
were  anxious  for  peace,  and  would  gladly  accept  it  on  terms 
having  for  their  basis  the  reunion  of  the  republic  with  that  of 
Mexico.  Robinson,  wishing  to  get  some  others  of  his  fellow- 
prisoners  released,  said  a portion  of  them  were  of  the  same 
opinion  with  himself,  and  that,  if  they  could  be  charged  with  a 
mission  to  Texas,  they  would  exert  a powerful  influence  in  re- 
uniting her  with  the  Mexican  confederacy.  He  suggested  to 
Santa  Anna  that  peace  could  not  be  made  without  an  armistice  ; 
the  people  would  then  be  committed  to  a discussion  of  the  sub- 
ject.* He  then  proceeded  to  set  forth  generally  the  terms  on 
which  a reunion  might  take  place ; and  proposed  that  Santa 
Anna  would  name  commissioners,  and  unite  with  them  one  or 
two  of  the  prisoners  who  were  of  the  writer’s  opinion,  that  they 
might  proceed  immediately  to  Texas  to  enter  upon  their  duties. 
Robinson  closed  his  letter  in  diplomatic  style,  by  “ taking  ad- 
vantage of  the  occasion  to  tender  to  his  excellency  his  high 
consideration  and  respect.” 

Santa  Anna,  then  at  Manga  de  Clavo , transmitted  the  letter 
to  Tornel,  the  minister  of  war  and  marine,  suggesting  that  Rob- 
inson’s object  might  simply  be  to  obtain  his  liberty ; “ but  if  it 
should  not  be  so,”  said  he,  “ and  he  should  act  in  good  faith, 
nothing  can  be  lost  on  hearing  him,  and  some  favorable  result 
may  be  obtained.”  He  requested  Tornel  to  lay  the  letter  be- 
fore the  “ substitute  president,”  and,  if  that  functionary  should 
think  proper,  he  (Santa  Anna)  would  hear  what  Robinson  had 
to  say,  it  being  understood  that  he  would  make  no  concessions 


* This  letter,  which  was  by  Santa  Anna  published  in  the  “ Siglo  Diez  Neuve ” 
of  the  city  of  Mexico,  was  wretchedly  mutilated.  The  conditions  of  the  reunion 
are  wholly  omitted. 


RELEASE  OF  ROBINSON  — HIS  MISSION. 


387 


to  the  latter  that  would  compromit  the  nation ; and,  lest  the 
opportunity  might  slip,  the  dictator  was  in  as  great  a hurry 
about  the  matter  as  Robinson.*  The  government  gave  to  Santa 
Anna  a speedy  and  full  power  to  arrange  the  negotiation  with 
Robinson  as  he  might  think  proper.f 

Santa  Anna  immediately  sent  for  Robinson,  who  came  to 
Manga  de  Clavo , and,  after  long  conferences,  the  latter  satis- 
fied him  that  he  would  make  a good  commissioner.  “ He  was 
immediately  set  at  liberty,  that  he  might,  without  loss  of  time, 
proceed  in  the  fulfilment  of  his  offices.”:):  At  the  same  time, 

the  bases  of  the  reincorporation  of  Texas  with  Mexico  were 
drawn  up,  signed  by  Santa  Anna,||  ratified  by  the  “ substitute 
president, ”§  and  delivered  over  to  the  envoy  Robinson,  who 
set  out  for  Texas. 

Robinson,  having  reached  Washington,  on  the  Brasos,  laid 
before  the  president  of  Texas  all  that  had  transpired  between 
him  and  Santa  Anna.  Houston  saw  at  once,  in  these  proceed- 
ings, a probable  mode  of  releasing  the  Texan  prisoners  in  Mex- 
ico, and  likewise  a foundation  for  a peace.  It  is  a principle 
of  human  nature  that,  when  those  who  are  hostile,  stop  to  rea- 
son upon  their  differences,  the  feeling  of  hostility  declines  as 
the  discussion  progresses ; and  especially  was  it  applicable  to 
Mexico  and  Texas,  who  were  both  exhausted  by  a long  war. 
It  would  have  been  a poor  compliment  to  Houston  to  believe 
for  a moment  that  Santa  Anna  could  obtain  the  advantage  of 
him  in  diplomacy.  His  acquaintance  with  human  nature,  and 
particularly  with  the  Mexican  dictator,  was  admitted  to  be 
profound.  In  this  discussion  he  had  every  superiority.  Rob- 

* Santa  Anna  to  Tornel,  February  6,  1843. 

f Tornel  to  Santa  Anna,  February  11,  1848. 

\ Santa  Anna  to  Tornel,  February  18,  1843. 

||  Santa  Anna’s  propositions,  February  18,  1843. 

§ Tornel  to  Santa  Anna,  February  23,  1843. 


888 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


inson  was  the  emissary  of  the  enemy,  but  in  favor  of  Texas. 
The  correspondence  was  between  Santa  Anna  and  Robinson, 
and  Houston  had  the  control  of  it.  The  latter  therefore  dic- 
tated to  Robinson  the  following  confidential  letter  to  Santa 
Anna,  dated  the  10th  of  April,  1843  : — 

“ When  I arrived  at  Galveston,  it  was  soon  understood  that 
I had  important  news  from  you  to  the  people  of  Texas,  and 
there  was  a great  stir  to  see  what  it  was.  Knowing  it  would 
meet  your  views,  I published  the  substance  of  the  propositions 
in  the  newspapers,  accompanied  by  remarks  of  my  own,  recom- 
mending them  to  the  favorable  consideration  of  the  people  of 
Texas.  When  I did  this,  I thought  it  would  have  a great  effect 
at  once ; but  it  did  not  produce  as  much  excitement  as  I ex- 
pected. 

“From  Galveston  I proceeded  to  Houston,  and  remained 
there  some  days,  with  the  expectation  that  I would  see  some 
clear  manifestation  of  the  feelings  of  the  people  on  the  subject 
of  the  propositions.  I have  the  honor  to  enclose  your  excel- 
lency the  ‘ Houston  Telegraph’  of  the  5th  of  April,  in  which 
you  will  see,  among  other  items,  the  publication  which  I made 
over  my  signature,  and  that  I presented  the  propositions  to  the 
people  in  the  most  favorable  light.  I have  also  the  honor  of 
enclosing  your  excellency  a newspaper  published  at  Washing- 
ton, by  which  you  will  perceive  that  I arrived  there  on  the  6th 
instant,  and  laid  your  communication  before  General  Houston. 
The  paper  contains  various  items  of  interesting  news,  which  I 
have  marked  for  your  excellency’s  attention. 

“ On  nly  way  to  Washington  from  Houston,  I passed  through 
the  most  thickly-settled  and  wealthy  sections  of  the  Brasos. 
The  news  of  my  arrival  had  spread  with  great  rapidity,  and, 
of  course,  there  was  much  anxiety  among  the  people.  The 
first  question  usually  asked  me  was,  ‘Are  all  the  prisoners 


robinson’s  letter  to  santa  anna.  389 

released  ?’  On  answering  in  the  negative,  they  asked  me  if  I 
thought  they  would  be  released.  I expressed  the  belief  that 
your  excellency  would  release  them,  if  you  had  not  already 
done  so.  The  next  inquiry  was,  whether  I had  not  brought 
terms  proposing  peace.  To  which  I said,  ‘ 1 think  so.’  They 
then  asked  me  if  your  excellency  had  proclaimed  an  armistice 
between  Mexico  and  Texas.  I told  them  you  had  not ; but 
that  I looked  upon  it  as  in  effect  so,  until  the  wishes  of  the 
people  could  be  known  upon  the  subject  of  your  propositions. 
I found  the  people  much  engaged  in  the  cultivation  of  their 
farms,  except  those  who  are  very  anxious  for  an  invasion  of 
Mexico  ; and  many  who  are  in  favor  of  an  invasion  are  improv- 
ing their  farms  and  planting  their  crops,  so  as  to  be  ready  for 
any  action  the  government  of  this  country  might  think  it  neces- 
sary for  this  country  to  take. 

“ When  I laid  your  communication  before  General  Houston, 
he  read  it,  and  asked  me  if  I thought  the  translation  correct. 
On  my  replying  that  I did,  he  evinced  no  excitement,  but  ob- 
served that,  since  the  commencement  of  the  Revolution  in  1835, 
the  affairs  of  Texas  and  Mexico  had  become  much  more  com- 
plicated than  they  had  once  been ; that,  since  that  time,  Texas 
had  been  recognised  by  foreign  powers  as  independent  of  all 
governments,  and  had  formed  treaties ; and  that,  for  Texas  to 
act  independently  of  the  consideration  of  those  powers,  would, 
in  his  opinion,  be  treating  them  with  disrespect.  I endeavored 
to  find  out  from  him  what  course  would  be  adopted  in  refer- 
ence to  your  excellency’s  propositions,  but  I could  not  ascer- 
tain what  his  purposes  were  — if  he  had  any. 

“ I find  that  your  excellency  and  myself  were  mistaken  when 
we  suspected  that  Texas  was  torn  to  pieces  by  factions.  It  is 
not  so.  The  price  of  produce  this  year  has  been  low  ; money 
is  scarce  in  the  country,  and  there  is  some  discontent ; but  that 


390 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


discontent,  I am  assured,  does  not  arise  from  the  acts  of  the 
government.  There  are  some  factious  men  in  Texas,  and  they 
have  some  papers  at  their  command.  These  papers,  however, 
are  supported  by  the  contributions  of  the  faction,  or  party, 
that  wishes  to  annoy  the  executive.  They  are  not  encouraged 
by  popular  sentiment,  but  are  used  to  create  one,  if  possible, 
against  the  government.  It  will  be  impossible  for  them  to 
succeed.  The  whole  number  of  men,  of  any  prominence  of 
character,  engaged  in  this  opposition,  would  not  exceed  some 
thirty  or  thirty-five  in  the  republic. 

“ I would  most  respectfully  beg  leave  to  submit  to  your  ex- 
cellency, in  gratitude  for  your  kindness  to  me,  a few  sugges- 
tions, which  your  excellency  can  take  into  your  distinguished 
consideration. 

“ The  first  is,  that  if  your  excellency  had  thought  proper  to 
have  released  all  the  Texan  prisoners  and  let  them  return  to 
their  homes,  and  declared  an  armistice  for  some  months,  until 
the  people  in  Texas  could  have  had  time  to  think  of  your  prop- 
ositions, if  the  president  had  submitted  them  to  their  consider- 
ation and  action,  it  would  have  had  a good  effect  upon  the  peo- 
ple. They  would  then  have  been  freed  from  passion  and  ex- 
citement ; but  when  almost  every  neighborhood  has  an  acquaint- 
ance or  friend  a prisoner,  the  people  can  not  act  on  these  sub- 
jects without  much  feeling ; and  there  are  many  persons  here 
ready  to  excite  them  in  favor  of  a war  beyond  the  Rio  Grande. 

“ The  last  Congress  passed  a law  favorable  to  what  war- 
spirit  there  is  in  Texas ; and  the  president  has  authority  to 
accept  the  services  of  forty  thousand  volunteers,  which  he 
would  be  authorized  to  land  at  any  point  of  the  coast  of*Texas, 
entirely  beyond  its  settlements,  and  on  the  borders  of  the  Rio 
Grande. 

“You  will  see,  from  the  papers,  that  General  Rusk  was 


robinson’s  letter  to  santa  anna.  391 

raising  a very  large  expedition,  to  march  across  the  Rio 
Grande ; but  it  is  possible  it  may  be  delayed  a while,  although 
the  preparations  will  go  on. 

“ If  I were  to  judge  from  what  I have  heard  since  my  return, 
and  what  I knew  before  I was  taken  prisoner  at  Bexar,  I would 
think  that  Houston  would  prefer  peace,  if  it  could  be  had  on 
terms  he  thought  perfectly  honorable  to  Texas.  He  has  al- 
ways been  opposed  to  an  irregular  warfare  between  the  two 
countries  ; but  he  has  now  succeeded  in  making  peace  with  the 
Indians,  and,  as  that  will  relieve  the  northwestern  frontier  of 
much  embarrassment,  it  is  possible  he  may  unite  all  the  influ- 
ence he  may  have  with  those  in  favor  of  prosecuting  the  inva- 
sion of  Mexico.  If  this  should  be  the  case,  and  Texas  applies 
all  its  energies  to  war,  I think  she  would  be  easily  able  to  raise 
from  her  own  citizens  an  army  of  ten  thousand  men,  besides 
volunteer  immigrants,  as  they  are  called ; and  that  they  would 
take  care  to  land  within  one  or  two  days’  march  of  the  Mexi- 
can frontier.  I will  not  be  so  presumptuous  as  to  advise  your 
excellency  about  anything ; but,  as  things  have  changed  since 
I communicated  with  your  excellency  in  relation  to  the  affairs 
of  Texas,  I feel  bound  to  inform  you  of  such  facts  as  result 
from  my  observations. 

“ If  your  excellency  should  wish  to  send  me  any  instructions, 
or  make  any  further  communication,  you  can  have  it  directed 
to  the  care  of  Major  James  H.  Cocke,  customhouse,  Galveston, 
who  will  forward  it  to  me  wherever  I may  be.  I will  endeavor 
so  to  manage  as  to  get  my  despatches  to  your  excellency  through 
some  safe  channel.  Your  excellency  will  be  aware  of  the  dis- 
cretion with  which  I will  have  to  act,  from  the  character  of  the 
communication  I have  made  in  the  papers.”* 


* Extract  of  a letter  from  General  Houston  to  Joseph  Eve,  United  States  chargi 
d'affaires  to  Texas,  dated  April  22, 1843  : “ Touching  the  communication  of  Santa 


392 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


The  perusal  of  this  first  and  last  despatch  of  his  excellency 
the  Mexican  president’s  minister  shows  that  two  points  are 
recommended  — the  armistice,  and  the  release  of  the  prisoners. 
On  those  points  the  document  is  very  clear.  On  the  subject 
of  an  invasion  of  Mexico  by  Texas,  the  matter  is  left  in  a very 
threatening  aspect.  As  to  everything  else,  Santa  Anna  is  left 
in  a very  thick  fog.  This  letter  reached  him  in  due  time,  and 
offered  much  food  for  reflection.  Previous  to  this  correspond- 
ence, however,  the  Texan  government  had  applied  to  the  three 
powers — France,  Great  Britain,  and  the  United  States  — ask- 
ing them  to  make  a joint  offer  of  mediation  between  Texas  and 
Mexico.  France  and  the  United  States  would  doubtless  have 
been  willing  to  do  this ; but  Great  Britain,  never  sincerely  in- 
terested in  the  success  of  Texas,  further  than  it  appertained  to 
her  own  interests,  had  a desire  to  exclude  slavery  from  the 
new  republic.  She  supposed  that,  by  mediating  separately, 
obtaining  an  influence  in  the  Texan  government,  and  throwing 
into  its  territory  a large  emigration  of  her  own  people,  she 
could  procure  the  recognition  of  Texan  independence  by  Mex- 
ico, on  condition  of  the  abolition  of  slavery.  This  she  imagined 
Mexico  would  the  more  readily  do,  because  the  latter  power, 
as  well  as  herself,  was  anxious  to  offer  every  barrier  to  the 
growth  and  advancement  of  the  United  States.  In  fact,  the 

Anna,  I have  this  to  remark  — that  it  is  an  anomaly,  in  both  statesmanship  and 
diplomacy.  From  it  I deduce  the  fact  that  some  of  the  powers  have  touched 
him  in  a tender  part,  and  this  I regard  as  a wincing.  I take  pleasure  in  enclo- 
sing you  a copy  of  the  translation  of  his  propositions,  from  which  you  will  per- 
ceive (for  I am  told  it  is  pretty  correct)  that  General  Santa  Anna  could  not  have 
expected  any  direct  action  by  this  government  His  not  addressing  it  to  any 
authority  in  the  country,  as  you  say,  manifests  its  absurdity.  It  is  impossible 
for  a community  to  speak,  unless  through  some  organ,  and  in  his  communication 
he  recognises  none.  If  he  expects  to  make  capital  out  of  it,  he  certainly  will  not 
find  it  in  Texas;  for  his  sine  qua  non  would  place  Texas,  bound  hand  and  foot, 
at  the  mercy  of  his  will.  Take  it  all  in  all,  it  is  a curious  piece  of  workmanship, 
and  will  do  very  well  to  file  away  as  a curiosity  for  after-times ; and  that  is 
about  as  much  as  can  well  be  made  of  it.” 


TRIPLE  MEDIATION  PROPOSED  — WEBSTER’S  INSTRUCTIONS.  393 

influence  of  the  British  government  over  that  of  Mexico  was 
such,  that  when  it  chose  to  exert  that  influence,  it  could  have 
had  the  independence  of  Texas  acknowledged  at  any  time  — 
and  we  will  shortly  see  evidence  of  this  fact.  Therefore,  upon 
the  proposition  of  Texas  for  a triple  mediation,  Lord  Aberdeen 
said  that  “ it  would  be  better,  on  all  accounts,  that  each  party 
should  act  separately,  but  similarly  in  tone,  in  point  of  time 
and  argument,  in  urging  the  Mexican  government  to  reconsider 
the  subject  dispassionately  and  impartially,  and  to  lose  no  time 
in  coming  to  an  accommodation  with  Texas,  on  the  basis  of  a 
recognition  of  the  independence  of  that  country.”*  In  this 
view  the  other  powers  concurred.  Lord  Aberdeen  then,  made 
out  his  instructions  to  the  British  minister  at  Mexico,  and  sent 
a copy  of  them  to  Lord  Cowley,  embassador  at  Paris,  to  be 
shown  to  the  French  government.  M.  Guizot  copied  them, 
and  transmitted  them  to  the  French  minister  at  Mexico.  On 
the  part  of  the  United  States,  Mr.  Webster  instructed  the  Amer- 
ican minister  at  Mexico  to  remonstrate  in  strong  but  kind  and 
friendly  language  with  the  Mexican  government  against  the 
marauding  mode  of  warfare  canned  on  against  Texas ; that  if 
the  war  was  continued,  it  must  be  conducted  openly,  honora- 
bly, and  according  to  the  rules  recognised  by  all  civilized  and 
Christian  states  in  modern  times.  Mr.  Webster  said  further 
that  the  United  States  owed  the  duty  of  seeing  this  done — they 
owed  it  to  the  parties  themselves,  to  the  interest  and  character 
of  this  continent,  and  to  the  cause  of  civilization  and  human 
improvement ; and  it  was  a duty  they  would  discharge  with 
impartiality  and  firmness. | The  American  secretary  further 

* Aberdeen  to  Elliot,  November  3,  1842. 

\ The  French  charge  d'affaires , De  Cramayel,  places  the  separate  mediation 
upon  the  ground  of  the  absence  of  good  feelings  between  the  United  States  and 
Mexico  : “ Le  gouvernement  de  S.  M.  B.,  se  fondant  d’une  part  sur  le  non  sneers 
des  desmarches  d6ja  faites  par  lui  dans  ce  meme  but,  et,  d’une  autre  part,  sur 


394 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


stated  that,  unless  Mexico,  in  a short  time,  made  peace  with 
Texas,  or  showed  a disposition  and  an  ability  to  prosecute  the 
war  with  a respectable  force,  the  United  States  government 
had  it  in  contemplation,  at  no  distant  period,  to  remonstrate 
in  a more  formal  manner. 

But  all  these  promising  hopes  were  dimmed  by  the  news 
from  Texas.  The  effect,  among  those  powers  friendly  to  that 
country,  and  who  were  able  to  aid  her,  was  most  blighting. 
The  Mier  expedition,  the  movements  of  the  navy,  the  resist- 
ance to  the  collection  of  duties  on  Red  river,  and  the  denunci- 
atory meetings  held,  which  were  encouraged  by  the  press,  all 
combined  to  injure  the  character  of  the  republic.  Let  us  refer 
to  the  facts.  It  will  be  remembered  that  Mr.  Reilly,  on  the 
part  of  Texas,  concluded  an  admirable  commercial  treaty  with 
the  United  States,  which  was  duly  ratified  by  the  government 
of  the  former.  It  was,  however,  in  the  most  important  partic- 
ulars, rejected  by  the  United  States  senate.  A committee  had 
reported  favorably  on  the  treaty,  and,  had  the  vote  then  been 
taken,  all  would  have  been  well ; “ but,”  says  the  Texan  charge 
d’affaires  at  Washington,*  “ the  day  after  the  report  was  made, 
the  news  of  our  internal  commotions,  our  dissensions  and  civil 
discords,  coupled  with  our  disasters,  reached  here,  in  all  their 
glowing  and  exaggerated  enormities,  and,  like  a withering 
8irocco,  blasted  every  effort  of  our  friends,  and  paralyzed  every 

movement  in  behalf  of  our  treaty 4 Texas  is  rent  and 

torn,’  said  the  senators  in  discussing  the  treaty,  ‘ by  her  own 
internal  discords  ; she  is  without  a dollar  in  her  treasury  ; her 
numbers  are  small ; her  laws  are  set  at  defiance  by  her  citizens ; 

l’inconvenient  qu’il  pouvait  y avoir  d’associer  les  Etats  Unis  a la  mediation,  dans 
un  moment  on  leur  relations  avec  le  Mexique  paraissaient  sur  un  pied  peu  ami- 
cal,  n’a  pas  cru  devoir  acc&ler  & cette  detnande.”  — De  Cramayel  to  Anson  Jones, 
January  28,  1843. 

* Letter  of  Isaac  Van  Zandt,  March  4,  1843. 


THE  MIER  EXPEDITION  — REMONSTRANCES. 


395 


her  officers,  both  civil  and  military,  can  not  have  their  orders 
executed  or  obeyed  ; Mexico  is  now  threatening  to  invade  her 
with  a large  land  and  naval  force  ; she  can  not  long  stand  un- 
der such  circumstances  ; the  chances  are  against  her.  She  will 
either  have  to  submit  to  Mexico,  or  come  under  some  other 
power.  If,  then,  we  should  extend  to  her  these  privileges  by 
treaty,  might  not  such  power  to  whom  she  became  attached 
claim  like  privileges  V ” These  arguments  induced  the  rejec- 
tion of  all  that  was  valuable  to  Texas  in  the  treaty.  The 
baneful  influence  of  this  news  extended  also  to  England  and 
France. 

In  regard  to  the  Mier  expedition,  the  fact  that  the  party  of 
Texans  had  crossed  the  Rio  Grande  in  the  face  of  General 
Somervell’s  order  to  march  home,  had  been  published  to  the 
world  before  that  officer’s  return.  The  United  States  and 
Great  Britain  both  complained  of  it,  as  being  the  same  charac- 
ter of  warfare  for  which  they  had  reprehended  Mexico.  “ I 
am  instructed,”  says  Mr.  Eve,  the  American  charge  d'affaires, 
“ to  remonstrate  in  strong  language  against  Texas  carrying  on 
the  war  for  retaliation,  or  otherwise,  by  marauding  parties ; 
but  that,  if  she  makes  war,  let  it  be  open,  manly,  and  accord- 
ing to  the  strict  rules  of  modern  warfare.  Texas  owes  this  to 
herself,  and  to  the  character  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  race.”*  — 
“If,  sir,”  said  Mr.  Webster  to  Mr.  Van  Zandt,  “you  can  get 
your  people  to  unite  at  home,  and  lay  aside  that  factious  spirit 
which  is  lately  so  often  shown,  we  would  secure  you  peace  in 
less  than  six  months.”! 

As  it  was  useless  to  deny  the  facts,  for  they  had  gone  forth 
over  the  world,  and  as  Texas  could  not  lose  her  great  friends, 
and  ought  not  to  lose  them,  she  undertook  to  make  apologies. 

* Letter  of  Joseph  Eve,  April  11,  1S43. 

\ Letter  of  Isaac  Van  Zandt,  March  4,  1843. 


396 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


Besides,  she  needed  their  friendly  aid  in  getting  her  citizens, 
who  were  imprisoned  in  Mexico,  restored  to  their  liberties  and 
homes.  In  an  interview  between  Mr.  Webster  and  Mr.  Van 
Zandt,  in  March,  1843,  the  American  secretary  informed  the 
latter  that  “ the  late  movements  of  the  forces  of  Texas,  having 
exhibited  an  apparent  inconsistency  with  the  principles  which 
the  government  of  Texas  had  avowed  should  govern  its  action, 
and  partaking  of  that  character  of  warfare  against  which  it  had 
protested,  and  which  the  interposition  of  the  United  States  had 
been  invoked  to  arrest ; that  therefore  his  government  would 
necessarily  be  constrained  to  suspend  the  measures  which  it 
had  designed  to  take,  and  which  it  would  have  deemed  proper 
to  adopt  toward  the  contending  parties.”* 

In  answer  to  this,  Mr.  Van  Zandt,  being  furnished  with  a 
copy  of  the  orders  issued  to  General  Somervell,  alleged  that 
the  government  of  Texas  had  not  departed  from  the  rule  laid 
down.  In  reference  to  those  of  the  troops  that  disobeyed  the 
order  to  return  home,  Mr.  Van  Zandt  said  that,  ‘‘as  citizens, 
they  were  liable  to  strong  excitements ; and,  driven  to  desire 
vengeance  and  retaliation  upon  an  enemy  with  whom  that  coun- 
try is  at  war,  and  from  whose  soldiery  the  most  wanton,  fla- 
grant, and  cruel  injuries  have  been  long  received  and  endured, 
and  whose  inhuman  acts  have  been  sanctioned  by  the  govern- 
ment of  Mexico,  it  is  but  natural  to  suppose  that  some  irregu- 
larities will  occur,  and  that  attempts  will  be  made  at  retalia- 
tion by  individuals  suffering  from  the  consequences  of  such 
wrongs  and  injuries.  These  acts  of  individuals,  though  in  a 
great  degree  excusable  under  such  peculiar  circumstances, 
should  not  be  imputed  to  their  government.”! 

In  the  same  despatch,  Mr.  Van  Zandt  further  says : “ From 

* Letter  of  Isaac  Van  Zandt,  March,  1843. 

f Mr.  Van  Zandt  to  Mr.  Webster,  March  23,  1843. 


THE  MIER  PRISONERS  — FOREIGN  INTERPOSITION  ASKED.  397 

the  inhuman  treatment  heretofore  inflicted  upon  our  prisoners, 
it  is  much  to  be  feared  that  General  Santa  Anna,  or  those  act- 
ing by  his  influence  or  orders,  will  sacrifice  the  lives  of  these 
unfortunate  men,  under  the  pretext  that  they  were  not  acting 
at  the  time  under  the  orders  of  the  Texan  government,  or  some 
other  plea.  It  will  be  observed,  however,  that,  although  the 
men  may  be  all  murdered  who  were  taken  prisoners  under 
Colonel  Fisher,  yet  some  few  have  escaped,  who  can  establish 
the  fact  beyond  a doubt  that  articles  of  capitulation  were 
signed,  and  that  the  men  were  promised  kind  treatment,  and 
all  the  rights  of  prisoners-of-war.  This  being  the  case,  it  can 
not  be  material  to  the  question  which  may  be  brought  to  an 
issue  between  them  and  the  government  of  Mexico,  whether 
they  were  acting  under  the  immediate  and  legal  orders  of  the 
government  of  Texas  or  not.” 

Immediately  upon  the  receipt  of  the  news  of  the  capitulation 
of  the  Mier  prisoners,  the  Texan  government  sent  despatches 
also  to  its  ministers  in  France  and  England,  asking  their  inter- 
position ; but,  as  time  might  thus  be  lost,  the  president  applied 
to  Mr.  Elliot,  the  British  charge  d'affaires  in  Texas,  to  use  his 
good  offices,  and,  in  answer  to  the  remonstrances  of  his  govern- 
ment, observed : “ Admitting  that  they  went  without  orders, 
and  that  so  far  as  that  was  concerned  the  government  of  Texas 
was  not  responsible,  and  the  men  were  thereby  placed  out  of 
the  protection  of  the  rules  of  war — yet  the  Mexican  officers, 
by  proposing  terms  of  capitulation  to  the  men,  relieved  them 
from  the  responsibility  which  they  had  incurred.;  and  the  mo- 
ment the  men  surrendered  in  accordance  with  the  proposals  of 
capitulation,  they  became  prisoners-of-war,  and  were  entitled 

to  all  immunities  as  such Upon  this 

view  of  the  case,”  continued  the  president,  “ I base  my  hopes 
of  their  salvation,  if  it  should  be  speedily  presented,  through 


398 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


the  agency  of  her  majesty’s  minister,  to  the  Mexican  govern- 
ment.”* 

On  receiving  intelligence  of  the  battle  of  the  Salado,  and  of 
the  recapture  of  the  Texan  prisoners,  Santa  Anna  had  ordered 
them  to  be  shot ; but,  upon  the  interposition  of  the  American 
and  British  ministers,  the  sentence  was  changed  to  a decima- 
tion. The  harsh  treatment  toward  the  Mier  captives  was  said 
by  Santa  Anna,  at  one  time,  to  result  from  the  murder  of  the 
guard  at  the  Salado  ;f  at  another  it  was  attributed  to  the  plun- 
dering of  Laredo. :£ 

Thus  much  on  the  Texan  prisoners  in  Mexico,  the  view  taken 
of  the  matter  by  other  nations,  and  the  defence  made  by  the 
Texan  government.  But  still  these  captives  were  kept  in  con- 
finement, and  the  most  of  them  at  servile  labor.  “ They  were 
hitched  to  a wagon,”  says  William  B.  Middleton,  “ twenty-five 
in  a team,  and  compelled  to  haul  rocks  from  the  mountain  to 

* Houston  to  Elliot,  January  25,  1843.  Mr.  Elliot,  on  seeing  in  the  opposition 
papers  the  charge  against  the  president  that  he  had  endeavored  to  produce  a 
prejudice  against  the  prisoners  in  the  eyes  of  Santa  Anna,  wrote  him  as  follows: 
“I  forwarded  to  Mr.  Pakcuham,  in  a private  letter,  what  you  said  to  me  on  the 
subject.  In  my  understanding,  your  position  was,  that  these  prisoners  were  en- 
titled to  the  benefit  of  their  capitulation,  though  you  could  not,  of  course,  deny 
that  the  movement  across  the  Rio  Grande  had  been  made  on  their  own  respon- 
sibility ; and  I concluded  your  purpose  in  saying  this  was,  to  free  yourself  from 
the  imputation  of  using  the  language  of  aversion  to  an  irregular  and  incursion- 
ary character  of  warfare  in  your  communications  to  foreign  governments,  and 
of  sanctioning  it  in  your  orders  to  the  officers  of  the  republic.  It  appears  very 
probable  that  Mr.  Pakenham  conferred  with  General  Thompson  in  the  interest 
of  these  prisoners;  but  it  must  be  quite  unnecessary  to  say  .to  you  that  he  never 
could  have  given  the  least  room  for  all  this  most  unjust  and  injurious  imputation 
that  you  desired  to  prejudice  your  unhappy  countrymen  in  the  sight  of  General 
Santa  Anna.  It  is  also  quite  possible  that  Mr.  Pakenham  and  General  Thompson 
may  have  thought  that  no  good  would  come  out  of  any  appeal  to  General  Santa 
Anna  upon  the  subject  at  that  time;  but  I am  quite  convinced  that  Mr.  Paken- 
ham never  misconstrued  your  kind  wishes  about  the  prisoners,  and  I am  equally 
sure  that  he  was  cordially  disposed  to  second  them.” — Elliot  to  Houston , June 
10,  1843. 

f Santa  Anna  to  Wilson  Shannon,  September  5,  1844. 

$ Same  to  Mr.  Pakenham. 


MIER  PRISONERS — BUOYANT  SPIRITS. 


399 


the  castle  of  Perote*  The  prisoners,  however,  at  no  time  lost 
their  buoyant  spirits ; nor  did  they  ever  lose  an  opportunity 
for  fun.  M‘Fall,  a large,  powerful  man,  was  put  in  the  lead, 
and  was  always  ready,  at  the  word,  to  get  scared  and  run 
away  with  the  wagon.  This  was  often  done,  and  the  corners 
of  the  adobe  houses  always  suffered  in  such  cases.  The  Mexi- 
can officers  would  laugh,  and  the  owners  of  the  houses  would 
swear  in  bad  Spanish.  Sometimes  the  team  would  stop  in  the 
street,  doff  the  harness,  and  half  of  them  go  into  a drinking- 
house  on  the  right,  and  the  other  half  to  another  house  on  the 
left.  When  they  were  driven  out  of  one  house,  they  would 
run  over  to  the  other.  Thus  the  overseers  were  kept  busy. 
They  had  the  power  of  using  the  lash,  but  did  not  do  it  very 
often,  as  the  Texans  made  it  their  business,  at  the  peril  of  their 
lives,  to  return  such  civilities  with  ample  vengeance.”* 

In  1842,  information  was  transmitted  to  Texas,  through  a 
gentleman  in  Missouri,  that  a rich  caravan  of  Mexicans,  hav- 
ing a large  number  of  mules  and  a hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
dollars  in  specie,  had  passed  from  Santa  Fe  to  Independence, 
and  would  thence  proceed  to  the  eastern  cities  to  convert  their 
specie  into  merchandise,  setting  out  on  their  return  to  Santa 
Fe  in  the  spring  of  1843.  As  they  would  on  the  route  pass 
through  the  territory  of  Texas,  many  of  the  Texans  were  desi- 
rous to  capture  them.  Accordingly,  on  the  28th  of  January, 
1843,  Colonel  Jacob  Snivcly  made  application  to  the  Texan 
government  for  authority  to  raise  men  to  proceed  to  the  northern 
portion  of  the  republic,  and  capture  the  caravan.  On  the  16th 
of  February,  the  permission  was  granted  by  the  war  depart- 

* One  of  the  overseers  struck  the  prisoner  William  B.  Middleton  while  he  was 
stooping  down  to  receive  a bag  of  sand.  Middleton  immediately  knocked  him 
down  with  a stone.  The  guards  ran  up;  but  a Mexican  officer  present,  seeing 
the  whole  affair,  protected  the  prisoner.  The  overseers  were  not  soldiers,  but 
convicts. 


400 


IIISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


ment,  and  he  was  authorized  to  organize  such  force,  not  ex- 
ceeding three  hundred  men.  The  expedition  was  to  be  strictly 
partisan,  the  troops  to  mount,  arm,  equip,  and  provision  them- 
selves, and  to  have  half  the  spoil  — but  this  was  to  be  taken 
only  in  honorable  warfare.  They  were  authorized  to  operate 
above  the  line  of  settlements  between  the  Rio  del  Norte  and 
the  United  States  boundary,  but  were  to  be  careful  not  to  in- 
fringe upon  the  territory  of  that  government.*  Such  were 
Colonel  Snively’s  instructions,  and  such  his  authority. 

The  troops  rendezvoused  at  Georgetown,  six  miles  from  Cof- 
fee’s station,  and  the  then  extreme  frontier.  On  the  24th  of 
April,  a sufficient  force  having  arrived,  the  orders  of  the  sec- 
retary of  war  were  exhibited.  Colonel  Snively  was  unani- 
mously chosen  to  the  command ; but  so  much  of  the  order  of 
the  war  department  as  provided  that  one  half  of  the  spoil 
should  be  paid  over  to  the  government  “ was  unanimously  re- 
jected by  vote.”f  The  volunteers  adopted  a set  of  by-laws, 
and  decided  that  the  army  regulations  should  govern  them, 
when  not  in  conflict  with  the  by-laws. 

On  the  25th  of  April,  having  about  one  hundred  and  seventy- 
five  in  the  command,  they  set  out  on  the  march.  The  general 
course  of  travel  was  west,  on  the  dividing  ridge  between  the 
waters  of  Trinity  and  Red  rivers,  on  the  old  Chihuahua  trail. 
They  had  occasional  accessions  to  their  ranks,  and  learned  on 
the  first  of  May  that  the  news  of  the  expedition  had  been  pub- 
lished in  the  Missouri  papers.  At  length,  after  various  adven- 
tures amid  the  splendid  scenery  of  the  prairies  and  the  Wa- 
chita  mountains,  on  the  27th  of  May,  to  their  great  joy,  they 
reached  the  Arkansas  river,  and  encamped  on  its  right  bank, 

* G.  W.  Hill,  Secretary  of  War,  to  Jacob  Snively,  February  16,  1843. 

f I quote  from  the  admirable  manuscript  journal  of  the  expedition  furnished 
me  by  Colonel  Stewart  A.  Miller. 


SNIVELY’s  EXPEDITION  — ITS  PROGRESS. 


401 


about  forty  miles  below  the  crossing  of  the  Santa  Fe  trail.  At 
this  time  they  had  a scanty  supply  of  provisions,  and  were  in 
want  of  a proper  knowledge  of  the  country  they  were  in,  and 
of  the  distance  to  their  place  of  destination.  Some  of  them 
were  sick,  and  borne  on  litters  ; others,  whose  horses  had  been 
lost  or  died,  were  on  foot.  Yet  they  were  cheered  by  the  sight 
of  the  river.  On  the  following  day  they  sent  spies  across  the 
stream  to  search  for  the  Santa  Fe  road,  who  returned  and  re- 
ported it  to  be  eight  miles  distant,  on  the  opposite  side.  Fresh 
signs  of  extensive  travel  were  seen  on  the  road,  but  it  was  un- 
known whether  they  had  been  made  by  the  Mexicans  or  by 
Bent’s  people,  who  had  a station  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles 
higher  up.  Near  the  Arkansas  crossing  they  met  some  of 
Bent’s  men,  who  informed  them  that  the  Mexican  caravan  was 
expected  to  pass,  on  its  way  to  Santa  Fe,  in  about  eighteen 
days.  They  were  also  informed  that  the  caravan  was  guarded 
by  five  hundred  Mexican  soldiers  as  far  as  the  United  States 
boundary-line,  and  that  those  troops  were  in  that  vicinity,  wait- 
ing the  return  of  their  merchants.  On  the  2d  of  June,  a part- 
nership was  proposed  by  the  Bents.  They  offered  to  “ put  in” 
forty  men  at  that  time,  and  forty  more  shortly  afterward ; and 
were  to  have  a pro-rata  share  of  the  spoil : but,  in  a few  days 
afterward,  the  Bents  sent  word  that  they  could  not  comply. 
The  Texan  spies,  who  had  gone  out  to  look  after  the  enemy, 
reported  six  hundred.  The  advance  of  the  latter  took  one  of 
the  Texans  prisoner ; but  he  passed  himself  off  for  one  of  Bent’s 
men,  and  they  released  him.  The  Texans  remained  in  the  val- 
ley of  the  Arkansas  some  time,  recruiting,  drilling,  and  hunting 
for  the  enemy.  On  the  9th  of  June,  they  took  a Mexican  pris- 
oner, from  whom  they  learned  that  an  express  went  from  Texas 
to  Council  Grove,  and  informed  the  traders  of  the  advance  of 
Snively’s  expedition ; but  that  the  former,  having  procured 
Vol.  II.  — 26 


402 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


two  hundred  United  States  dragoons  to  guard  them  across  the 
boundary,  would  pass  on. 

On  the  17th  of  June,  the  Texans  received  news  of  the  cara- 
van. It  was  advancing,  “ composed  of  sixty  wagons,  and  sev- 
enty-five hundred  weight  of  merchandise.”  About  fifteen  of 
the  wagons  belonged  to  Americans,  and  the  whole  was  guarded 
by  three  hundred  United  States  dragoons,  under  the  command 
of  Captain  Philip  St.  George  Cooke.  On  the  20th,  while  the 
Texans  were  awaiting  the  arrival  of  the  rich  prize  they  had 
come  to  find,  they  met  with  a detachment  of  the  enemy.  The 
latter  secured  a good  ravine,  the  only  one  for  miles  around  in 
the  prairie.  The  Texans  immediately  charged  them,  each  one 
advancing  according  to  the  speed  of  his  horse.  Some  of  the 
Mexicans  fled  ; the  others,  after  discharging  their  pieces,  sur- 
rendered. Those  who  fled  were  pursued,  and  three  of  them 
killed.  The  victory  showed  an  aggregate  of  seventeen  killed, 
and  eighty  prisoners,  eighteen  of  whom  were  wounded.  The 
Texans  sustained  no  injury  whatever,  and  from  the  spoils  sup- 
plied themselves  with  horses,  saddles,  and  arms,  in  abundance. 

The  Texans  marched  with  their  prisoners  to  a good  “ water- 
hole,”  where  they  remained  until  the  24th  of  June.  On  that 
day,  about  three  hundred  mounted  Indians  rushed  into  their 
camp  at  full  speed,  and  one  of  the  picket-guards  fired  at  them, 
but  they  proved  to  be  friendly.  About  this  time  the  Texans 
began  to  be  dissatisfied,  and  desired  to  return  to  their  homes. 
This  dissatisfaction  continued  ; and  on  the  28th,  when  the  spies 
came  in,  and  brought  no  news  of  the  caravan,  it  was  greatly 
increased.  About  seventy  of  the  men  withdrew  from  the  com- 
mand, and  elected  Captain  Chandler  to  lead  them  home.  Three 
more  of  the  wounded  prisoners  having  died,  the  others  were 
furnished  with  arms  to  keep  them  in  meat,  the  wounded  with 
mules  to  ride,  and  the  whole  of  them  set  at  liberty. 


SNIVEL Y’S  EXPEDITION  CHECKMATED. 


403 


Captain  Chandler  with  his  party  set  out  for  home  on  the  29th 
of  June,  and  Colonel  Snively  with  the  remainder  proceeded  up 
the  Arkansas,  to  hunt  game,  and  await  the  caravan.  On  the 
30th,  a party  of  Snively’s  men  crossed  to  the  left  bank  of  the 
river,  to  kill  buffaloes.  They  were  discovered  and  run  in  by 
the  advance  of  Captain  Cooke’s  dragoons.  That  officer  soon 
came  up  with  his  entire  force,  consisting  of  one  hundred  and 
ninety-six  men,  well  mounted  and  equipped,  and  two  pieces  of 
artillery.  He  sent  for  Snively  to  visit  him,  and  asked  to  see 
his  papers,  which  were  shown  to  him ; whereupon  he  said  to 
Snively  that  he  believed  the  Texans  were  encamped  on  the  ter- 
ritory of  the  United  States.*  Cooke  then  consulted  with  his 
officers,  and  they  were  of  the  same  opinion.  He  then  informed 
Snively  that  the  Texans  must  be  disarmed.  Snively  protested, 
and  gave  his  reasons  why  the  Texans  were  on  their  own  terri- 
tory. Cooke  replied  that  “ he  had  made  his  terms,  and  to 
them  the  Texans  must  submit.”  He  further  said  that,  “ if  one 
of  Snively’s  men  attempted  to  escape,  he  would  throw  his  shells 
into  their  encampment,  and  send  his  dragoons  across  the  river 
to  cut  the  command  to  pieces.” 

Captain  Cooke  then  crossed  over  the  Arkansas  with  Colonel 
Snively,  and  with  his  dragoons  surrounded  the  Texan  camp, 
lighted  his  port-fires,  and  ordered  the  Texans  to  stack  their 
arms,  which  they  did,  asking  to  be  received  as  prisoners-of- 
war.  Cooke  told  them  he  had  made  his  terms,  and  they  must 
submit  to  them,  or  they  should  receive  worse.  This  he  said 
to  them  after  they  were  disarmed.  Cooke  then  recrossed  the 
river,  leaving  with  Snively’s  command  of  a hundred  and  seven 
men  only  ten  muskets  ! The  Texans  were  thus  left,  surrounded 
by  Mexicans  and  Indians,  six  hundred  miles  from  home,  though 
on  the  soil  of  Texas,  the  easy  victims  of  the  first-comer.  After 

* Snively’s  report  to  tbe  Secretary  of  War,  July  9,  1843. 


404 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


a night’s  reflection,  Cooke  saw  that  such  inhumanity  would  not 
do,  and,  on  the  morning  of  the  1st  of  July,  he  sent  for  the  men, 
and  offered  to  escort  as  many  of  them  as  wished  to  go  to  Inde- 
pendence, Missouri.  Some  fifty  of  the  Texans  took  this  route, 
and  received  three  of  the  ten  muskets  left  with  the  entire  com- 
mand. The  balance  refused  an  escort,  unless  they  were  guarded 
home.  Cooke  then  ordered  the  Texans  to  leave  the  territory 
of  the  United  States  as  soon  as  possible,  and  departed. 

Colonel  Snively  now  sent  an  express  to  Captain  Chandler, 
and  set  out  for  Elm  creek,  about  eight  miles  distant,  and  joined 
the  latter  on  the  2d  of  July.  Spies  were  sent  off  to  look  after 
the  caravan,  as  the  Texans  did  not  care  to  give  up  the  main 
object  of  the  expedition.  On  the  4th,  the  Indians  stampeded 
their  horses,  and  took  off  sixty  head.  The  Texans  pursued 
the  savages,  and  killed  ten  or  fifteen  of  them,  having  one  of 
their  own  men  killed,  and  another  wounded.  On  the  8th,  the 
spies  brought  news  that  the  caravan  had  crossed  the  Arkansas, 
and  was  on  its  way  to  Santa  Fe.  Snively,  finding  nearly  all 
the  men  that  had  set  out  for  home  under  Chandler  unwilling 
to  pursue  it,  resigned  his  command  on  the  9th  of  July.  Chan- 
dler and  his  party  set  out  for  home.  It  is  proper  here  to  state 
that,  by  a previous  understanding,  the  fifty  men  who  went  with 
Cooke  were  to  return  and  join  their  comrades.  They  started, 
but,  meeting  some  other  Texans,  they  all  returned  to  Cooke’s 
command  except  fourteen. 

The  Texans  now  made  a trial  for  volunteers  to  go  after  the 
caravan.  They  raised  eighty-two  men,  elected  Captain  War- 
field  to  the  command,  readopted  the  Georgetown  by-laws,  and 
set  out  on  their  march.  Seventeen  of  them  faltered,  and  re- 
turned with  Chandler ; the  balance  proceeded  after  the  cara- 
van. On  the  13th,  they  struck  a fresh  trail,  believed  to  be  of 
a large  body  of  Mexicans,  under  Governor  Armijo,  who  were 


CLOSE  OF  THE  SNIYELY  EXPEDITION. 


405 


escorting  the  merchants.  The  Texans,  fearing  that  they  would 
be  overpowered,  abandoned  the  further  pursuit,  and  started  for 
home.  On  the  following  day,  Captain  Warfield  resigned,  and 
Colonel  Snively  was  re-elected  to  the  command.  On  the  20th 
of  July,  the  Texans  had  a skirmish  with  the  Camanches ; and, 
on  the  6th  of  August,  after  great  privation  and  suffering,  they 
reached  Bird’s  fort,  on  the  Trinity.  Thus  closed  the  Snively 
expedition.* 

Having  now  pretty  much  concluded  our  accounts  of  the  war- 
like expeditions  in  which  Texas  was  interested,  we  turn  to  her 
diplomacy  and  domestic  proceedings.  It  is  proper  to  state, 
however,  that  since  the  last  incursion  of  the  Mexicans  into  San 
Antonio,  the  republic  had  kept  an  efficient  company  of  rangers, 
under  the  command  of  Captain  John  C.  Hays,  between  the 
western  frontier  settlements  and  the  Rio  Grande,  and  that  its 
services  had  been  very  important.  The  Indians,  being  kindly 
treated,  had  assumed  a more  peaceful  life  ; and,  under  the  pro- 
tection of  the  government,  the  trading-houses  kept  them  sup- 
plied with  the  very  few  articles  which  they  needed.  The  un- 
favorable influences  of  the  Santa  Fe  and  Mier  expeditions  have 
already  been  referred  to ; nor  did  that  of  Snively  add  anything 

* The  Texan  government  made  an  earnest  complaint  against  this  violation  of 
its  territory  by  Captain  Cooke,  and  the  president  of  the  United  States  ordered  a 
court  of  inquiry  to  investigate  the  matter.  That  tribunal  assembled  at  Fort 
Leavenworth,  and  decided  that  Captain  Cooke  had  acted  within  the  line  of  his 
duty,  and  that  he  had  disarmed  the  Texans  within  the  territory  of  the  United 
States.  Notwithstanding  this  decision  of  the  court,  however,  it  turned  out  that 
Captain  Cooke  had  invaded  the  territory  of  Texas,  and  had  there  disarmed  the 
Texans.  The  Congress  of  the  United  States  subsequently  acknowledged  the  ille- 
gality of  Captain  Cooke’s  proceedings,  and  made  a trifling  appropriation  to  the 
Texans  engaged  in  the  expedition.  — General  Order , U.  S.  Army , No.  19,  April 
24,  1844. 

In  reference  to  the  surrender  of  the  Texan  rifles,  Snively’s  party  would  cer- 
tainly have  perished  had  they  not  taken  the  precaution  to  secrete  some  of  their 
good  rifles,  and  deliver  over  the  escopetas  which  they  had  taken  from  the  Mexi- 
cans. This  will  account  for  their  ability  to  pursue  the  caravan,  and  to  pass 
through  the  country  of  the  Camanches.  — S.  A.  Miller Journal:  MS. 


406 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 

to  the  glory  of  the  Texan  arms.  “ The  first  step,”  observes 
General  Jackson  to  President  Houston,  in  a letter  dated  Au- 
gust 31,  1843,  “ that  led  to  the  injury  of  the  fame  of  Texas,  was 
that  foolish  campaign  to  Santa  Fe  ; the  next  the  foolish  attempt 
to  invade  Mexico,  without  means  and  men  sufficient  for  the 
occasion.  The  fate  of  this  rashness  to  those  concerned  will,  I 
hope,  put  a stop  to  these  disorders,  and ‘control  the  Texans 
within  the  bounds  of  your  orders.  The  Texans  now  on  the 
Santa  Fe  road  from  the  United  States  can  only  be  viewed  by 
Mexico  as  a band  of  robbers  — unless  there  by  your  orders — 
and,  if  taken,  will  every  one  be  put  to  death.” 

In  proportion  as  the  Texan  sky  was  overcast  by  these  un- 
lucky campaigns,  that  of  Mexico  was  the  more  brightened.  A 
member  of  the  United  States  Congress,  deeply  interested  in 
behalf  of  Texas,  and  intimate  with  Almonte,  the  Mexican  min- 
ister, approached  him  upon  these  matters.  “At  one  time,” 
said  Almonte,  “ we  did  not  suppose  that  we  could  reconquer 
Texas ; yet  no  man  could  have  sustained  himself  in  Mexico 
who  would  have  declared  otherwise,  or  who  would  have  ad- 
vocated the  acknowledgment  of  Texan  independence  : but  now 
the  scene  has  partly  changed,  and  we  entertain  strong  hopes 
that  Texas  will  soon  be  so  reduced  as  to  offer  but  little  resist- 
ance.”* Such  was  the  result  of  insubordination  in  Texas,  and 
such  the  hopes  of  Mexico. 

But  there  was  an  influence  at  work  that  was  destined  to  do 
much  for  Texas : it  was  a feeling  of  jealousy  between  the  Uni- 
ted States  and  Great  Britain.  It  has  been  already  intimated 
that  the  latter  had  made  no  serious  attempt  to  produce  peace 
between  Mexico  and  Texas.  It  was  only  when  she  learned 
that  President  Tyler  and  his  cabinet  were  favorable  to  annexa- 
tion, that  she  began  to  put  forth  her  power.  Although  the 

* LetUr  of  Isaac  Van  Zandt,  March  4,  1843. 


THE  ANNEXATION  QUESTION  AGAIN  AGITATED.  407 

proposition  for  a union  of  the  two  republics  had  been  formally 
withdrawn  by  the  Texan  government,  yet  Mr.  Van  Zandt,  with- 
out instructions  to  treat,  held  informal  conversations  with  the 
members  of  the  American  government  upon  the  subject.  He 
found  the  president  and  cabinet  anxious  for  the  success  of  the 
measure,  but  fearful  that  it  would  not  meet  the  sanction  of  the 
senate.  To  stimulate  President  Tyler,  the  members  of  Con- 
gress friendly  to  Texas  called  upon  him  individually,  and  urged 
him  to  act,  suggesting  the  designs  of  the  British  government. 
General  Jackson  was  solicited  to  address  a communication  to 
President  Tyler  upon  the  subject,  which  he  did  ; and,  at  the 
same  time,  he  wrote  to  Texas,  “ I see  you  are  negotiating  with 
Mexico,  but  be  careful  of  the  designing  English.,, 

As  early  as  the  10th  of  February,  1843,  the  Texan  charge 
d’affaires  at  Washington  was  notified  by  his  government  that 
the  rejection  by  the  United  States  of  the  annexation  proposi- 
tions of  1837  placed  Texas  in  an  attitude  which  would  render 
it  improper  in  her  to  take  the  first  step  toward  a renewal  of 
those  propositions.  He  was  therefore  authorized  to  say  ver- 
bally, should  the  matter  be  brought  up,  that  it  would  be  neces- 
sary for  the  United  States  to  make  an  advance  so  decided  as 
to  “ open  wide  the  door  of  negotiation  to  Texas.”  Should  that 
be  done,  then  he  was  instructed  to  say  that  Texas  renewed  the 
proposal  for  annexation. 

Santa  Anna’s  propositions,  through  the  medium  of  Robineon, 
“ were  everywhere  met,  by  the  people  to  whom  they  were  ad- 
dressed, with  indignation  and  contempt.”*  Yet  they  satisfied 
the  people  of  Texas,  and  of  other  nations,  that  the  Mexican 
chief  desired  to  treat ; and  that,  so  far  as  he  could  venture  on 
his  popularity  at  home,  he  would  do  so.  The  British  charge 
d affaires  in  Mexico,  taking  advantage  of  this  pacific  disposi- 

* Ansou  Jones,  Texan  Secretary  of  State,  to  Isaac  Van  Zandt,  May  8,  1843. 


408 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


tion,  under  instructions  from  his  government,  urged  upon  Santa 
Anna  the  importance  of  an  effort  to  settle  the  difference  by 
commissioners  to  be  appointed  by  each  party.  He  further 
stated  to  the  dictator  that  it  would  be  useless  to  send  commis- 
sioners to  treat,  on  any  terms,  so  long  as  the  present  warfare 
was  carried  on. 

Santa  Anna  then  authorized  Mr.  Percy  Doyle,  the  British 
charge  d'affaires,  to  inform  President  Houston,  through  Mr. 
Elliot,  that  he  would  agree  to  an  armistice ; and  stated  that  he 
would  at  once  give  orders  for  a total  cessation  of  hostilities  on 
his  part,  and  requested  that  General  Houston  would  despatch 
similar  orders  to  the  officers  commanding  the  Texan  forces. 
Should  this  be  done,  “ he  was  ready  to  receive  any  commis- 
sioners which  might  be  sent  from  Texas  to  treat  on  the  terms 
proposed  by  him.”*  This  communication  was  immediately 
despatched  by  an  express  brought  by  her  Britannic  majesty’s 
sloop  Scylla , and  transmitted  to  the  Texan  government  at  Gal- 
veston.f The  “ terms  proposed”  by  Santa  Anna  may  have 
been  those  sent  by  Robinson,  or  those  transmitted  to  Mr.  Doyle 
— for  the  Texan  government  was  only  furnished  with  an  extract 
from  Mr.  Doyle’s  letter.  It  was  accompanied,  however,  by  an 
official  and  an  unofficial  letter  from  Mr.  Elliot,  expressing  the 
belief  that  the  negotiations,  once  commenced,  would  “ end  in 
an  honorable  and  desirable  peace.”  In  this  view  the  vicompte 
De  Cramayel  fully  concurred,  and  joined  in  urging  the  armistice. 

The  president  of  Texas,  on  the  receipt  of  these  communica- 
tions, though  he  had  little  faith  in  the  result,  felt  that  it  would 
be  advantageous  to  the  republic  to  negotiate,  thus  allaying  for 
a time  the  ravages  of  war.  Besides,  it  would  encourage  the 
friends  of  annexation  in  the  United  States,  promote  immigra- 

* Percy  Doyle  to  Charles  Elliot,  May  27,  1843. 

f Charles  Elliot  to  Anson  Jones,  June  10,  1843. 


AN  ARMISTICE  PROCLAIMED. 


409 


tion,  and  give  time  to  Texas  to  improve  her  finances,  still  in 
a wretched  condition.  The  armistice  was  accepted  and  pro- 
claimed on  the  15th  of  June,  to  continue  pending  negotiations 
for  peace,  “ and  until  due  notice  of  an  intention  to  resume  hos- 
tilities (should  such  intention  thereafter  be  entertained  by  either 
party)  should  be  formally  announced  through  her  Britannic 
majesty’s  charges  d'affaires  at  the  respective  governments.”  At 
the  same  time,  Captain  Elliot  was  informed  of  the  acceptance 
of  the  armistice,  and  requested  to  obtain  the  sanction  of  Mex- 
ico to  the  time  of  its  duration,  as  set  forth  in  the  proclamation, 
previous  to  the  appointment  of  commissioners.  A despatch  was 
also  immediately  forwarded  to  the  Texan  charge  d affaires  at 
Washington,  enclosing  copies  of  all  these  transactions.*  The 
sloop  S cylla  carried  back  to  Mexico  the  acceptance  of  the  ar- 
mistice, and  the  proclamation  of  President  Houston. 

These  diplomatic  movements,  executed  with  secrecy  and  de- 
spatch, produced  the  most  intense  curiosity  and  interest  in  the 
public  mind ; and  when,  a few  we'eks  afterward,  a despatch 
was  transmitted  from  the  Texan  government  to  its  charge  at 
Washington,  saying  that,  inasmuch  as  the  United  States  had 
taken  no  definite  action  on  the  subject  of  annexation,  and  there 
being  a prospect  of  an  adjustment  of  the  difficulties  with  Mex- 
ico, the  president  of  Texas  deemed  it  advisable  to  take  no  fur- 
ther action  in  the  matter  at  that  timef  — when  this  information 
was  imparted  to  the  American  government — the  public  anxiety 
was  greatly  increased.  Texas  saw  the  feeling  of  jealousy  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  and  took  no  pains 
to  dissipate  it  She  saw  that  the  contest  was  for  the  mastery 
of  the  gulf  of  Mexico  — involving  the  Monroe  doctrine ; and 

* Anson  Jones  to  Charles  Elliot,  June  15,  1843.  Anson  Jones  to  Isaac  Van 
Zandt,  June  15,  1843. 

f Anson  Jones  to  Isaac  Van  Zandt,  July  6,  1843. 


410 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


that,  in  the  final  issue,  she  had  in  her  own  hand3  the  disposal 
of  this  great  inland  sea,  with  all  its  potent  commercial  and  mar- 
itime influences.  A dispassionate  observer,  acquainted  with 
her  antecedents,  might  well  conclude  that  Texas  would  never 
fall  into  the  lap  of  England.  A thousand  glorious  associations 
connected  with  the  fatherland  forbade  it ; but  the  politics  of 
the  contending  powers  were  not  guided  by  such  observers. 
Their  passions,  feelings,  and  pride,  were  all  involved,  and  the 
44 pear  was  ripening”  more  rapidly  than  the  conservative  school 
imagined,  or  even  desired.  Texas  loved  the  parent-country, 
and  felt  that  she  was  excusable  in  the  use  of  such  coyness  of 
conduct  as  would  cause  that  love  to  be  reciprocated.  The 
giant  soul  of  the  American  Union  could  only  be  aroused  by 
that  jealousy  which  the  mysterious  diplomacy  of  Texas  pro- 
duced : and,  as  the  plot  thickened,  the  mystery  increased,  and 
with  it  the  jealousy  of  the  United  States,  until  “ Texas’’  be- 
came the  battle-cry  through  mountains  and  valleys ; and  such 
standard-bearers  as  Benton,  who  were  waiting  for  the  pear  to 
ripen , were  overwhelmed,  and  the  victory  won ! 

The  president  of  Texas  seemed  to  enjoy  this  contest  for  su- 
premacy between  the  great  powers.  To  Captain  Elliot,  the 
British  charge  d'affaires , he  thus  writes : 44  I know  you  will 
be  amused  at  various  matters  with  which  4 Capricorn’  of  the 
‘ Tropic’  has  been  regaling  the  public  at  our  expense.  If  we 
were  butterflies,  and  lived  but  a day,  we  might  be  teased  by 
such  tilings.  Pray,  don’t  let  them  affect  your  serenity.  I am 
as  cool  as  a shoemaker’s  lapstone  in  an  open  shop  at  Christ- 
mas. I deny  nothing ; but  as  I see  a piece,  on  the  subject  of 
your  correspondence  wuth  Santa  Anna,  in  the  4 Farmer,’  I will 
send  it  to  you.”*  To  Judge  Eve,  the  American  charge , he 
writes  as  follows : 44 1 find,  as  news  reaches  me  from  both  the 


* Houston  to  Elliot,  May  7,  1843. 


PRESIDENT  HOUSTON  ON  ANNEXATION.  411 

United  States  and  Texas,  that  the  subject  of  annexation  is  one 
that  has  claimed  much  attention,  and  is  well  received.  I find 
that  even  the  oldest  settlers,  even  some  of  the  original  three 
hundred,  are  as  anxious  for  the  event  to  take  place  as  any  that 
I meet  with.  How  the  project  is  to  ultimate,  it  is  impossible 
to  divine.  The  democracy  of  the  United  States  is  in  favor  of 
the  measure ; and  if  it  should  become  a political  lever,  both  of 
the  -political  parties  will  grasp  at  the  handle.  But  of  these 
matters  you  can  judge  better  than  it  is  possible  for  me  to  do ; 
you  have  more  sources  of  information  than  I can  have.”* 

Thus  passed  the  first  half  of  the  year  1843.  The  publication 
of  the  armistice  dispersed  the  warlike  preparations  of  Texas. 
The  people  were  pleased  with  the  change : ignorant  of  the 
moving  causes,  they  saw  a prospect  of  peace.  The  country 
never  witnessed  a more  abundant  harvest.  Immigration  was 
anticipated  to  a large  extent.  Fine  farms  were  beginning  to 
dot  the  face  of  the  country  ; cattle  were  multiplying ; and  hope 
seemed  at  last  to  revel  in  a clear  sky.  The  president  was  pre- 
paring for  a visit  to  a grand  Indian  council  of  all  the  tribes  in 
Texas,  in  which  the  United  States  were  also  to  be  represented. 


* Houston  to  Eve,  February  7,  1843. 


412 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

On  the  24th  of  July,  1843,  Captain  Elliot  sent  another  de- 
spatch to  the  Texan  government,  transmitting  the  information, 
derived  from  the  British  charge  d'affaires  in  Mexico,  that  the 
duration  of  the  armistice  should  be  determined  by  the  military 
authorities  of  the  two  countries,  and  referring  Texas  to  General 
Adrian  Woll,  then  in  command  at  Matamoras.  The  despatch 
further  proceeded  to  state  that  the  commissioners  to  treat  could 
come  by  land  or  sea ; but  that  Santa  Anna  trusted  they  would 
be  sent  with  full  powers  to  negotiate  upon  the  terms  brought 
out  by  Robinson.  Captain  Elliot  adds  : “ Under  these  circum- 
stances, it  will  be  for  the  government  of  Texas  to  determine 
what  course  to  pursue.  By  admitting  the  nominal  concession 
required  of  them,  peace  would  be  immediately  secured ; and, 
with  peace,  commerce  and  agriculture  would  flourish,  and  the 
foundations  of  daily-increasing  wealth  and  power  would  be 
laid.”  This  extract  shows  that  the  influence  of  the  abolition- 
ists and  the  Mexican  bondholders  in  London  controlled  British 
politics  on  the  Texan  question.  At  the  same  time  that  there 
was  perhaps  not  a single  white  man  in  Texas  who  would  for  a 
moment  have  submitted  to  even  the  nominal  supremacy  of  Mex- 
ico, it  was  desirable  to  push  forward  the  negotiations  for  an 
armistice,  and  establish  it  upon  a solid  basis.  This  could  be 
done  without  touching  the  questions  that  would  arise  in  the 


PEACE  NEGOTIATIONS  — PRELIMINARY  ACTION. 


413 


subsequent  treaty  negotiations.  The  Texan  secretary  of  state, 
therefore,  in  his  reply,  informed  Captain  Elliot  that  his  gov- 
ernment would  accept  Santa  Anna’s  proposition  to  send  com- 
missioners to  treat  with  General  Woll  concerning  the  terms  of 
the  armistice ; and,  should  these  be  satisfactorily  adjusted,  then 
commissioners  would  be  despatched  to  Mexico,  to  treat  for  a 
permanent  peace.* 

On  the  26th  of  July,  Lieutenant  Galan,  of  the  Mexican  army, 
arrived  at  Washington,  on  the  Brasos,  with  a letter  from  Gen- 
eral Woll,  proposing  to  make  public  the  armistice  so  soon  as 
the  Texan  government  recalled  the  forces  under  Snively.  He 
also  proposed  Laredo  as  a suitable  place  for  the  commissioners 
on  the  armistice  to  meet.  Woll’s  letter  was  addressed  to 
“ General  Houston.”  The  latter  referred  it  to  the  secretary 
of  war,  who  replied  as  though  it  had  been  directed  to  the  presi- 
dent of  Texas,  and  informed  General  Woll  that  the  commis- 
sioners would  meet  at  Laredo  about  the  25th  of  September; 
and  also  that  orders  had  been  issued  to  call  in  the  Snively  ex- 
pedition as  soon  as  it  could  be  reached.! 

It  is  proper  likewise  to  mention  that  the  Texan  secretary  of 
state,  in  his  letter  to  Captain  Elliot  of  the  30th  of  July,  said 
that  if  Mexico  were  sincerely  desirous  to  remove  all  obstacles 
to  a successful  and  happy  termination  of  existing  difficulties, 
she  should  at  once  release  the  Texans  she  held  in  captivity ; 
for,  so  long  as  they  were  detained,  accounts  of  their  sufferings 
■would  reach  their  friends  and  countrymen  in  Texas,  and  keep* 
alive  a hostile  feeling.  Captain  Elliot  was  requested  to  pre- 
sent this  matter,  through  the  British  minister  in  Mexico,  to 
Santa  Anna.  To  this  application  an  answer  was  shortly  re- 

* Charles  Elliot  to  Anson  Jones,  July  24,  1843.  Anson  Jones  to  Charles  Elliot, 
July  30,  1843. 

f Adrian  Woll  to  General  Houston,  July  16,  1843.  George  W.  Hill  to  Adrian 
Woll,  July  29,  1843. 


414 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


turned,  through  the  same  channel,  to  the  effect  that,  so  soon 
as  the  Texan  government  delivered  all  the  Mexican  prisoners 
in  its  hands  — some  of  whom  had  been  detained  since  the  battle 
of  San  Jacinto  — at  the  headquarters  of  General  Woll,  then 
Santa  Anna  would  release  all  the  Texan  captives  held  by  him, 
though  they  amounted  to  more  than  the  Texans  held  of  the 
Mexicans.*  To  this  Mr.  Jones  replied  that  Texas  retained  no 
Mexican  prisoners ; that  those  of  San  Jacinto  had  all  been  re- 
leased in  1837  ; and,  if  any  of  them  still  remained  in  the  coun- 
try, it  was  of  their  own  choice : nevertheless,  the  president  of 
Texas  had  issued  his  proclamation,  calling  upon  all  that  were 
in  the  republic,  and  who  chose  to  return,  to  report  themselves 
to  Colonel  John  C.  Hays,  at  Bexar,  by  the  10th  of  October, 
when  they  would  be  sent  to  General  Woll  free  of  charge,  f 
On  the  26th  of  September,  George  W.  Hockley  and  Samuel 
M.  Williams  were  appointed,  on  the  part  of  the  Texan  govern- 
ment, commissioners  to  meet  those  of  General  Woll,  at  some 
point  on  or  near  the  Rio  Grande,  to  agree  upon  the  terms  of 
the  armistice.  Their  instructions  were  as  follows : “ To  en- 
deavor to  establish  a general  armistice  between  Texas  and 
Mexico,  to  continue  during  the  pendency  of  negotiations  with 
Mexico  for  a permanent  peace,  and  adjustment  of  the  difficul- 
ties between  the  two  countries,  and  for  such  further  period  as 
they  could  agree  upon,  requiring  due  notice  to  be  given  by 
either  party  disposed  to  resume  hostilities,  to  the  other,  through 
the  minister  of  Great  Britain  resident  at  the  corresponding 
court,  six  months  previous  to  any  act  of  hostility ; to  agree 
that  the  government  of  Texas  should  appoint  commissioners, 
clothed  with  full  powers,  to  meet  at  the  capital  of  Mexico,  to 


* Charles  Elliot  to  Anson  Jones,  August  28,  1848. 

t Anson  Jones  to  Charles  Elliot,  September  4,  1848.  Houston’s  Proclamation, 
September  4,  1848. 


THE  ARMISTICE  — RUMORS  — GENERAL  MURPHY.  415 

negotiate  for  the  adjustment  of  all  existing  difficulties  between 
the  two  countries,  and  the  establishment  of  a permanent  peace 
between  Texas  and  Mexico ; to  require  safe  conduct  by  sea  or 
land,  to  and  from  the  city  of  Mexico,  for  the  commissioners 
which  might  be  appointed  by  the  government,  as  also  protec- 
tion during  their  stay  in  Mexico,  and  for  all  persons  charged 
with  despatches  from  Texas  for  the  commissioners,  and  from 
them  to  Texas,  as  is  usual  among  nations  in  such  cases.” 
These,  together  with  some  further  provisions,  prohibiting  Mexi- 
can soldiers  from  crossing  the  Rio  Grande,  and  in  relation  to 
the  punishment  of  persons  violating  the  armistice,  constituted 
the  instructions  to  Messrs.  Hockley  and  Williams.* 

The  rumors  put  in  circulation  in  regard  to  these  matters 
were  infinite ; though  they  would  have  passed  unnoticed,  had 
not  the  name  of  General  W.  S.  Murphy,  the  successor  of  Judge 
Eve  as  charge  d'affaires  from  the  United  States,  been  associ- 
ated with  them.f  A correspondence  ensued,  and  the  rumors 
were  found  to  be  disconnected  with  General  Murphy.  Still, 
the  fact  was  manifest  that  the  jealousy  of  the  United  States 
•was  greatly  excited  by  this  passing  and  repassing  of  the  Brit- 
ish sloop-of-war  Scylla  from  Yera  Cruz  to  Galveston,  and  the 
consequent  armistice.  The  interest  taken  by  the  American 
government  in  bringing  about  a peace  between  the  belligerent 
countries  became  the  more  lively.  General  Thompson  was  in- 
structed to  protest  and  remonstrate  in  the  most  solemn  manner 
against  a recent  order  of  Santa  Anna,  directing  all  foreigners 
taken  in  arms  to  be  immediately  put  to  death,  and  to  declare 


* Instructions  of  G.  W.  Hill,  Secretary  of  War,  September  26,  1843. 
f Mr.  Yan  Zandt,  writing  from  Washington,  under  date  of  November  7,  1843, 
says:  “I  think  it" may  be  safely  set  down  as  true  that  General  Murphy,  among 
other  things,  thinks  that  there  is  an  undue  intimacy  existing  between  the  presi- 
dent of  Texas  and  Captain  Elliot”  Mr.  Yan  Zandt  did  not  see  the  despatches, 
but  gathered  this  much  from  a conversation  with  President  Tyler. 


416 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


that  the  United  States  viewed  that  order  as  inhuman  and  bar- 
barous, and  could  not  see  its  execution  with  indifference.  He 
was  further  instructed  to  say  that  his  government  viewed  the 
war  between  Mexico  and  Texas  as  having  lost  its  high  charac- 
ter, and  that  it  could  be  called  only  a war  of  plunder,  pillage, 
and  robbery ; that  the  United  States  deprecated  its  further 
continuance  ; and,  while  they  did  not  dispute  the  right  of  Mex- 
ico to  resubjugate  Texas  if  she  could,  they  questioned  her  right 
to  keep  the  subject  open,  and  expressed  the  decided  opinion 
that  the  war  should  be  at  once  ended,  either  by  negotiations  or 
by  arms.  These,  with  some  other  very  strong  observations, 
constituted  the  new  instructions  to  the  American  minister  in 
Mexico,  from  the  pen  of  Mr.  Upshur,  the  successor  of  Mr. 
Webster  as  secretary  of  state.* 

In  the  beginning  of  October,  and  while  affairs  were  thus  pro- 
gressing, some  difficulties  occurred  between  the  governments 
of  Great  Britain  and  Mexico,  and  of  such  a character  as  to 
cause  Mr.  Doyle,  the  British  charge  d'affaires , to  suspend  his 
diplomatic  functions.  This  necessarily  cut  off  the  channel  of 
communication  between  Texas  and  Mexico.  Yet  the  Texan 
government  was  assured  that  the  differences  were  only  tempo- 
rary.! 

* Isaac  Yan  Zandt  to  Anson  Jones,  August  10.  1843. 

f Letter  of  Charles  Elliot,  November  27,  1843.  It  appears  that,  at  an  anni- 
versary ball  given  by  Santa  Anna,  at  which  the  different  foreign  ministers  were 
in  attendance,  there  was  a display  of  flags  taken  in  battle.  Among  them  was  a 
British  standard  taken  from  an  English  sailor  at  the  battle  of  Mier.  Mr.  Doyle, 
the  British  minister,  requested  that  it  might  be  removed,  and  was  assured  that 
it  should  be  done  the  next  day.  Time  passed  on  until  the  27th  of  September, 
when  another  ball  was  given.  Mr.  Doyle,  on  attending,  saw  the  English  union 
jack  still  hanging  in  the  salon  de  reception.  After  some  strong  diplomatic  notes, 
Mr.  Doyle  suspended  his  functions.  There  were  also  some  other  differences  in 
regard  to  certain  claims  due  to  British  subjects,  which,  being  brought  into  the 
discussion,  influenced  the  minister  in  the  course  he  took.  Mr.  Doyle,  previous 
to  the  suspension  of  his  functions,  had  transmitted  to  Santa  Anna  what  Houston 
had  said  about  the  Mexican  prisoners  in  Texas,  and  his  proclamation  for  the  re- 


MEETING  OF  CONGRESS  — PRESIDENT’S  MESSAGE.  417 

In  the  meantime,  the  Texan  government,  to  strengthen  its 
hold  upon  the  western  frontier,  encouraged  a trade  between 
the  people  of  the  two  countries  at  Corpus  Christi,  and  urged 
the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  to  appoint  consuls  for 
that  port. 

The  eighth  Texan  Congress  assembled  at  Washington  on  the 
4th  of  December,  1843.  The  message  of  President  Houston 
did  not  appear  until  the  12th.  In  that  paper  he  referred  with 
pleasure  to  the  prosperous  condition  of  the  republic,  her  grow- 
ing commerce,  and  the  good  results  of  the  pacific  policy  pur- 
sued toward  the  Indian  tribes,  with  all  of  whom,  except  two, 
treaties  had  been  made.  He  referred  also  to  the  pending  ne- 
gotiations for  an  armistice  with  Mexico,  and  stated  that  the 
two  individuals  appointed  by  Texas  had  set  out  on  their  mis- 
sion. For  the  kind  offices  of  the  three  great  powers  in  bring- 
ing about  these  negotiations  he  presented  the  thanks  of  the 
country.  The  efforts  of  the  British  government  were  particu- 
larly named  as  flowing  from  a sincere  and  “ disinterested”  de- 
sire to  bring  about  a result  honorable  to  the  republic. 

But  the  message  of  the  Texan  chief  magistrate  was  soon  for- 
gotten in  the  excitement  produced  by  that  of  John  Tyler,  presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  delivered  to  the  federal  Congress  on 
the  5th  of  December,  1843.  The  Mexican  government,  antici- 
pating some  action  in  the  American  Congress  on  the  subject  of 
annexation,  had  forestalled  the  result  by  threatening  the  Uni- 
ted States  with  a declaration  of  war  if  such  annexation  took 
place.  President  Tyler  referred  to  this  threat  as  idle ; and, 
after  speaking  of  the  predatory  character  of  the  war  which  had 
been  waged  by  Mexico  for  eight  years,  declared  that  “ the 

leaee  of  any  that  might  remain  ; but,  by  the  breaking  off  of  his  official  intercourse, 
the  former  was  prevented  from  pursuing  the  matter  of  the  release  of  the  Texau 
prisoners  in  Mexico  any  further. 

Vol.  II.  — 27 


418 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


Creator  of  the  universe  had  given  man  the  earth  for  his  resting- 
place,  and  its  fruits  for  his  subsistence.  Whatever,  therefore, 
should  make  the  first,  or  any  part  of  it,  a scene  of  desolation,  af- 
fected injuriously  his  heritage,  and  might  be  regarded  as  a general 
calamity.  Wars  might  sometimes  be  necessary,  but  all  nations 
had  a common  interest  in  bringing  them  speedily  to  a close.” 
All  this  was  sound  philosophy ; and  President  Tyler,  in  its 
practical  application,  declared  that  the  “ United  States  had  an 
immediate  interest  in  seeing  an  end  put  to  the  state  of  hostili- 
ties existing  between  Mexico  and  Texas.”  Among  other  rea- 
sons given  why  the  American  Union  could  not  be  indifferent, 
he  affirmed  that  “ a warfare,  such  as  was  waged  between  those 
two  nations,  was  calculated  to  weaken  both  powers,  and  finally 
to  render  them  — and  especially  the  weaker  of  the  two  — the 
subjects  of  interference  on  the  part  of  stronger  and  more  pow- 
erful nations,  which,  intent  only  on  advancing  their  own  pecu- 
liar views,  may  sooner  or  later  attempt  to  bring  about  a com- 
pliance with  terms,  as  the  condition  of  their  interposition,  alike 
derogatory  to  the  nation  granting  them,  and  detrimental  to  the 
interests  of  the  United  States.”  President  Tyler  then  gave 
many  cogent  reasons  why  the  United  States  could  not  quietly 
submit  to  such  interference,  and  declared  that  they  were  bound 
by  interest  and  sympathy  to  see  that  Texas  was  left  free  to  act, 
“ especially  in  regard  to  her  domestic  affairs,  unawed  by  force, 
and  unrestrained  by  the  policy  or  views  of  other  countries.” 
This  message  reached  the  British  and  French  representatives 
to  the  Texan  government  at  New  Orleans.  They  were  “ won- 
der-struck.”— “When  Texas,”  said  they,  “ has  arrived  at  a 
state  of  truce  with  Mexico,  with  no  help  from  the  United  States, 
and  has  good  hope  of  a permanent  peace,  out  comes  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States  with  a declaration  that  Mexico 
is  not  to  be  suffered  to  make  war  against  her.  Why,  she  is 


ANGLO-FRENCH  VIEWS  OF  MR.  TYLER’S  TEXAN  MESSAGE.  419 


not  making  war  against  her ; and  this  notice  would  have  been, 
more  kindly  timed  in  December,  1842,  when  there  was  good 
reason  to  believe  that  Mexico  did  meditate  an  incursion  into 
Texas.  But  at  that  time  the  United  States  were  negotiating 
their  .claim-convention  with  Mexico,  and  then  it  did  not  suit 
them  to  irritate  the  Mexican  government.  ‘ Pay  us  the  money, 
and  you  may  do  what  you  like  with  Texas,’  was  the  music  of 
December,  1842 ; but,  now  that  there  is  a hope  of  settlement, 
the  United  States  do  what  they  can  to  prevent  it.  That  Mr. 
Tyler  should  have  said  so  much  concerning  the  settlement  of 
the  affairs  of  Texas,  without  one  syllable  of  notice  of  the  wishes 
or  feelings  of  the  government  and  people  of  Texas,  is  certainly 
the  most  barefaced  piece  of  political  impudence  on  record. 
And  when  Mr.  Tyler  speaks  of  the  geographical  line  of  divis- 
ion, and  of  the  opinions  of  some  people  that  the  territory  actu- 
ally belongs  to  the  United  States,  he  is  a gigantic  joker.  Such 
drollery  beats  the  world. 

“ When  he  arrives  at  the  point  of  deciding  that  the  United 
States  will  not  suffer  Texas  to  entertain  any  project  respecting 
the  abolition  of  slavery  — for  that  is  meant  broadly  enough  — 
he  really  seems  to  be  intending  something  very  little  short  of 
the  enslaving  of  the  government  and  people  of  Texas.  What- 
ever may  be  the  decision  of  the  government  and  people  of  Texas 
on  that,  or  any  other  subject  of  internal  interest,  it  is  surely 
their  unquestionable  right  to  entertain  or  reject  any  proposition 
made  to  them  by  powers  in  alliance  with  them,  without  asking 
the  good  leave  of  Mr.  Tyler — and  upon  grounds  which  they 
may  judge  best  suited  to  their  own  interests  and  honor. 

“ If  Texas  admits  these  lofty  pretensions  of  the  United  States, 
there  is  reason  to  fear  that  other  powers  will  think  she  is  al- 
ready swallowed  up , or  that  Mr.  Tyler’s  geographical  line  is 
rubbed  out.” 


420 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


Such  were  the  feelings  and  language  of  the  great  European 
powers  on  reading  President  Tyler’s  message  ; and,  while  they 
were  charging  him  with  dictatorial  assumptions,  they  were  act- 
ually dictating  to  Texas  the  course  she  should  pursue,  if  she 
desired  a continuance  of  their  smiles.  But  President  Houston 
“ was  as  cool  as  a shoemaker’s  lapstone  on  Christmas-day,” 
and  thought  the  republic  very  happy  in  having  so  many  good 
friends.  As  for  the  people  of  Texas,  they  were  duly  advised 
of  the  proceedings  at  Exeter  hall,  and  of  the  influence  exerted 
by  the  Mexican  bondholders  in  London,  and  were  not  so  patient 
as  their  chief  magistrate.  In  their  reminiscences,  they  went 
behind  the  period  of  December,  1842,  to  the  times  when  they 
so  much  needed  “aid  and  comfort”  in  men  and  money — and 
were  not  disappointed — to  the  time  when,  in  the  hour  of  their 
infancy  and  helplessness,  they  were  told  by  Lord  Palmerston 
that  “ her  majesty’s  government  would  be  justifiable  in  sending 
out  a ship-of-war  to  Texas,”  to  demand  the  payment  of  certain 
claims  against  the  republic.* 

Let  us  recur  for  a moment  to  the  efforts  actually  made  by 
Great  Britain  in  behalf  of  Texas,  and  the  interest  which  she 
fancied  she  had  in  effecting  a peace  : — 

1.  By  the  Hamilton  convention  of  November  14, 1840,  Great 
Britain  offered  her  mediation  between  the  belligerent  states, 
for  the  consideration  that,  if  successful,  Texas  “ would  take 
upon  herself  a portion  amounting  to  one  million  pounds  ster- 
ling of  the  capital  of  the  foreign  debt  contracted  by  Mexico, 
prior  to  the  first  day  of  February,  1835.”  This  tender  of  the 
mediation  of  Great  Britain  was  rejected  by  Mexico,  of  which 
Texas  had  due  notice. 

2.  In  1842,  Texas  applied  to  the  three  great  powers  — the 
United  States,  Great  Britain,  and  France — to  interpose  jointly 

* Palmerston  to  Henderson,  November  12,  1839. 


THE  ARMISTICE  NEGOTIATION. 


421 


in  her  behalf,  for  the  termination  of  the  war.  To  this  proposi- 
tion France  and  the  United  States  were  willing  to  accede,  but 
Great  Britain  preferred  that  each  power  should  act  separately. 
In  the  spring  of  1843,  Texas  learned  that  these  efforts  were 
hopeless. 

3.  At  the  same  time,  Texas  was  informed  that  Mr.  Doyle, 
the  British  charge  d’affaires q had  been  instructed  to  propose 
to  Mexico  a settlement  of  her  difficulties  with  Texas,  based 
upon  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  latter.  We  are  not  advised 
what  were  the  representations  made  by  Mr.  Doyle  to  Santa 
Anna,  that  brought  about  the  proposition  for  a truce  ; but,  con- 
sequent upon  the  truce,  Messrs.  Hockley  and  Williams  had  been 
sent  to  the  Rio  Grande,  to  negotiate  an  armistice.  Pending 
this  negotiation,  Great  Britain  invited  France  to  join  her  in 
the  mediation.  The  United  States  were  doubtless  excluded 
on  account  of  the  slavery  question,  as  also  from  the  desire  of 
those  two  powers  to  prevent  the  American  Union  from  acqui- 
ring further  territory  and  influence  upon  the  gulf  of  Mexico.* 

The  commissioners  to  negotiate  the  armistice  proceeded  to 
Sabinas,  on  the  west  side  of  the  Rio  Grande,  where  they  met 
Seilors  Landeras  and  Jaunequi,  commissioners  appointed  by 
General  Woll,  in  pursuance  of  orders  from  Santa  Anna,  and 
the  negotiation  commenced.  The  first  propositions  presented 
by  the  Texan  commissioners  were  fully  in  accordance  with 
their  instructions.  The  object  of  the  government  of  Texas  in 
this  negotiation  was,  to  procure  an  armistice  of  as  great  dura- 

* Messrs.  Henderson  and  Van  Zandt  to  Mr.  Calhoun,  April  22,  1844.  Nor  do 
we  know  whether  Mr.  Doyle  stated,  in  his  note  to  Captain  Elliot,  that  Santa 
Anna’s  propositions  were  based  on  the  paper  sent  to  Texas  by  Robinson.  One 
thing  is  certain,  however  — that,  in  the  extract  from  Mr.  Doyle’s  note  furnished 
the  Texan  government  by  Captain  Elliot,  the  Robinson  propositions  were  neither 
named  nor  hinted  at;  nor  were  they  referred  to  in  Captain  Elliot’s  letters.  The 
latter  had  been  informed  that  the  Robinson  propositions  were  wholly  inadmis- 
sible. 


422 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


tion  as  possible,  and  not  to  enter  into  a discussion,  of  any  of  the 
questions  to  be  afterward  settled  by  commissioners  to  treat  of 
peace.  The  instructions  furnished  General  W oil  by  Santa  Anna 
were  of  a general  nature ; but  both  governments  required  the 
agreement,  when  made,  to  be  submitted  for  ratification  or  rejec- 
tion. After  some  difficulties,  the  negotiation  was  cut  short  by 
information  of  proceedings  in  the  United  States  and  Texas  in 
regard  to  annexation.  The  intelligence  of  these  movements 
so  exasperated  the  Mexicans,  that  the  commissioners  from 
Texas  scarcely  felt  safe  under  the  pledges  of  protection  given. 
The  latter  signed  the  armistice  on  the  18th  of  February,  1844, 
and  returned  home.  It  was  promptly  rejected  on  the  part  of 
Texas,  because  it  referred  to  her  as  a department  of  Mexico . 
“ I did  not  deem  it  necessary,”  says  President  Houston,  “ to 
take  any  action  upon  the  agreement  signed  by  our  commission- 
ers, further  than  to  reject  it  silently.  I supposed  that  Santa 
Anna  would  calculate,  as  a matter  of  course,  that  some  action 
would  take  place  under  it,  and  consequently  that  we  would 
gain  time  by  silence.”* 

To  return  to  the  causes  that  disturbed  the  negotiations  for 
an  armistice.  It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  inquire  who  first  pro- 
posed the  question  of  annexation.  We  have  already  seen  that 
it  was  predicted  in  general  terms  by  the  Spanish  minister  of 
foreign  affairs,  immediately  after  the  American  Revolution ; 
and  that  it  was  alluded  to  more  definitely  by  Captain  Pike,  in 
1806 ; also  that  it  was  named  by  General  Houston,  directly 
after  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  and  formally  presented  by  the 
government  of  Texas  in  1837.  Afterward,  in  1842,  it  was  offi- 
cially intimated  as  a question  having  vitality.  But  on  the  6th 
of  July,  1843,  the  subject  was  suspended  by  order  of  the  Texan 
government.  On  the  18th  of  September  following,  that  gov- 

* Houston  to  Yan  Zandt  and  Henderson,  May  JO,  1844. 


ANNEXATION  — INITIATORY  PROPOSITION. 


423 


eminent  was  notified,  through  its  charge  d’affaires  at  Wash- 
ington,  that  Mr.  Secretary  Upshur  brought  up  the  subject  in 
all  his  official  interviews,  stating  that  “ it  was  the  great  meas- 
ure of  the  administration,  and  that  he  was  actively  engaged, 
under  the  instructions  of  President  Tyler,  in  preparing  the 
minds  of  the  people  for  it,  and  in  learning  the  views  of  sena- 
tors on  the  subject.”  He  further  informed  Mr.  Van  Zandt  that 
President  Tyler  contemplated  early  action  upon  the  subject ; 
and  requested  Mr.  Van  Zandt  to  make  the  same  known  to  his 
government,  in  order  that,  if  Texas  desired  to  treat  on  that 
subject,  she  might  clothe  her  representative  with  suitable  pow- 
ers. On  the  16th  of  October,  Mr.  Upshur  made  a formal  propo- 
sition to  treat  on  the  question  ; and  Mr.  Van  Zandt  transmitted 
it  to  Texas,  asking  the  advice  of  his  government.*  At  this 
time,  the  young  republic  was  most  delicately  situated.  Many 
of  her  citizens  were  prisoners  in  Mexico,  and  it  was  desirable 
not  to  irritate  that  country  until  they  were  released.  Vague 
propositions  for  peace  were  passing  through  the  channel  of  the 
British  ministers  ; and  Texas  thought  she  could  treat  for  an- 
nexation on  better  terms  if  she  could  have  her  independence 
first  acknowledged  by  Mexico.  In  addition  to  these  considera- 
tions, should  she  enter  into  negotiations  with  the  United  States, 
and  the  treaty  fail  in  the  senate,  she  would  lose  the  friendship 
of  Great  Britain  and  France,  exasperate  Mexico,  and,  what  was 
worse  than  all,  compromise  her  own  dignity  and  self-respect. 
For  these  reasons,  the  Texan  executive  was  wary,  and  sus- 
pended his  action  upon  the  propositions  advanced  by  President 

* Mr.  Van  Zandt  to  Mr.  Jones,  October  16,  1843.  It  would  appear,  from 
these  facts,  that  President  Tyler  has  the  credit  of  having  initiated  the  proposi- 
tion on  the  part  of  the  United  States.  But  a very  distinguished  and  reliable 
authority  said  (January  17,  1844):  “ General  Jackson  has  done  much  to  arouse 
up  this  administration  to  make  the  proposition.  He,  more  than  any  man,  is  the 
basis  of  whatever  has  been  proposed  to  your  government.”  — Letter  of  A.  V. 
Brovin, 


424 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


Tyler.  The  discussions  on  the  subject  among  the  people  of  the 
United  States  were  daily  growing  in  interest ; and  the  back- 
wardness of  Texas  in  closing  in  with  Mr.  Upshur’s  proposals, 
only  increased  the  excitement.  What  could  President  Hous- 
ton mean  ? The  public  mind  in  both  countries  was  on  tiptoe  ; 
and  the  curiosity  to  look  into  the  diplomatic  notes  that  were 
supposed  to  be  passing  to  and  from  the  Texan  government  was 
hardly  restrained  within  the  bounds  of  good  manners. 

On  the  18th  of  December,  1848,  a resolution  was  adopted  in 
the  Texan  senate  of  an  extraordinary  character.  After  refer- 
ring in  the  preamble  to  the  existing  excitement,  it  proceeded 
to  set  forth  that,  “ whereas,  it  is  now  understood  that  a spe- 
cial messenger  has  been  despatched  this  morning  to  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States,  charged  with  important  matters 
connected  with  said  negotiations,  the  same  being  secret  from 
the  representatives  of  the  people  ; and,  whereas,  it  is  the  espe- 
cial duty  of  the  members  of  this  Congress  to  inquire  into  all 
matters  in  which  their  constituents  are  supposed  to  be  deeply 
interested,  and  particularly  in  regard  to  those  which  have  pro- 
duced great  excitement  in  the  public  mind : Be  it  therefore 
resolved , That  the  president  be  requested  to  recall  said  special 
messenger,  and  delay  his  departure,  until  the  matters  to  be 
communicated  through  him  shall  have  been  made  known  to 
this  Congress,  and  such  action  shall  be  had  thereon  as  shall 
be  deemed  advisable.”  The  president,  in  a very  pointed  mes- 
sage, refused  to  comply  with  this  resolution.*  On  the  22d  of 
December,  the  representative  branch  of  the  Congress  made  an- 
other call;  this  also  he  declined.!  Unable  to  get  anything 

* Message  to  the  Senate,  December  20,  1843.  Executive  Record,  p.  281. 

f-  Message  to  the  House,  January  1,  1844.  Executive  Record,  p.  294.  Gen- 
eral Jackson  was  very  severe  upon  the  Texan  Congress  for  these  calls.  He  says: 
“I  have  6een  the  impudent  call  upon  you  for  all  the  correspondence  between 
Great  Britain  and  Texas,  Mexico  and  Texas,  and  the  United  States  and  Texas; 


ANNEXATION  — ITS  PROSPECTS. 


425 


from  their  president,  they  applied  to  General  Murphy,  the  Uni- 
ted States  charge  d'affaires  in  Texas,  for  copies  of  the  corre- 
spondence ; but  this  he  flatly  refused.  The  president  informed 
the  house  of  representatives,  in  reply  to  its  call,  that,  although 
it  would  not  be  proper  to  publish  the  correspondence,  yet  the 
speaker  and  the  committee  on  foreign  affairs,  by  calling  at  the 
state  department,  could  read  and  examine  it.  They  did  so, 
and  were  so  far  satisfied.  But  what  had  already  been  done, 
had  become  public : the  prospect  of  a favorable  armistice  with 
Mexico  was  blighted ; the  release  of  the  Texan  prisoners  was 
postponed  ; Great  Britain  was  aroused  to  ask  for  explanations  ; 
and  the  peace  of  the  republic  was  jeoparded. 

Before  responding  to  the  proposition  of  Mr.  Upshur,  the  ex- 
ecutive of  Texas  wished  to  assure  himself  of  two  things  : first, 
that  the  treaty,  when  made,  would  be  ratified  by  the  United 
States  senate  — lest  Texas  should  be  humbled  and  made  cheap 
by  a failure ; second,  that  Texas  should  be  protected  by  the 
United  States  against  her  enemy,  pending  negotiations.  On 
the  first  point,  he  was  assured  by  the  most  intelligent  and  influ- 
ential men  in  the  United  States  that  the  treaty  would  be  rati- 
fied. “ I think  I can  lay  my  finger  on  forty  senators,”  says 
one,  “ who  would  vote  for  it,  while,  you  know,  thirty-five  would 
be  sufficient.” — “ I have  no  doubt,”  observed  another,  to  whom 
for  nearly  a third  of  a century  he  had  looked  for  advice*  — “ I 

and  I have  gloried  in  your  firmness  and  wisdom  in  withholding  it,  under  your 
present  and  existing  circumstances.  I now  say  to  you,  as  I said  to  the  organ 
of  President  Tyler,  when  he  informed  me  that  the  president  had  thought 
of  naming  the  subject  of  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  the  United  States  in  his 
message  — that  this  business  should  be  transacted  under  the  greatest  secrecy  ; 
and  the  first  public  notice  of  this  act  should  be  when  the  treaty  was  concluded 
and  laid  before  the  senate  for  ratification  ; and  then  kept  secret,  if  that  were 
possible,  till  ratified.”  — Jackson  to  Houston , January  23,  1844. 

* The  intimate  acquaintance  of  General  Houston  w’ith  General  Jackson  com- 
menced in  1816,  when  the  former  was  introduced  by  Colonel  Thomas  S.  Jesup 
into  the  military  family  of  the  latter.  Colonel  Robert  Butler,  the  adjutant- 


426 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


have  no  doubt  but  the  treaty  will  be  ratified  by  the  senate  as, 
our  friends  write  me  that  thirty-nine  senators  will  vote  for  its 
ratification,  while  thirty-five  are  two  thirds.” 

On  the  second  point,  Mr.  Tan  Zandt  inquired  of  Mr.  Upshur, 
confidentially,  whether,  after  the  treaty  was  signed,  and  before 
it  was  ratified,  the  president  of  the  United  States  would  order 
a military  and  naval  force  to  the  proper  points  on  the  gulf  of 
Mexico  sufficient  to  protect  Texas  from  foreign  aggression.* 
In  reply,  he  was  directed  to  assure  the  government  of  Texas 
that,  the  moment  the  treaty  was  signed,  President  Tyler  would 
send  a naval  squadron  upon  the  gulf,  and  a military  force  to 
the  Texan  borders,  to  act  as  circumstances  should  require ; 
and,  furthermore,  the  United  States  would  then  say  to  Mexico, 
“ You  must  in  nowise  disturb  or  molest  Texas.”! 

In  anticipation  of  a satisfactory  solution  of  these  points, 
President  Houston,  on  the  20th  of  January,  1844,  sent  to  the 
Congress  of  Texas  his  secret  annexation  message.!  As  the 
proper  assurances  had  not  then  been  received  from  President 
Tyler,  it  was  carefully  guarded.  He  suggested  to  the  Con- 
gress that,  “ if  they  evinced  too  much  anxiety,  it  would  be 

general  of  Jackson’s  division,  was  desirous  of  obtaining  an  assistant  in  liis  office, 
and  wrote  to  Colonel  Jesup  on  the  subject.  The  answer  of  the  latter  will  show 
how  this  intimacy  first  commenced  : — 

*•  Headquaetees,  Baton  Rouge,  November  1,  1816, 

“ Dear  Sir  : I have  had  the  honor  to  receive  your  letter  of  the  18th  ult  Lieu- 
tenant Rodgers  has  just  reported  to  me  that  he  has  declined  a situation  in  your 
office.  Lieutenant  Houston,  who  is  now  at  Maryville  on  furlough,  would  in  all 
probability  accept  the  situation  were  it  offered  to  him.  I am  not  acquainted 
with  him,  but  I am  told  he  is  well  qualified. 

“ I have  the  honor  to  be,  <tc., 

“ Thomas  S.  Jesup,  Colonel  commanding  8 th  Military  Department. 

“ P.  S.  — Croghan  spoke  of  him  in  the  highest  terms  when  he  turned  over  the 
command  to  me.  “T.  S.  J. 

“To  Colonel  Robert  Butler,  Adjutant- General,  Nashville,  Tennessee .” 

* Mr.  Van  Zandt  to  Mr.  Upshur,  January  17,  1844. 
f Mr.  Tan  Zandt  to  Mr.  Jones,  January  23,  1844. 

\ Executive  Record,  p.  307. 


ANNEXATION  — TREATY  NEGOTIATIONS. 


427 


regarded  as  importunity,  and  the  voice  of  supplication,  in  such 
cases,  seldom  commanded  great  respect.”  The  object  of  the  mes- 
sage was  an  appropriation  to  cover  the  expenses  of  an  addition- 
al agent  to  the  United  States,  should  certain  contingencies  hap- 
pen. The  appropriation  was  made ; and,  in  the  meantime,  the 
assurances  of  protection  came  to  hand.  Having  all  things 
ready,  and,  as  he  supposed,  the  points  well  secured,  President 
Houston  wrote  to  General  Henderson  — the  person  he  had  ap- 
pointed to  co-operate  with  Mr.  Van  Zandt  in  forming' a treaty 
— to  come  immediately  to  Washington  on  the  Brasos,  on  his 
way  to  the  United  States.*  The  commission  was  soon  assem- 
bled at  Washington  city,  and  the  business  of  forming  a treaty 
immediately  began. 

In  the  meantime,  Captain  Elliot,  the  astonished  witness  of 
all  that  was  made  public,  and  one  well  qualified  to  conjecture 
what  was  secret,  asked  for  explanations  from  the  Texan  govern- 
ment. The  president  and  secretary  of  state  both  answered  him 
very  kindly ; and  it  happened  that  they  had  some  very  cogent 
reasons  to  offer  in  justification  of  the  course  pursued.  While 
they  expressed  the  greatest  confidence  in  the  good  will  of  her 
majesty’s  government,  they  reminded  Captain  Elliot  that  the 
armistice  had  failed,  that  the  Texan  prisoners  were  still  held 
in  bondage  at  Perote,  that  the  British  minister  at  Mexico  had 
suspended  his  functions,  and  consequently  the  influence  of  Great 
Britain  as  a mediator  had  become  paralyzed ; that  the  nations 
to  whom  Texas  had  appealed  had  given  no  pledge  that  Santa 
Anna  should  not  invade  her  frontiers ; that  her  situation  was 
critical,  and  she  had  been  worn  down  by  ceaseless  watching 
and  anxiety ; and,  finally,  that  the  proposition  for  annexation 
had  been  made  by  the  government  of  the  United  States,  and 
the  required  pledges  given  for  the  protection  of  Texas  against 

* Houston  to  Henderson,  February  10,  1844. 


428 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


her  enemy,  and,  for  the  sake  of  peace  and  future  security,  the 
republic  had  accepted  them.* 

The  instructions  of  Messrs.  Henderson  and  Van  Zandt  were 
of  a general  character,  referring  to  those  given  to  General  Hunt 
by  Stephen  F.  Austin,  secretary  of  state,  in  1836.  Two  addi- 
tional points,  however,  were  named:  they  were  to  provide  in 
the  treaty  that  the  territory  of  Texas  might  thereafter  be  di- 
vided into  four  states  ; and  also,  in  regard  to  the  Texan  navy, 
that  the  national  vessels  should  become  the  property  of  the 
United  States,  the  latter  paying  the  builders  thereof  the  price 
agreed  to  be  paid  by  Texas  for  them.f  They  were  further 
instructed  to  regard  the  boundary  of  Texas  as  defined  by  her 
statute.:): 

While  these  things  were  passing,  the  French  and  British 
governments  united  in  a protest  against  the  annexation  of  the 
young  republic  to  the  American  Union.  ||  Nevertheless,  Texas, 
having  embarked  in  the  matter,  was  in  earnest  about  it ; and 
her  commissioners,  and  all  her  friends  who  could  use  any  influ- 
ence, were  engaged.  The  treaty  was  at  length  completed,  on 
the  12th  of  April,  1844,  signed  by  the  Texan  commissioners 
and  Mr.  Calhoun  (who  succeeded  to  the  state  department  after 


* Captain  Elliot  to  the  President  of  Texas,  March  8 and  22,  1844.  President 
of  Texas  to  Captain  Elliot,  March  — , 1844. 

f Mr.  Jones  to  Messrs.  Henderson  and  Van  Zandt,  February  25,  1844. 
t President  Houston,  in  pursuance  of  the  secret  act  authorizing  the  sale  of  the 
Texan  navy,  had  ordered  the  disposal  of  it  at  Galveston,  in  the  latter  part  of 
1843,  but  it  was  forcibly  resisted  by  certain  persons  there.  When,  afterward, 
the  annexation  propositions  of  President  Tyler  were  entertained,  the  prospect 
of  including  the  navy  and  the  debt  due  for  it  in  the  treaty,  induced  the  Texan 
executive  to  recommend  a repeal  of  the  secret  act  authorizing  its  sale,  which 
was  done. 

||  Ashbel  Smith  to  Anson  Jones,  February  29,  1844.  This  protest,  which  had 
been  drawn  up  by  the  ministers  of  England  and  France,  was  countermanded  — 
the  protestants  fearing  that  it  might  increase  the  excitement  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  and  unite  them  on  the  subject  of  annexation.  — Ashbel  Smith  to 
President  Houston , August  31,  1844. 


CLAY  AND  VAN  BUREN  ON  ANNEXATION. 


429 


the  untimely  death  of  Mr.  Upshur),  and  sent  by  President  Tyler 
to  the  American  senate  for  ratification. 

At  the  time  this  treaty  was  presented  to  the  senate,  there  is 
little  doubt  but  a majority  of  the  people  of  the  United  States 
— and  a large  majority  — were  in  favor  of  its  ratification  ; but 
the  senate,  generally  deliberate,  grave,  and  just  in  its  conclu- 
sions and  advice,  was  at  that  time  greatly  agitated  by  the  ap- 
proaching presidential  election.  The  popular  voice  in  the 
United  States,  though  slow  in  finding  utterance,  will  always  in 
the  end  be  heard.  This  voice  was  more  potent  for  annexation 
than  the  grave  senators  believed  it  to  be.  Of  the  two  parties 
into  which  the  people  of  the  Union  were  divided,  Henry  Clay 
was  the  idol  of  the  whigs,  and  the  embodiment  of  their  princi- 
ples. Martin  Van  Buren  was  the  favorite  of  the  democrats; 
and  it  was  confidently  expected  that  they  would  each  be  nomi- 
nated by  their  respective  parties  at  the  approaching  conven- 
tions— that  of  the  whigs  to  be  held  at  Baltimore,  on  the  1st 
of  May ; and  that  of  the  democrats  at  the  same  place,  on  the 
27th  of  the  same  month.  They  were  both  called  upon  for  their 
views  on  the  subject  of  annexation.  Mr.  Clay  made  public  his 
opposition  to  the  measure  in  a letter  dated  at  Raleigh,  North 
Carolina,  on  the  17th  of  April.  Mr.  Van  Buren  soon  followed, 
taking  the  same  position.  So  soon  as  these  letters  were  pub- 
lished, those  acquainted  with  the  party  ties  which  bound  sena- 
tors and  citizens  to  their  political  chieftains  were  satisfied  that 
the  treaty  would  be  rejected  in  the  senate.  Yet  in  the  discus- 
sion in  that  grave  body  the  influence  of  the  public  voice  was 
manifest ; for  those  whose  party  relations  urged  them  in  oppo- 
sition, took  that  ground  with  a saving'  clause : they  were  in 
favor  of  annexation  in  the  abstract,  but  the  way,  the  form  in 
which  it  had  been  brought  up,  did  not  suit  them. 

The  whig  convention  nominated  Mr.  Clay  on  the  1st  day  of 


430 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS^ 


May,  as  uie  candidate  of  that  party  for  the  presidency.  This 
gave  a party  sanction  to  his  Raleigh  letter,  and  his  leading 
friends  took  ground  against  the  admission  of  Texas.  A public 
functionary  of  the  republic,  then  at  Baltimore,  and  unacquaint- 
ed with  such  scenes  as  he  there  witnessed,  says : “ In  the  im- 
mense concourse  of  persons  assembled  here  during  this  week 
from  the  various  parts  of  the  Union,  there  was  not  one  to  be 
found  to  raise  his  voice  in  our  behalf ; and  I declare  to  you 
that  such  a thing  as  sympathy  for  us  as  a nation,  however  pres- 
sing our  difficulties,  is  totally  unknown  among  this  people  : and 
whatever  might  be  our  fate,  it  would  receive  more  derision 
than  regret.  The  opinion  very  generally  prevails  that  we  are 
a nation  of  scoundrels,  speculators,  and  adventurers,  unworthy 
to  occupy  a place  in  this  party-cursed  country,  and  we  are 
treated  in  accordance  with  this  notion.” 

Between  the  1st  and  the  27th  of  May,  the  democratic  lead- 
ers had  time  to  look  over  the  ground,  and  take  advantage  of 
the  response  that  came  up  from  distant  states.  As  calls  had 
been  made  upon  other  public  men  for  their  views  on  this  an- 
nexation question,  and  many  had  answered  favorably,  politi- 
cians of  foresight  were  surveying  this  list  in  search  of  a friend 
to  Texas  who  would  do  for  a standard-bearer  in  the  contest  of 
November.  However,  no  agreement  was  made  before  the  as- 
sembling of  the  convention.  Mr.  Van  Buren  had  been  endeared 
to  the  democratic  party  by  his  earnest  efforts  to  establish  a con- 
stitutional treasury,  free  from  the  control  of  bank-corporations. 
When  the  convention  met,  however,  and  the  pledges  of  dele- 
gates had  been  redeemed  by  casting  their  votes  for  Mr.  Van 
Buren,  and  the  untrammelled  question  was  presented  between 
that  gentleman  and  annexation,  he  was  rejected,  and  the  nom- 
ination conferred  on  James^K.  Polk,  of  Tennessee,  a civilian 
of  considerable  political  talent,  and  of  unexceptionable  charac- 


ANNEXATION  TREATY  REJECTED  BY  THE  SENATE.  431 

ter,  who  had  already  come  out  in  favor  of  the  annexation  policy. 
George  M.  Dallas,  of  Pennsylvania,  having  similar  views,  was 
nominated  for  vice-president.  Thenceforth  the  cry  of  “ Polk, 
Dallas,  Texas,  and  Oregon,”*  electrified  the  masses  of  the  Un- 
ion. It  was  the  political  sirocco , sweeping  over  the  country, 
and  winding  up  the  public  history  of  proud  statesmen  and  con- 
servative patriots. 

To  return  to  the  proceedings  of  the  American  senate.  That 
body  discussed  the  treaty  of  annexation  until  the  8th  of  June. 
It  was  then  rejected  by  a vote  of  sixteen  to  thirty-five.  Mr. 
Benton  was  particularly  severe  upon  President  Tyler,  and  de- 
clared that  this  Texas  question  had  been  sprung  on  the  eve  of 
the  Baltimore  convention,  to  give  second-rate  politicians  time 
to  amend  their  answers.  Yet,  beneath  all  the  political  bitter- 
ness of  that  day,  there  was  a strong  current  which  Mr.  Tyler, 
through  wisdom  or  good  fortune,  discovered.  He  followed  it 
up,  and,  though  he  had  no  party  to  raise  him  a second  time  to 
the  presidency,  he  had  the  high  honor  to  connect  his  name  with 
one  of  the  most  important  steps  taken  by  the  United  States 
since  their  confederation.  For  this  the  pen  of  impartial  his- 
tory will  do  him  justice. 

The  receipt  of  the  news  of  the  rejection  of  the  treaty  pro- 
duced a painful  sensation  in  the  public  mind  in  Texas.  The 
people  felt  that  they  had  been  twice  spurned  by  their  natural 
parent,  and  that  their  heroic  sufferings  had  all  been  lost  upon 

* Among  other  proceedings  of  the  Baltimore  convention  of  May  27,  1844,  they 
resolved  that  “the  reoccupation  of  Oregon  and  the  reannexation  of  Texas,  at  the 
earliest  practicable  period,  are  great  American  measures,  which  this  convention 
recommends  to  the  cordial  support  of  the  democracy  of  the  Union.” — The  States- 
man's Manual,  vol.  ii.,  p.  1426.  The  word  “reannexation”  was  a great  favorite 
with  General  Jackson.  He  used  it  in  his  letters.  The  idea  was  as  old  as  the 
treaty  with  De  Onis.  The  day  after  Houston  left  the  convention  at  Washington 
on  the  Brasos,  to  take  command  of  the  array,  he  wrote  back  to  Collingsworth, 
chairman  of  the  military  committee,  advising  that  “ Texas  be  declared  a portion 
of  Louisiana.” 


432 


HISTORY  OP  TEXAS. 


her.  There  were  few  men  in  the  republic  who  had  not  at  the 
moment  resolved  to  banish  for  ever  all  affection  for  her,  arid 
seek  among  strangers  and  foreign  nations  a more  congenial 
friendship  and  protection.  For  the  sake  of  the  mother-country 
Texas  had  turned  the  cold  shoulder  to  Great  Britain  and  France, 
and  greatly  exasperated  Mexico ; and  yet,  for  all  this,  to  be  de- 
nounced by  the  political  orators  of  the  Union  as  a country  of 
“ scoundrels,  speculators,  and  adventurers,”  and  have  her  char- 
acter and  dignity  made  the  football  of  factions,  was  too  bad ! 
Texas  felt  humbled : not  that  she  had  not  done  her  duty,  and 
acted  in  good  faith  with  all  nations,  but  because  she  had  been 
deceived.  She  could  not  cast  any  blame  upon  her  great  friends, 
who  had  so  earnestly  and  sincerely  besought  her  to  accept  the 
propositions  of  President  Tyler ; but  she  did  blame  those  in 
high  places  who  withheld  their  hands  to  welcome  her  into  the 
federal  Union ; and  she  rejoiced  that  their  opposition  to  her 
had  brought  down  upon  them  an  avalanche,  under  which  they 
were  crushed ! 

General  Murphy,  the  American  charge  d'affaires  in  Texas, 
announced  the  result  to  the  latter  government  in  a few  words. 
“ The  treaty,”  said  he,  “ is  rejected,  and  so  is  my  nomination  : 
the  tail  went  with  the  hide  !”*  The  feelings  and  hopes  of  the 
friends  of  Texas  in  the  United  States  are  fully  expressed  in 
the  following  view  taken  of  the  matter  by  General  Jackson: 
“The  rejection  of  the  treaty  filled  me  with  regret;  but  the 
effect  of  this  movement  brings  the  subject  directly  to  the  atten- 
tion of  the  people  ; and  we  shall,  in  the  course  of  a few  months, 
be  enabled  to  understand  wdiat  their  verdict  will  be.  There  is 
every  reason  now  to  believe  that  discussion  and  reflection  are 
strengthening  the  views  of  the  politicians  who  favor  annexa- 
tion ; and  that  Mr.  Clay,  weakened  by  his  position  on  this  sub- 

* W.  S.  Murphy  to  the  President  of  Texas,  July  3,  1844. 


ANNEXATION  — POSITION  OF  TEXAS. 


433 


ject,  will  be  defeated  by  a large  majority.  So  confident  am  I 
that  this  will  be  the  case,  that  I am  anxious  you  should  be 
prepared  for  it,  and  not  take  any  course  for  Texas  which  may 
create  new  embarrassment  in  the  negotiation  or  legislation 
which  will  be  necessary  to  carry  into  effect  the  measure  of  an- 
nexation.”* 

The  public  feeling  in  Texas  at  that  time  was  perhaps  well 
expressed  in  General  Houston’s  reply  to  the  above  communi- 
cation : “ The  moment  I received  your  last  letters,  1 did  not 
respond  to  them,  because  I wished  to  await  the  further  devel- 
opments which  have  since  taken  place.  I announce  to  you 
with  pleasure  that  Texas  is  free  from  all  involvements  and 
pledges ; and  her  future  course,  I trust,  will  be  marked  by  a 
proper  regard  for  her  true  interests.  My  decided  opinion  is, 
that  she  should  maintain  her  present  position,  and  act  aside 
from  every  consideration  but  that  of  her  own  nationality.  It 
is  now  the  duty  of  the  United  States  to  make  an  advance  that 
can  not  be  equivocal  in  its  character ; and  when  she  opens  the 
door,  and  removes  all  impediments,  it  might  be  well  for  Texas 
to  accept  the  invitation.”! 

Texas,  now  finding  herself  alone — abandoned  by  the  land 
of  her  origin — turned  to  the  “ lone  star,”  the  beacon  of  former 
victories,  and,  with  a proud  though  wounded  spirit,  determined 
to  make  it  respectable.  There  was  one  consideration,  however, 
that  still  withheld  her  arm  : she  was  well  advised  that  the  voice 
of  the  American  senate  was  not  the  voice  of  the  people.  Every 
state  in  that  Union  was  represented  by  citizens  in  Texas ; and 
from  Maine  to  Louisiana  their  friends  assured  them  that  Polk 
would  be  elected,  and  all  would  be  well. 

Mexico  received  with  pleasure  the  news  of  the  rejection  of 

* Jackson  to  Houston,  July  19,  1844. 
f Houston  to  Jackson,  December  18,  1844. 

Vol.  II.  — 28 


434 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


the  treaty  of  annexation,  and  Santa  Anna  made  preparations 
for  another  marauding  incursion  to  San  Antonio ; but  domestic 
troubles  changed  the  face  of  things,  and  induced  him  to  coun- 
termand the  order.  By  the  terms  of  the  armistice,  if  it  had 
been  ratified,  it  was  to  expire  on  the  1st  of  May,  1844,  unless 
there  was  a prospect  of  a treaty  of  peace  being  made.  The 
Mexican  government  waited  until  June,  in  order  to  receive 
further  information  from  Texas,  but,  obtaining  none,  General 
Woll,  on  the  19th  of  that  month,  sent  a notice  to  “ General 
Houston”  that  “ hostilities  were  renewed,  and  declared  to  exist 
from  the  11th  instant.”  He  took  occasion  to  state  further,  by 
order  of  Santa  Anna,  that  his  government  “ was  highly  indig- 
nant at  the  perfidious  conduct  of  the  said  inhabitants  of  Texas 
toward  Mexico”  in  regard  to  the  armistice.  To  this  note  the 
president  despatched  to  Santa  Anna  a suitable  reply.* 

The  Texan  government  inquired  of  President  Tyler  whether, 
since  the  rejection  of  the  treaty,  the  American  forces  in  the 
gulf  of  Mexico  and  on  the  borders  of  Texas  would  be  with- 
drawn. The  answer  was,  that  they  would  still  remain  as  they 
were  ; only,  that  they  would  correspond  with  the  United  States 
charge  d'affaires  in  Texas  instead  of  the  president  of  the  re- 
public. The  naval  squadron  under  Captain  Conner,  and  the 
military  force  under  General  Taylor,  although  they  would  have 
had  no  power  to  act  had  Mexico  invaded  Texas,  served  never- 
theless to  overawe  the  former  government.  However,  as  has 
been  already  stated,  Mexico  had  troubles  at  home,  which  pre- 
vented her  from  executing  the  bloody  threats  of  General  Woll. 

The  European  governments,  rejoiced  that  the  senate  of  the 
United  States  had  so  far  co-operated  with  them  in  preventing 
annexation,  determined  on  a new  effort  to  place  the  question 
on  such  ground  as  would  for  ever  prevent  its  consummation. 

* Houston  to  Santa  Anna,  July  29,  1844. 


INTERNAL  CONDITION  OF  TEXAS. 


435 


The  difference  between  Great  Britain  and  Mexico  about  the 
flag  was  hastily  patched  up,  and  a new  minister  sent  to  the  lat- 
ter. Great  Britain  and  France,  in  order  to  prevent  the  United 
States  from  obtaining  Texas,  were  willing  to  waive  the  ques- 
tion of  slavery,  and  united  their  efforts  to  procure  from  Mexico 
the  recognition  of  the  independence  of  Texas,  provided  the 
latter  would  agree  to  maintain  her  independent  position.  In 
this  effort,  they  proposed  to  secure  the  United  States  as  a joint 
guarantor.  In  the  meantime,  after  the  treaty  had  been  made 
with  President  Tyler,  General  Henderson  was  recalled  from 
Washington  ; and,  after  its  rejection,  Mr.  Van  Zandt  was  per- 
mitted to  resign,  and  the  relations  of  Texas  with  the  American 
government  were  left  in  the  hands  of  the  secretary  of  legation.* 
The  internal  affairs  of  Texas  were  now  comparatively  pros- 
perous. The  increase  in  the  revenue  from  customs  had  kept 
the  government  from  starving.  That  from  direct  taxation  had 
been  badly  managed  — principally,  however,  for  want  of  laws 
to  enforce  its  collection.  For  the  year  1843,  of  the  sum  of 
forty-nine  thousand  dollars  assessed,  only  thirteen  thousand 
dollars  had  been  collected  and  paid  in.  The  Texan  tariff 
amounted  to  an  average  of  twenty-four  per  cent.  The  Con- 
gress, in  February,  1844,  had  passed  a bill  to  reduce  it  to  sev- 
enteen per  cent. ; but  the  president,  in  order  to  sustain  the 
government,  vetoed  the  act.  Had  it  been  approved,  it  would 
have  reduced  the  annual  income  thirty  thousand  dollars.  This 
indirect  revenue,  though  exceedingly  onerous  to  the  western 
section  of  the  country,  was  absolutely  necessary  to  supply  the 
wants  of  the  government.  It  was  more  heavily  felt  in  western 
Texas,  because  the  facilities  for  smuggling  along  the  line  of  the 
Sabine  and  Red  rivers  were  such,  that  the  eastern  portion  of 
the  republic  paid  but  a small  amount  of  duties. 

* Anson  Jones  to  Isaac  Yan  Zandt,  July  13,  1844. 


436 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


The  effects  of  immigration  and  improvement  were  visible 
over  the  whole  country.  The  pacific  policy  of  the  administra- 
tion had  given  comparative  security  to  the  frontiers,  and  immi- 
grants were  opening  farms  and  laying  out  settlements  high  up 
in  the  valleys  of  the  Texan  rivers.  Among  the  means  em- 
ployed by  the  government  for  hastening  the  settlement  of  its 
waste  lands  was  that  of  colony  contracts.  In  pursuance  of  an 
act  of  Congress,  President  Lamar  entered  into  a contract,  on 
the  30th  of  August,  1841,  with  W.  S.  Peters  and  others,  for 
the  introduction  of  six  hundred  families  into  Texas  within  three 
years.*  Afterward,  two  supplemental  contracts  were  made, 
the  time  extended,  and  the  number  of  families  to  be  introduced 
increased  to  eight  hundred.f  Again,  on  the  20th  of  January, 
1843,  another  contract  was  made  with  C.  F.  Mercer  and  others, 
as  assignees  of  Peters  and  others.  A year  afterward,  another 
contract  was  entered  into  with  Mercer  and  his  associates. | On 
the  15th  of  February,  1842,  a contract  was  made  with  Henri 
Castro  and  John  Jassaud  for  the  introduction  of  six  hundred 
families  within  three  years.  ||  On  the  7th  of  June,  1842,  a con- 
tract was  concluded  with  Henry  F.  Fisher  and  Burchard  Mil- 
ler, to  introduce  a like  number  of  families  within  the  same  time. 
It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  say  that,  in  all  these  contracts,  with 
the  exception  of  those  of  Castro  and  Jassaud,  and  Fisher  and 
Miller,  the  government  was  badly  treated.  The  contractors 
generally  incurred  no  expense,  and  put  themselves  to  little 
trouble,  further  than  to  give  notice,  which  the  government 
could  have  done  with  more  effect.  Yet  the  announcements 
thus  made  public,  that  lands  would  be  given  to  colonists  who 

* Act  of  January  4,  1841,  section  4. 

f Supplemental  contracts  of  November  20,  1841,  and  July  26,  1842. 

\ January  29,  1844. 

| By  joint  resolution,  January  27,  1845,  two  years  more  were  given  for  the 
preformance  of  the  contract. 


PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTION  — MIER  PRISONERS  RELEASED.  437 

should  settle  them,  brought  many  immigrants  to  the  Texan 
frontiers.  Being  unaided  and  unprotected  by  the  contractors, 
who  seemed  only  to  be  interested  in  their  premium  lands,  the 
colonists  did  the  best  they  could.  The  result  of  these  con- 
tracts, upon  the  whole,  has  been  unfavorable  to  Texas,  espe- 
cially since  the  act  of  annexation,  as  new  immigrants  have 
found  the  country  encumbered  with  these  old  claims. 

The  election  for  president  and  vice-president  of  Texas  was 
held,  under  the  constitution,  on  the  first  Monday  in  September, 
1844.  The  candidates  before  the  people  for  the  first  office 
were  Dr.  Anson  Jones,  secretary  of  state  under  Houston’s  ad- 
ministration, and  General  Edward  Burleson,  the  vice-president. 
Dr.  Jones  was  elected.  Colonel  K.  L.  Anderson  was  chosen 
vice-president,  with  only  a nominal  opposition.  The  result  was 
considered  as  a popular  approval  of  the  pacific  policy  of  the 
pending  administration,  as  that  was  made  a question. 

The  Texan  prisoners  taken  at  Mier  had  been  still  suffering 
at  Perote.  Occasionally,  one  or  two  were  released,  at  the  spe- 
cial request  of  some  one  ; but  on  the  16th  of  September,  1844, 
the  remainder,  one  hundred  and  four  in  number,  were  liberated 
by  Santa  Anna.  He  had  recently  lost  his  wife," and  obtained 
permission  from  the  Mexican  Congress  to  retire  for  a while  to 
Manga  de  Clavo,  to  mourn  over  his  bereavement.  He  left  the 
capital  on  the  12th  of  September ; and  it  is  probable  that,  on 
the  way,  his  reflections  upon  the  late  severe  visitation  of  his 
hearthstone  inspired  him  with  this  act  of  mercy.  The  released 
captives  returned  to  their  homes,  where  they  were  joyfully  re- 
ceived. 

The  republic  of  Texas,  from  a state  of  disorder  and  turmoil, 
had  become  peaceable  and  prosperous.  The  invasion  by  the 
Mexicans,  so  long  threatened,  had  become  a bugbear  at  which 
no  one  was  alarmed.  To  the  orderly  disposition  of  the  country, 


438 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


however,  there  was  one  exception  — the  war  of  the  “ Regular 
tors”  and  “ Moderators Of  the  long  list  of  worthies  who  had 
occupied  the  neutral  ground,  there  was  still  a remnant  left,  liv- 
ing mostly  in  the  county  of  Shelby  and  the  adjoining  territory 
of  Louisiana.  Their  ranks  had  been  increased  by  refugees 
from  the  United  States,  driven  thence  by  the  bankrupt-law  of 
1841,  and  by  events  connected  with  the  presidential  campaign 
of  the  previous  year.  After  the  opening  of  the  Texan  land- 
office  in  1838,  the  profits  arising  from  the  sale  of  head-right 
certificates  suggested  the  idea  of  their  manufacture  on  a large 
scale.  The  board  of  land-commissioners  for  Shelby  county 
were  found  suitable  instruments  for  this  business.  It  was  not, 
however,  confined  to  this  county,  but  the  focus  of  their  opera- 
tions was  here.  These  operations  were  not  limited  to  the  sale 
of  forged  head-rights,  but  included  the  free  circulation  of  coun- 
terfeit money,  and  depredations  upon  the  property  of  other 
people.  The  first  open  outbreak  occurred  in  1842.  Charles 
W.  Jackson,  formerly  of  Kentucky,  who  had  been  running  a 
steamboat  on  the  Mississippi  and  lower  Red  rivers,  for  some 
crime  had  disappeared  from  his  business,  and  set  up  a mercan- 
tile house  at  Shreveport,  Louisiana.  A party  of  men,  seeing  a 
reward  offered  for  Jackson,  arrested  him,  and  placed  him  on  a 
vessel  bound  for  New  Orleans.  He,  however,  made  his  escape 
and  returned  to  Shreveport  before  his  captors,  where  he  gath- 
ered his  friends  around  him,  and,  when  the  former  returned,  a 
battle  was  fought  between  the  parties,  in  which  Jackson  suc- 
ceeded in  killing  some  of  his  enemies  and  driving  the  others 
out  of  the  place.  To  avoid  further  trouble,  Jackson  fled  to 
Shelby  county,  in  Texas,  where  he  ran  as  a candidate  for  rep- 
resentative to  Congress,  but  was  defeated,  as  he  declared,  by 
the  makers  of  the  head-right  certificates.  He  gave  notice  to 
the  land-office  at  Austin  of  their  dealings ; in  consequence  of 


THE  REGULATORS  AND  MODERATORS. 


439 


which  he  received  a letter  from  Joseph  Goodbread,  notifying 
him  that,  if  he  did  not  desist  from  meddling  with  what  did  not 
concern  him,  he  wrould  be  killed  ; and  that,  if  no  one  else  would 
do  it,  the  writer  would.  Shortly  afterward,  Jackson  presented 
the  letter  to  Goodbread  in  the  town  of  Shelbyville,  and  in  a 
moment  after  shot  him  down.  Jackson  was  called  to  answer 
for  this  offence,  but  moved  the  trial  to  the  adjoining  county  of 
Harrison.  As  the  cause  produced  great  excitement,  a large 
number  of  armed  men  attended  the  court,  but  mostly  on  Jack- 
son’s side.  On  the  second  day  of  the  term,  Judge  Hansford, 
whose  duty  it  was  to  try  the  cause,  failed  to  make  his  appear- 
ance ; in  fact,  he  had  abandoned  the  court,  leaving  Jackson 
and  his  party  masters  of  the  field.*  The  latter  proceeded  with 
his  friends,  and  arrested  the  chief-justice  of  Panola  county  and 
some  others,  and  sent  them  to  Louisiana,  to  be  tried  for  some 
offence  committed  there.  After  some  other  acts  of  this  char- 
acter in  that  section  of  the  country,  the  law  became  only  a 
passive  looker-on,  while  men  followed  with  impunity  their  own 
passions  and  appetites.  Captain  Jackson  and  his  party  had 
now  associated  together  to  regulate  society,  and  to  punish  steal- 
ing, robbery,  and  like  offences.  But  the  offenders  were  men 
of  genius : for  their  own  protection,  many  of  them  joined  the 
regulators ; and,  as  new  converts  are  distinguished  by  their 
zeal,  many  honest  men  thus  lost  their  property  and  their  lives. 
To  counteract  the  bad  effect  of  these  operations,  a company  of 
moderators  was  organized,  and  such  of  the  desperadoes  as  had 
not  joined  the  regulators  fell  into  their  ranks.  Thus,  in  a short 
time,  Shelby  county,  and  portions  of  surrounding  counties,  to- 
gether with  a part  of  Louisiana,  were  arrayed  against  each 
other.  The  strife  had  gradually  become  more  exciting  for  four 
years,  when,  in  the  summer  and  fall  of  1844,  it  became  neces- 

* Memoranda  of  Captain  Ephraim  Doggett 


440 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


sary  for  the  government  to  interpose,  to  prevent  civil  war. 
President  Houston  accordingly  ordered  General  Smith  to  raise 
a portion  of  the  militia,  and  repair  to  the  scene  of  anarchy. 
Some  five  hundred  of  the  government  forces  assembled  there ; 
and,  by  a prudent  and  firm  course  of  conduct,  the  belligerents 
were  induced  to  lay  down  their  arms  and  submit  to  the  laws.* 

The  presidential  election  in  the  United  States  resulted  in  the 
success  of  Polk  and  Dallas  by  a majority  in  the  electoral  col- 
lege of  sixty-five  votes.  This  was  to  the  world  an  assurance 
of  the  incorporation  of  Texas  into  the  American  Union.  Ac- 
cordingly, joint  resolutions  for  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  the 
United  States  passed  the  house  of  representatives  on  the  25th 
of  February,  1845,  by  a vote  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  to 
ninety-eight.  On  the  1st  of  March,  they  passed  the  senate,  by 
a vote  of  twenty-seven  to  twenty-five ; and,  on  the  same  day, 
President  Tyler  had  the  high  honor  of  giving  them  his  official 
sanction,  f 

The  result  of  this  act  on  the  part  of  the  federal  Congress  had 
a happy  effect  on  the  public  mind.  Those  who  had  opposed 
the  measure  began  now  to  look  at  it  with  other  eyes,  and  all 

* Wat  Moorman  was  captain  of  the  regulators,  and  John  M.  Bradley  of  the 
moderators.  Moorman  killed  Bradley  at  the  church-door  in  San  Augustine,  just 
at  the  close  of  divine  service,  one  evening  in  the  summer  of  1844,  and  retired  to 
Shelby  county.  A writ  for  his  arrest  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  sheriff  of 
that  county.  Moorman  resisted,  and  was  sustained  by  the  regulators ; the  mod- 
erators rallied  around  the  sheriff  to  aid  in  his  capture.  Thus  the  two  parties, 
numbering  about  one  hundred  and  6eventy-five  on  each  side,  were  arrayed 
against  each  other.  They  fortified,  and  for  some  weeks  were  under  arms,  during 
which  period  there  were  about  fifty  persons  killed  and  wounded.  The  militia, 
being  ordered  out,  captured  Moorman,  and  dispersed  the  combatants.  Moorman 
was  killed  by  Dr.  Burns,  two  or  three  years  afterward,  as  he  was  crossing  the 
Sabine. — Notes  of  Captain  William  M.  Simpson. 

f Statesman’s  Manual,  vol.  ii.,  p.  1427.  This  was  the  first  vote  in  the  house. 
The  resolutions  were  amended  in  the  senate,  and  when  returned  to  the  house 
the  amendment  was  concurred  in  on  the  28th  of  February,  1845,  by  a vote  of 
one  hundred  and  thirty-two  to  seventy-six  — C.  U.  Raymond  to  E '.  Allen,  Feb- 
ruarg  18,  1845. 


ANNEXATION — LETTER  OF  GENERAL  JACKSON. 


441 


agreed  that  the  United  States  could  not  do  without  Texas. 
Among  those  most  rejoiced  was  the  venerable  ex-president 
Jackson.  He  had  watched  the  struggle  of  the  infant  republic 
since  1835  with  an  earnest  solicitude ; and  when  the  question 
of  annexation  came  up,  he  viewed  the  act  as  necessary  to  carry 
out  the  “ Monroe  doctrine,”  and  prevent  foreign  intermeddling 
with  the  affairs  of  this  continent.  When  he  received  the  news 
of  the  final  passage  of  the  resolutions,  he  thus  wrote  to  General 
Houston : 44  I congratulate  you,  I congratulate  Texas  and  the 
United  States,  on  this  glorious  result,  on  which  depended  the 
safety  and  prosperity  of  both  Texas  and  the  United  States. 
The  Congress  of  the  United  States  (with  the  president)  has 
reannexed  Texas  to  our  glorious  Union  as  far  as  she  could 
without  the  consent  of  Texas,  which  all  the  democracy  of  this 
Union  believe  will  be  speedily  yielded  by  the  people  of  Texas, 
through  her  constituted  authorities.  I now  behold  the  great 
American  eagle,  with  her  stars  and  stripes,  hovering  over  the 
lone  star  of  Texas,  with  cheering  voice  welcoming  it  into  our 
glorious  Union,  and  proclaiming  to  Mexico  and  all  foreign  gov- 
ernments, 4 You  must  not  attempt  to  tread  upon  Texas  !’  — that 
4 the  united  stars  and  stripes  now  defend  her.’  Glorious  re- 
sult ! in  which  you,  general,  have  acted  a noble  part;  and  your 
name  is  now  recorded  among  the  heroes,  the  patriots,  and  phi- 
lanthropists. 

44  You  have  yet  more  to  do : you  have  now  to  lay  the  basis, 
by  proper  legislation,  and  remodelling  your  constitution,  for  the 
future  greatness,  wealth,  and  prosperity,  of  your  state  — and 
first,  by  proper  legislation,  to  guard  and  protect  the  morals  of 
your  people.  Keep  us  from  temptation!  — this  is  the  text. 
To  this  end,  you  must  shut  the  door  against  all  foreign  grants 
for  land,  guarding  all  grants  issued  by  the  constituted  authori- 
ties of  Texas  : all  others  to  be  barred  by  positive  law.  You 


442 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


must  with  care  husband  your  vacant  land  to  meet  your  national 
debt ; and,  after  that  is  paid,  provide  for  the  prosperity  of  your 
state  by  funds  for  education  and  the  improvement  of  the  coun- 
try. By  guarding  your  unappropriated  lands  against  all  frauds 
— by  issuing  scrip,  bearing  interest  at  three  per  cent.,  to  the 
amount  of  your  debt,  it  will  soon  be  paid  ; by  placing  a mini- 
mum price  on  your  lands,  and  granting,  with  proper  guards  and 
limitations,  pre-emption  rights  to  actual  settlers,  you  will  soon 
pay  off  your  public  debt,  and  have  more  wealth  left  than  any 
state  in  our  Union. 

“ But,  to  protect  your  morals,  and  to  cap  the  climax  of  your 
prosperity,  and  protect  the  labor  of  your  country,  you  must  pro- 
vide in  your  constitution,  by  a positive  provision , that  your 
legislature  never  shall  establish  a bank,  or  any  corporation 
whatever,  with  a power  to  issue  paper ; that  no  banks  shall  be 
established  by  the  legislature  except  on  a specie  basis,  and  then 
only  with  the  powers  of  receiving  deposites,  and  exchange. 
There  never  was  nor  ever  could  be  use  for  any  other  kind,  ex- 
cept for  speculators  and  gamblers  in  stocks,  and  this  to  the 
utter  ruin  of  the  labor  and  morals  of  a country.  A specie  cur- 
rency gives  life  and  action  to  the  producing  classes,  on  which 
the  prosperity  of  all  is  founded.”* 

The  people  of  Texas  were  not  ungrateful  to  General  Jackson 
for  the  interest  he  took  in  their  welfare.  By  a joint  resolution, 
approved  on  the  21st  of  June,  1845,  the  Texan  Congress  ten- 
dered him  “ the  unfeigned  gratitude  of  a nation.”  At  that  time, 
however,  their  illustrious  friend  had  ceased  to  live.f 

* Jackson  to  Houston,  March  12,  1845. 

f At  the  close  of  the  letter  above  quoted,  General  Jackson  expressed  a feeble 
hope  of  seeing  General  Houston  and  family  at  the  Hermitage  in  the  summer.  The 
following  letter  to  President  Polk  will  explain  the  result : — 

"Hermitage,  June  8,  1845  — 12  o'clock  at  night. 

“ My  Dear  Sir:  In  deep  sorrow  I address  you  this  hasty  note.  At  six  o’clock 
this  evening,  General  Jackson  departed  this  life.  He  retained  his  faculties  to  the 


ANNEXATION  — A NEW  MOVE  TO  PREVENT  IT. 


44S 


President  Jones  was  inaugurated  on  the  9th  day  of  Decem- 
ber, 1844.  Neither  the  president,  nor  the  ninth  Texan  Con- 
gress, which  adjourned  its  session  on  the  3d  of  February,  1845, 
said  anything  on  the  subject  of  annexation.  Both  parties  prob- 
ably believed  it  was  in  as  good  a condition  as  they  could  desire 
it.  In  the  meantime,  another  change  had  occurred  in  Mexico, 
and  General  Herrera,  who  belonged  to  the  federal  and  peace 
party,  came  to  the  presidency.  He  released  Colonel  Navarro, 
the  only  remaining  Texan  prisoner  in  the  republic,  and  gave 
other  indications  of  his  desire  for  peace.  At  length,  the  Mexi- 
can Congress  authorized  Herrera  to  open  negotiations  and  con- 
clude a peace  with  Texas,  on  condition  that  she  would  not  be 
annexed  to  the  United  States.  This  arrangement  was  brought 
about  through  the  agency  of  the  British  and  French  govern- 
ments ; and,  on  the  19th  of  May,  the  preliminary  articles  were 
signed  by  the  Mexican  government,  transmitted  through  the 
French  minister  in  Mexico  to  Captain  Elliot,  the  British  charge 
d’affaires  in  Texas,  and  by  him  laid  before  the  Texan  govern- 
ment on  the  2d  day  of  June.  On  the  4th,  President  Jones  pre- 
sented these  facts  to  the  people  by  his  proclamation,  at  the 

very  last  hour.  I lament  that  I was  denied  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  him  in  his 
last  moments.  I was  unfortunately  delayed  in  ascending  the  Mississippi,  so  that 
I did  not  reach  Nashville  till  half-past  six  this  evening.  I immediately  procured 
a conveyance,  and  came  out  with  my  family  — having  understood  that  the  gen- 
eral’s health  was  exceedingly  precarious,  and  being  anxious  to  administer,  if  I 
could,  some  comfort  in  the  closing  scene  of  his  eventful  life.  On  my  way,  a few 
miles  from  the  city,  I met  the  family  physician,  who  informed  me  that  the  gen- 
eral was  no  more. 

“About  three  hours  before  his  departure,  he  conversed  for  some  time  with  his 
family,  and  took  an  affectionate  leave  of  them,  as  also  of  his  domestics.  His 
physician  represented  the  scene  as  most  affecting,  and  remarked  that  he  departed 
with  perfect  serenity,  and  with  full  faith  in  the  promises  of  salvation  through 
the  Redeemer. 

“ I have  seen  the  corse  since  my  arrival:  the  visage  is  much  as  it  was  in  life. 
His  funeral  will  take  place  on  Tuesday,  at  eleven  o’clock,  A.  M.  A nation  will 
feel  his  loss,  as  a nation  has  received  the  fruits  of  his  toils  during  the  best  years 
of  his  life.  Very  truly  your  friend,  “Sam  Houston.” 


444 


HISTORY  OF  TEXAS. 


same  time  declaring  a cessation  of  hostilities  between  the  two 
countries.  On  the  15th  of  May  previous,  he  had  called  a con- 
vention of  sixty-one  delegates,  to  meet  on  the  4th  of  July  ensu- 
ing, to  consider  the  propositions  for  annexation ; also  an  extra 
session  of  the  ninth  Congress,  to  meet  on  the  16th  of  June,  in 
order  to  give  the  consent  of  the  republic  to  the  anticipated  con- 
vention. The  Congress,  by  a joint  resolution,  approved  June 
23, 1845,  gave  its  consent  to  the  joint  resolutions  of  the  Ameri- 
can Congress ; also  to  the  convention,  as  called  by  President 
Jones.  The  latter  body  assembled,  ratified  the  act  of  annexa- 
tion, formed  a constitution  as  a state  of  the  Union,  and  sub- 
mitted the  whole  to  the  Texan  people.  It  was  approved  by 
them  ; and  the  lone  star  of  Texas,  after  a struggle  of  ten  years, 
was  gathered  under  the  folds  of  the  glorious  banner  of  the 
Union. 

Here  our  labors  end.  Texas  came  into  the  Union  for  the 
love  she  bore  it.  While  it  prospers,  Texas  will  prosper : their 
wars,  their  hopes,  and  their  glory,  are  henceforth  the  same. 
And  it  is  the  ardent  wish  and  prayer  of  every  good  man  that 
the  same  God,  who  guided  the  young  republic  through  so  many 
trials,  will  continue  to  bless  that  Union  of  which  she  now  forms 
a part. 


APPENDIX  NO.  I. 


OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE 

or  THE 

COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  OF  THE  TEXAN  ARMY,  IN  1835-’6, 

[The  following  is  not  an  entire  collection  of  the  official  correspondence  of  the 
commander-in-chief  during  the  winter  and  spring  of  1835-6,  but  only  of  so  much 
of  it  as  is  deemed  most  important,  and  which  is  not  set  out  in  the  notes  to  this 
history.] 

INDEX  TO  THE  LETTERS,  ETC. 

No,  1.  To  Captain  Wylie  Martin 

2.  To  the  General  Council. . 

3.  To  Thomas  Hughes 

4.  To  the  Public 

6.  To  Governor  Smith 

6.  Proclamation 

7.  To  Governor  Smith 

8.  To  Colonel  James  Bowie. 

9.  To  Governor  Smith 

10.  To  Colonel  Powers 

11.  To  Governor  Smith 

12.  To  Governor  Smith 

13.  To  Captain  Cook 

14.  To  Governor  Smith 

15.  To  Major  R C.  Morris. . . . 

16.  To  Governor  Smith 

17.  Army  Orders 

18.  To  Colonel  J.  W.  Fannin. 

19.  Order  to  Colonel  Fannin. 

20.  To  Captain  Dimit 


San  Felipe,  November  24,  1835. 


u 44 

<4  44 

December  4, 

44 

44 

December  5, 

44 

.Washington,  December  12, 

.San  Felipe, 

U it 

“ 17, 

44  44 

44 

44 

.Washington,  December  26, 

44 

“ 

“ 28, 

4< 

» “ 

“ 80, 

44 

“ 

January  6,  1836. 

.Goliad, 

<4 

“ 17, 

44 

.Refugio, 

“ 20, 

.Washington,  “ 30, 

44 

March  2, 

44 

. Gonzales, 

44 

“ 11. 

M 44 

44 

<( 

“ 12, 

44 

446 


APPENDIX. 


No.  21.  To  James  Collingsworth Gonzales,  March  13,  1836. 


22. 

To  the  same 

a 

15, 

44 

23. 

To  the  same 

a 

17, 

44 

24. 

To  Colonel  Fannin 

a 

H 

44 

25. 

To  Thomas  J.  Rusk 

u 

21, 

44 

26. 

To  the  same 

a 

a 

23, 

« 

27. 

To  the  same 

44 

« 

<4 

44 

28. 

To  B.  J.  White 

il 

44 

44 

29. 

To  R.  R.  Royal 

a 

a 

24, 

44 

30. 

To  Thomas  J.  Rusk 

a 

29, 

44 

31. 

To  Colonel  William  Christy 



a 

44 

« 

32. 

To  Thomas  J.  Rusk 

a 

31, 

44 

83. 

To  the  same 

April  1, 

44 

34. 

To  the  same 

cc 

it 

3, 

<4 

35. 

To  the  same 

“ 

a 

4, 

44 

36. 

To  Captain  Mosely  Baker 

if 

a 

5, 

44 

37. 

To  David  Thomas 

44 

a 

6, 

44 

38. 

To  Captain  J.  N.  Allen 

a 

a 

8, 

44 

39. 

To  David  Thomas 

44 

a 

9, 

44 

40. 

To  the  same 

a 

a 

11, 

44 

41. 

To  the  Citizens  of  Texas 

a 

a 

13, 

44 

42. 

To  David  Thomas 

a 

44 

44 

43. 

To  Colonel  Nathaniel  Robbins  . . . . 

a 

a 

44 

44 

44. 

To  Colonel  Henry  Raguet 

u 

19, 

44 

45. 

To  President  Burnet 

a 

25, 

44 

46. 

Secretary  Rusk’s  Report  of  the  Battle  of  the  21st  of  April, 

a 

22, 

“ 

No.  1. 

To  Captain  Wylie  Martin. 

San  Felipe  de  Austin,  November  24,  1835. 

My  Dear  Sir  : In  accordance  with  our  last  conversation,  I take 
pleasure  in  explaining  my  views,  if  they  can,  in  any  possible  event, 
be  of  service  to  our  country  or  countrymen. 

If,  in  the  range  of  human  occurrences,  it  shall  be  proper  or  even 
necessary  for  the  army  of  the  people  before  Bexar  to  fall  back,  be- 
cause of  the  men  not  being  prepared  with  proper  clothing  for  winter, 
and  the  want  of  necessary  artillery  and  munitions  of  war,  I would 
suggest  to  you  the  advantage  of  retiring  in  good  order,  and  sending 
the  cannon,  baggage,  and  sick,  in  advance,  so  that  they  can  at  least 
reach  the  Cibolo  under  conduct  of  a strong  guard,  and  a vigilant  offi- 
cer to  command  it,  before  the  enemy  takes  up  his  line  of  march.  It 
would  seem,  then,  that  the  army  should  be  formed  in  two  divisions, 


OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE. 


447 


one  to  pursue  the  route  to  La  Bahia,  and  the  other  that  of  Gonzales 
There  ought  to  be  a sufficient  force  left  at  La  Bahia  to  make  a firm 
defence  at  that  place,  and  all  possible  means  used  for  that  purpose. 

Gonzales  being,  in  my  opinion,  the  most  important  interior  key  to 
Texas  (proper),  should  also  be  placed  in  a condition  for  defence 
with  a force  of  from  one  to  two  hundred  placed  there,  under  a firm 
and  prudent  commander,  who  will  at  once  establish  discipline  and  or- 
ganization ; and,  using  the  greatest  vigilance,  retaining  a few  horses 
to  keep  out  scouts.  This,  it  seems  to  me,  must  be  a rallying-point 
for  Texas Your  friend, 

Sam  Houston. 


No.  2. 

To  the  President  and  Members  of  the  General  Council  of  Texas. 

Headquarters,  San  Felipe  de  Austin,  December  4,  1835. 

Gentlemen  : I have  the  honor  very  respectfully  to  call  your  at- 
tention to  the  first  article  of  the  organic  law  of  Texas,  which  pro- 
vides for  a military  force  for  the  defence  of  Texas,  to  wit : “ There 
shall  be  a regular  army  for  the  protection  of  Texas  during  the  pres- 
ent war.”  The  provisional  government  will  at  once  perceive  the 
impracticability  of  my  discharging  the  duties  devolving  upon  me,  as 
the  commander-in-chief  of  the  army,  until  the  officers  of  the  several 
corps  of  the  army  are  appointed,  the  bounty  of  the  men  established, 
and  the  volunteers  placed  on  such  footing  as  will  inspire  them  with 
confidence  in  the  cause  of  Texas. 

I deem  it  of  importance  to  the  existence  of  the  provisional  gov- 
ernment, as  well  as  to  the  cause  of  Texas,  that  an  immediate  organi- 
zation of  the  army  should  take  place.  Some  time  since,  I had  the 
honor  to  address  the  governor  of  Texas  on  the  subject  of  a procla- 
mation, which  may  be  of  importance  to  our  internal  as  well  as  our 
auxiliary  relations. 

So  soon  as  the  army  is  organized  by  the  council,  I will  delay  no 
time  in  raising  an  army,  and  meet  the  enemy  on  the  earliest  day 
possible.  Munitions  of  war,  with  provisions  and  supplies  for  the 
army  to  be  organized,  are  not  yet  contracted  for 

With  great  respect,  I have  the  honor  to  be 

Your  obedient  servant, 

Sam  Houston, 

Commander-in-Chicf  of  the  Forces  of  Texas . 


448 


APPENDIX. 


No.  3. 

To  Mr.  Thomas  Hughes. 

Headquarters,  San  Felipe  de  Austin,  December  4,  1835. 

Sir  : . . . By  the  first  of  March  next,  or  earlier  if  possible,  I 
would,  in  behalf  of  the  provisional  government  of  Texas,  be  happy 
to  accept  the  services  of  at  least  three  thousand  five  hundred  volun- 
teers for  during  the  war,  or  even  for  a less  period. 

Sam  Houston, 

Commander-in- Chief y Sfc. 


No.  4. 

To  the  Public. 

San  Felipe  de  Austin,  December  5,  1835. 

I regret  to  learn  that  a report  is  on  the  road  between  this  place 
and  Nacogdoches,  to  the  effect  that  there  is  no  need  of  troops  in  the 
army  at  this  time.  Troops  are  and  will  be  wanted  at  San  Antonio, 
and  on  the  frontiers,  until  the  army  can  be  filled,  so  as  to  open  the 

campaign  at  the  earliest  day  possible 

I hope  San  Antonio  is  already  taken.  If  so,  volunteers  will  be 
needed  to  keep  it ; as  also  to  strengthen  La  Bahia.  It  will  be  well 
for  the  men  to  bring  clothing  with  them. 

It  was  also  reported  that  provisions  were  not  plenty  in  camp. 
This  may  have  been  true ; but  there  are  large  quantities  in  the 
vicinity  of  San  Antonio,  of  which  our  army  has  the  control. 

Sam  Houston. 


No.  5. 

To  His  Excellency  Henry  Smith , Governor  of  Texas. 

Sir  : I have  the  honor  respectfully  to  call  your  attention  to  the 
subject  of  a speedy  organization  of  the  regular  army.  The  organic 
law  has  provided  for  the  immediate  raising  of  such  force,  and  the 
general  council  has  said  what  corps  shall  compose  the  same.  It  is 
required  of  me  to  raise  the  regular  army  without  delay.  I feel  the 
responsibility  of  my  situation,  at  a time  when  every  effort  should  be 
exerted  and  means  used  to  accomplish  an  object  so  necessary  to  the 
defence,  and,  I apprehend,  the  salvation  of  Texas.  I must  remain 


OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE. 


449 


under  the  conviction,  however,  that  all  essential  power  to  meet  the 
requisitions  of  the  organic  law  is  withheld  from  me. 

It  is  true  the  officers  of  the  infantry  regiment  have  been  appointed 
by  the  general  council,  but  the  field-officers  proper  to  command  and 
superintend  the  several  recruiting-stations  have  not  been  appointed. 

The  regiment  of  artillery,  so  necessary  for  the  defence  of  our  sea- 
coast,  as  well  as  for  field-service,  has  no  basis  on  which  it  can  be 
raised.  No  officers  are  appointed,  and  it  will  be  impossible  for  me 
ever  to  enlist  the'  rank  and  file  until  that  is  done.  An  army  never 
has  been  raised  for  regular  service  until  the  officers  have  been  ap- 
pointed. The  regiments  of  the  United  States  army  were  all  com- 
pletely officered  before  a man  was  enlisted  in  the  ranks.  It  can  not 
be  objected  that  merit  will  be  forestalled  by  filling  the  several  corps 
at  this  time.  It  must  have  been  contemplated  by  the  framers  of  the 
organic  law  that  the  army  would  be  immediately  organized  out  of 
the  materials  then  in  Texas. 

Unless  the  officers  are  appointed  at  an  early  day,  it  will  be  impos- 
sible to  have  an  army  at  the  opening  of  the  campaign  — which,  in 
my  opinion,  can  not  be  delayed,  with  safety  to  the  country,  longer 
than  the  20th  of  February,  or  1st  of  March,  at  farthest. 

If  only  a portion  of  the  officers  should  be  appointed,  I appre- 
hend the  organization  of  the  army  will  be  incomplete,  and  the 
intention  of  the  law  unanswered.  The  necessities  of  the  coun- 
try seem  to  require  a complete  organization.  We  must  have  an 
army,  or  abandon  all  hope  of  defending  the  country.  The  letters 
from  Santa  Anna  and  the  functionaries  of  the  central  government, 
recently  intercepted,  are  calculated  to  arouse  every  generous  heart 
in  Texas  to  active  and  obstinate  resistance.  An  army  of  the  enemy, 
amounting  to  ten  thousand  men,  with  suitable  munitions  of  war,  must 
be  met  and  vanquished,  or  Texas  will  be  overwhelmed  for  years  to 
come.  Union  and  confidence  among  ourselves,  and  a generous  sup- 
port of  the  army,  will  achieve  everything  that  is  desirable  to  free- 
men. Until  a full  complement  of  officers  is  appointed  for  the  regu- 
lar army,  it  is  impossible  that  one  can  be  raised. 

I take  pleasure  in  assuring  your  excellency  that  I will  at  all  times 
hold  myself  accountable  for  the  means  placed  at  my  disposal  for  the 
defences  of  the  country,  and  the  result  of  our  cause.  But  it  must 
be  obvious  to  all  that  in  the  same  ratio  in  which  the  necessary  and 
proper  means  are  withheld  from  me,  so  must  my  responsibility  be 
diminished. 

Vol.  II.  — 29 


450 


APPENDIX. 


Permit  me  to  implore  you  most  earnestly  to  give  your  attention 
to  the  subjects  herein  very  respectfully  submitted. 

I have  the  honor  to  be  your  obedient  servant, 

Sam  Houston. 


No.  6. 

Proclamation  of  Sam  Houston , Commander -in- Chief  of  the 
Army  of  Texas. 

Headquarters,  Washington,  Texas,  December  12,  1836. 

Citizens  of  Texas:  Your  situation  is  peculiarly  calculated  to 
call  forth  all  your  manly  energies.  Under  the  republican  constitu- 
tion of  Mexico,  you  were  invited  to  Texas,  then  a wilderness.  You 
have  reclaimed  and  rendered  it  a cultivated  country.  You  solemnly 
swore  to  support  the  constitution  and  its  laws.  Your  oaths  are  yet 
inviolate.  In  accordance  therewith  you  have  fought  with  the  liber- 
als against  those  who  sought  to  overthrow  the  constitution  in  1832, 
when  the  present  usurper  was  the  champion  of  liberal  principles  in 
Mexico.  Your  obedience  has  manifested  your  integrity.  You  have 
witnessed  with  pain  the  convulsions  of  the  interior,  and  a succession 
of  usurpations.  You  have  experienced  in  silent  grief,  the  expulsion 
of  your  members  elect  from  the  state  Congress. 

You  have  realized  the  horrors  of  anarchy  and  the  dictation  of 
military  rule.  The  promises  made  to  you  have  not  been  fulfilled. 
Your  memorials  for  the  redress  of  grievances  have  been  disregarded ; 
and  the  agents  you  have  sent  to  Mexico  have  been  imprisoned  for 
years,  without  enjoying  the  rights  of  trial  agreeably  to  law.  Your 
constitutional  executive  has  been  deposed  by  the  bayonets  of  a 
mercenary  soldiery,  while  your  Congress  has  been  dissolved  by  vio- 
lence, and  its  members,  either  fled,  or  were  arrested  by  the  military 
force  of  the  country.  The  federation  has  been  dissolved,  the  consti- 
tution declared  at  an  end,  and  centralism  has  been  established.  Amid 
all  these  trying  vicissitudes,  you  remained  loyal  to  the  duty  of  citi- 
zens, with  a hope  that  liberty  would  not  perish  in  the  republic  of  Mex- 
ico. But  while  you  were  fondly  cherishing  this  hope,  the  dictator 
required  the  surrender  of  the  arms  of  the  civic  militia,  that  he  might 
be  enabled  to  establish  on  the  ruins  of  the  constitution,  a system  of 
policy  which  would  for  ever  enslave  the  people  of  Mexico.  Zaca- 
tecas, unwilling  to  yield  her  sovereignty  to  the  demand  which  struck 


OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE. 


451 


at  the  root  of  all  liberty,  refused  to  disarm  her  citizens  of  their  pri- 
vate arms.  Ill-fated  state  ! Her  power,  as  well  as  her  wealth 
aroused  the  ambition  of  Santa  Anna,  and  excited  his  cupidity.  Her 
citizens  became  the  first  victims  of  his  cruelty,  while  her  wealth  was 
sacrificed  in  payment  for  the  butchery  of  her  citizens.  The  success 
of  the  usurper  determined  him  in  exacting  from  the  people  of  Texas 
snbmission  to  the  central  form  of  government ; and,  to  enforce  his 
plan  of  despotism,  he  despatched  a military  force  to  invade  the  col- 
onies, and  exact  the  arms  of  the  inhabitants.  The  citizens  refused 
the  demand,  and  the  invading  force  was  increased.  The  question 
then  was,  “ Shall  we  resist  the  oppression  and  live  free,  or  violate 
our  oaths,  and  bear  a despot’s  stripes  V*  The  citizens  of  Texas  ral- 
lied to  the  defence  of  their  rights.  They  have  met  four  to  one,  and, 
by  their  chivalry  and  courage,  have  vanquished  the  enemy  with  a 
gallantry  and  spirit  which  is  characteristic  of  the  justice  of  our  cause. 

The  army  of  the  people  is  now  before  Bexar,  besieging  the  cen- 
tral army  within  its  wall.  Though  called  together  at  the  moment, 
the  citizens  of  Texas,  unprovided  as  they  were  in  the  necessary 
munitions  of  war  and  supplies  for  an  army,  have  maintained  a siege 
for  months.  Always  patient  and  untiring  in  their  patriotism  and 
zeal  in  the  cause  of  liberty,  they  have  borne  every  vicissitude  of  sea- 
son and  every  incident  of  the  soldier,  with  a contempt  of  peril  which 
reflects  immortal  honor  on  the  members  of  the  army  of  the  people. 

Since  our  army  has  been  in  the  field,  a consultation  of  the  people, 
by  their  representatives,  has  met,  and  established  a provisional  gov- 
ernment. This  course  has  grown  out  of  the  emergencies  of  the 
country  ; the  army  has  claimed  its  peculiar  care.  We  are  without 
law,  and  without  a constitutional  head.  The  provisional  executive 
and  the  general  council  of  Texas  are  earnestly  engaged  in  the  dis- 
charge of  their  respective  duties,  preparing  for  every  exigency  of  the 
country ; and  I am  satisfied,  from  their  zeal,  ability,  and  patriotism, 
that  Texas  will  have  everything  to  hope,  from  their  exertions  in 
behalf  of  the  principles  which  we  have  avowed. 

A regular  army  has  been  created,  and  liberal  encouragement  has 
been  given  by  the  government.  To  all  who  will  enlist  for  two 
years,  or  during  the  war,  a bounty  of  twenty-four  dollars  and  eight 
hundred  acres  of  land  will  be  given.  Provision  has  also  been  made 
for  raising  an  auxiliary  volunteer  corps,  to  constitute  part  of  the 
army  of  Texas,  which  will  be  placed  under  the  command,  and  sub- 
ject to  the  orders  of  the  commander-m-ehief.  The  field  for  promo- 


452 


APPENDIX. 


tion  will  be  open.  The  terms  of  service  will  be  various.  To  those 
who  tender  their  services  for,  or  during  the  war,  will  be  given  a 
bounty  of  six  hundred  and  forty  acres  of  land  ; an  equal  bounty  will 
be  given  to  those  who  volunteer  their  services  for  two  years ; if  for 
one  year,  a bounty  of  three  hundred  and  twenty  acres ; and  to 
those  who  may  volunteer  for  a shorter  period,  no  bounty  of  land  will 
be  given,  but  the  same  liberal  pay,  rations,  &c.,  will  be  allowed 
them  as  other  members  of  the  army.  The  rights  of  citizenship  are 
extended  to  all  who  will  unite  with  us  in  defending  the  republican 
principles  of  the  constitution  of  1824. 

Citizens  of  Texas,  your  rights  must  be  defended.  The  oppres- 
sors must  be  driven  from  our  soil.  Submission  to  the  laws  and 
union  among  ourselves  will  render  us  invincible ; subordination  and 
discipline  in  our  army  will  guaranty  to  us  victory  and  renown.  Our 
invader  has  sworn  to  exterminate  us,  or  sweep  us  from  the  soil  of 
Texas.  He  is  vigilant  in  his  work  of  oppression,  and  has  ordered 
to  Texas  ten  thousand  men  to  enforce  the  unhallowed  purposes  of 
his  ambition.  His  letters  to  his  subalterns  in  Texas  have  been  in- 
tercepted, and  his  plans  for  our  destruction  are  disclosed.  Depart- 
ing from  the  chivalric  principles  of  civilized  warfare,  he  has  ordered 
arms  to  be  distributed  to  a portion  of  our  population , for  the  purpose 
of  creating  in  the  midst  of  us  a servile  war.  The  hopes  of  the 
usurper  were  inspired  by  a belief  that  the  citizens  of  Texas  were 
disunited  and  divided  in  opinion ; that  alone  has  been  the  cause  of 
the  present  invasion  of  our  rights.  He  shall  realize  the  fallacy  of 
his  hopes,  in  the  union  of  her  citizens,  and  their  eternal  resist- 
ance to  his  plans  against  constitutional  liberty.  We  will  enjoy  our 
birthright,  or  perish  in  its  defence. 

The  services  of  five  thousand  volunteers  will  be  accepted.  By 
the  first  of  March  next,  we  must  meet  the  enemy  with  an  army 
worthy  of  our  cause,  and  which  will  reflect  honor  upon  freemen. 
Our  habitations  must  be  defended  ; the  sanctity  of  our  hearths  and 
firesides  must  be  preserved  from  pollution.  Liberal  Mexicans  will 
unite  with  us.  Our  countrymen  in  the  field  have  presented  an  ex- 
ample worthy  of  imitation.  Generous  and  brave  hearts  from  a land 
of  freedom  have  joined  our  standard  before  Bexar.  They  have,  by 
their  heroism  and  valor,  called  forth  the  admiration  of  their  com- 
rades in  arms,  and  have  reflected  additional  honor  on  the  land  of 
their  birth.  Let  the  brave  rally  to  our  standard. 

Sam  Houston,  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army. 


OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE. 


453 


No.  7. 

To  Governor  Henry  Smith. 

Headquarters,  San  Felipe  de  Austin,  December  17,  1835. 

Sir  : On  yesterday  I had  the  honor  to  receive  your  order,  direct- 
ing the  establishment  of  the  headquarters  of  the  army  at  Washing- 
ton. It  will  give  me  pleasure  to  obey  the  order  at  the  earliest 
possible  moment. 

In  the  meantime,  I do  most  earnestly  solicit  the  attention  of  your 
excellency  to  the  subject  of  an  appropriation  to  cover  the  recruiting 
contingencies  of  the  army.  And  I would  beg  leave  to  suggest  the 
necessity  of  establishing  a system  of  accountability  in  all  its  disbur- 
sing departments ; requiring  ample  security  of  all  the  officers,  who 
may  be  intrusted  with  funds,  agreeably  to  the  system  established 
in  the  United  States,  if  the  provisions  of  the  organic  law  are  not 
sufficient. 

More  than  a month  has  now  elapsed  since  the  adjournment  of  the 
consultation,  and  the  army  is  not  yet  organized  ; and,  though  I have 
ordered  some  officers  on  the  recruiting  service,  it  has  been  on  my 
own  responsibility. 

It  is  extremely  painful  to  me  to  feel  what  I am  compelled  to  ex- 
perience, and  believe  to  exist.  I have  never  failed  to  render  any 
information,  when  called  on  by  the  chairman  of  the  military  com- 
mittee, and  to  furnish  such  books  as  he  wished  for  his  instruction. 
Yet,  I am  constrained  to  believe  that  he  has  interposed  every  possi- 
ble obstacle  to  the  organization  of  the  army ; and,  so  far  as  I am 
identified  with  it,  to  delay  the  placing  of  Texas  in  a proper  state  of 
defence. 

To  arrive  at  this  conclusion,  it  is  only  necessary  to  advert  to  a 
report  which  he  made  on  the  subject  of  the  speedy  organization  of 
the  army.  In  the  report,  he  took  the  liberty  (though  entirely  un- 
necessary) of  using  remarks  of  a personal  character  toward  myself. 
The  honorable  the  general  council  deemed  them  so  indecorous  that 
they  were  stricken  out  of  the  report.  To  account  for  this  course  on 
the  part  of  the  chairman  is  not  necessary. 

I am  careless  of  whatever  individual  feelings  may  be  entertained 
toward  me  : but  as  a functionary  of  the  government,  placed  in  the 
most  responsible  situation,  and  so  necessary  to  the  salvation  of  the 
country,  I am  constrained  to  invoke  and  to  hope  for  the  necessary 


454 


APPENDIX. 


co-operation  in  discharge  of  the  duties  which  I owe  to  the  country 
and  its  laws.  I am  ready  to  make  any  and  every  sacrifice  which 
my  relations  to  the  country  may  require  of  me. 

This  communication  is  induced  by  no  other  feeling  than  a sincere 
desire  to  point  out  the  difficulties  which  are  thrown  in  the  way  of 
all  my  exertions  to  promote  the  cause  of  the  country ; and,  at  the 
same  time,  to  vindicate  myself  against  the  charge  of  neglect  of  duty, 
or  any  want  of  the  most  devoted,  zeal  in  behalf  of  Texas. 

I have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  consideration, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

Sam  Houston, 
Commander -in- Chief,  fyc. 


No.  8. 

To  Colonel  James  Bowie. 

[Array  Orders.]  Headquarters,  San  Felipe,  December  17,  1835. 

Sir  : In  obedience  to  the  order  of  his  excellency  Henry  Smith, 
governor  of  Texas,  of  this  date,  I have  the  honor  to  direct  that,  in 
the  event  you  can  obtain  the  services  of  a sufficient  number  of  men 
for  the  purpose,  you  will  forthwith  proceed  on  the  route  to  Matamo- 
ras,  and,  if  possible,  reduce  the  place  and  retain  possession  until  fur- 
ther orders.  Should  you  not  find  it  within  your  power  to  attain  an 
object  so  desirable  as  the  reduction  of  Matamoras,  you  will,  by  all 
possible  means,  conformably  to  the  rules  of  civilized  warfare,  annoy 
the  troops  of  the  central  army ; and  reduce  and  keep  possession  of 
the  most  eligible  position  on  the  frontier,  using  the  precaution  which 
characterizes  your  mode  of  warfare.  You  will  conduct  the  cam- 
paign. Much  is  referred  to  your  discretion.  Should  you  commence 
the  campaign,  you  will,  from  time  to  time,  keep  the  government 
advised  of  your  operations,  through  the  commander-in-chief  of  the 
army.  Under  any  circumstances,  the  port  of  Copano  is  important. 

If  any  officers  or  men,  who  have,  at  any  time,  been  released  on 
parole,  should  be  taken  in  arms,  they  will  be  proper  subjects  for  the 
consideration  of  a court-martial.  Great  caution  is  necessary  in  the 
country  of  an  enemy. 

Sam  Houston, 

Commander-in-  Chief. 


OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE. 


455 


No.  9. 

To  Governor  Smith. 

Headquarters,  Washington,  December  26,  1835. 

To  Your  Excellency  : I have  the  honor  of  reporting  my  arri- 
val here  on  yesterday,  and  my  finding  here  Captain  Wyatt,  with  a 
company  or  detachment,  consisting  of  less  than  fifty-six  men,  from 
Huntsville,  Alabama ; also  Captain  King,  with  about  eighteen  men, 
from  Paducah,  Kentucky,  with  rifles  — Captain  Wyatt  having  fifty 
first-rate  United  States  muskets.  Under  the  restrictions  of  the  law, 
I find  myself  under  the  most  painful  difficulties  in  accepting  the  ser- 
vices of  these  volunteers.  I will  do  the  best  I can  for  the  country, 
while  I render  justice  to  them.  I found  in  the  ranks  great  discon- 
tent, and  a disposition  to  abandon  our  cause.  To-day  I have  spent 
much  time  in  explaining  all  matters  to  them.  I hope  they  are  sat- 
isfied  

To-day  there  has  been  an  arrival  in  six  days  from  San  Antonio, 
which  reports  all  quiet,  but  no  discipline.  Ere  this  I hope  my  order 
has  reached  them,  and  will  have  a proper  effect  with  the  command. 
It  is  said  that  Bowie  will  be  here  to-morrow.  Should  he  come  to 
San  Felipe,  I hope  your  excellency  will  be  kind  enough  to  order 
him  to  this  point,  as  I can  furnish  him  with  a copy  of  the  order 
which  I forwarded  to  him  by  your  excellency’s  order. 

I have  the  honor,  &c., 

Sam  Houston,  Commander , Sfc. 


No.  10. 

To  Colonel  Powers. 

Washington,  Texas,  December  28,  1835. 

Dear  Colonel  : Colonel  Wyatt,  with  two  detachments  of  aux- 
iliary volunteers,  is  on  his  way  to  the  vicinity  of  Copano,  for  the 
purpose  of  protecting  that  point,  so  essential  to  the  present  posture 
of  our  affairs.  I hope  that  you  will  afford  him  all  possible  intelli- 
gence, and  render  to  him  all  necessary  aid. 

Colonel  Wyatt  will  relieve  Captain  Allen,  who  will  re- 
pair to  New  Orleans,  and  return  by  the  first  of  March.  Say  to  our 

friends  that,  by  the  rise  of  grass,  we  will  be  on  the  march 

Sam  Houston. 


456 


APPENDIX. 


No.  It. 

To  Governor  Henry  Smith. 

Headquarters,  Washington,  December  30,  1835. 

Sir  : I have  the  honor  to  enclose  to  you  a muster-roll  of  Captain 
P.  S.  Wyatt,  and  one  also  from  Captain  King.  Both  the  company 
and  detachment  are  under  the  command  and  subject  to  the  orders 
of  Captain  Wyatt.  I have  had  much  difficulty  in  getting  them  to 
volunteer  for  any  definite  period.  But  the  ordinance  left  a discre- 
tion with  me  to  accept  their  services  for  such  time  as  I “ might  think 
the  good  of  the  service  required.”  I did  think  it  necessary  to  spe- 
cify some  certain  time,  and  that  time,  I conceived,  ought  not  to  be 
less  than  three  months ; if  so,  it  would  be  burdensome  to  the  coun- 
try, without  any  corresponding  benefit.  I think  they  will  eventu- 
ally all  volunteer  for  during  the  war.  They  are  all  on  the  march 
for  Copano,  where  I design  they  shall  be  stationed  until  further  or- 
ders. To-day  I sent  despatches  to  Velasco  and  Matagorda,  with 
orders  to  Lieutenant  Eaton  to  act  as  assistant  quartermaster-general, 
to  furnish  supplies  to  alt  troops  landing  on  the  gulf,  on  their  way  to 
Copano.  I have  herewith  enclosed  to  your  excellency  a copy  of 
the  order,  having  sent  a special  order  to  Lieutenant  Eaton  of  prior 
date. 

I beg  leave  to  remark  that,  by  the  time  I can  hold  an  Indian 
talk,  and  arrange  matters  for  safety  in  the  rear  of  the  army,  and 
return  to  this  point,  and  spend  a few  days  here,  leaving  a capable 
officer  in  command  at  this  place,  as  also  at  other  points,  I will  be 
ready,  should  there  be  the  slightest  necessity  for  my  presence  at 
Copano  or  on  the  frontier,  to  repair  instantly  to  the  point  where  I 
may  be  needed. 

In  the  meantime,  I pray  that  your  excellency  will  not  permit  the 
suggestions  of  those  who  neither  know  nor  can  appreciate  my  duties 
(or  the  necessity  of  my  occupying,  until  the  campaign  opens,  a cen- 
tral position),  to  induce  your  excellency  to  believe  that  I can  be 
necessary,  and  ought  to  be,  where  a subordinate  can  discharge  every 
duty. 

You  may  rely  on  it  that  a subaltern,  whom  I would  leave  in  com- 
mand at  this  point,  would  have  more  important  duties  devolving 
upon  him  than  those  which  would  be  confided,  at  an  outpost,  to  the 
major-general ; while  the  general  and  the  governor  would  be  held 


OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE. 


457 


responsible  to  the  country  for  any  and  every  failure  or  delinquency 
which  might  occur  to  the  detriment  of  the  army,  or  the  defence  of 
the  country. 

I have  the  honor,  &c.,  Sam  Houston. 

P.  S.  — From  news  received  to-day  from  the  mouth  of  the  Brasos 
(unofficial),  I will  be  ready,  on  my  return  from  the  treaty , to  set  out 
with  the  staff  of  the  army  (with  your  excellency’s  order),  in  three 
days,  for  Copano,  or  Matamoras. 


No.  12. 

To  Governor  Henry  Smith. 

Headquarters,  Washington,  January  6,  1836. 

Sir  : I have  the  honor  to  enclose  to  your  excellency  the  report 
of  Lieutenant-Colonel  J.  C.  Neill,  of  the  artillery  ; and  most  respect- 
fully request  that  you  will  render  to  the  cause  of  Texas  and  hu- 
manity the  justice  of  bestowing  upon  it  your  serious  attention,  and 
referring  it  to  the  general  council  of  the  provisional  government,  in 
secret  session.  These,  I may  be  permitted  to  hope,  you  will  attend 
in  person,  that  all  the  essential  functionaries  of  the  government  may 
deliberate,  and  adopt  some  course  that  will  redeem  our  country  from 
a state  of  deplorable  anarchy.  Manly  and  bold  decision  alone  can 
save  us  from  ruin.  I only  require  orders,  and  they  shall  be  obeyed. 
If  the  government  now  yields  to  the  unholy  dictation  of  speculators 
and  marauders  upon  human  rights,  it  were  better  that  we  had  yielded 
to  the  despotism  of  a single  man,  whose  ambition  might  have  been 
satisfied  by  our  unconditional  submission  to  his  authority,  and  a pro- 
nouncement, for  which  we  were  asked,  in  favor  of  his  power. 

In  the  present  instance,  the  people  of  Texas  have  not  even  been 
consulted.  The  brave  men  who  have  been  wounded  in  the  battles 
of  Texas,  and  the  sick  from  exposure  in  her  cause,  without  blankets 
or  supplies,  are  left  neglected  in  her  hospitals ; while  the  needful 
stores  and  supplies  are  diverted  from  them,  without  authority  and 
by  self-created  officers,  who  do  not  acknowledge  the  only  govern- 
ment known  to  Texas  and  the  world. 

Within  thirty  hours  I shall  set  out  for  the  army,  and  repair  there 
with  all  possible  despatch.  I pray  that  a confidential  express  may 
meet  me  at  Goliad  ; and,  if  I shall  have  left,  that  it  may  pursue  me 
wherever  I may  be. 


458 


APPENDIX. 


No  language  can  express  my  anguish  of  soul.  Oh,  save  our  poor 
country!  — send  supplies  to  the  wounded,  the  sick,  the  naked,  and 
the  hungry,  for  God’s  sake  ! What  will  the  world  think  of  the  au- 
thorities of  Texas  1 Prompt,  decided,  and  honest  independence,  is 
all  that  can  save  them,  and  redeem  our  country.  I do  not  fear — I 
will  do  my  duty. 

I have  the  honor,  &c., 

Sam  Houston. 


No.  13. 

To  Captain  Cook , of  the  San  Antonio  Grays. 

Headquarters,  Goliad,  January  17,  1836. 

Sir  : I have  the  pleasure  to  acknowledge  the  tender  of  your  ser- 
vices, and  those  of  your  company,  to  Texas,  for  the  term  of  three 
months.  The  same  are  accepted,  in  behalf  of  Texas,  with  pleasure, 

for  the  term  of  three  months 

I have  the  honor,  &c., 

Sam  Houston. 


No.  14. 

To  Governor  Henry  Smith. 

Headquarters,  Goliad,  January  17,  1836. 

Sir  : I have  the  honor  to  send,  for  your  information,  the  enclosed 
from  Lieutenant-Colonel  J.  C.  Neill,  under  date  of  the  14th  instant. 
Colonel  Bowie  will  leave  here  in  a few  hours  for  Bexar,  with  a de- 
tachment of  from  twenty  to  fifty  men.  Captain  Patton’s  company, 
it  is  believed,  is  now  there.  I have  ordered  the  fortifications  in 
the  town  of  Bexar  to  be  demolished ; and,  if  you  should  think  well 
of  it,  I will  remove  all  the  cannon  and  other  munitions  of  war  to 
Gonzales  and  Copano,  blow  up  the  Alamo,  and  abandon  the  place, 
as  it  will  be  impossible  to  keep  up  the  station  with  the  volunteers. 
The  sooner  I can  be  so  authorized,  the  better  it  will  be  for  the 
country.  In  an  hour  I will  take  up  the  line  of  march  for  Refugio 
mission,  with  a force  of  about  two  hundred  and  nine  effective  men, 
where  I will  await  orders  from  your  excellency.  I do  not  believe 
that  the  army,  of  such  a small  force,  should  advance  upon  Matamo- 
ras,  with  a hope  or  belief  that  the  Mexicans  will  co-operate  with  us. 


OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE. 


459 


I have  no  confidence  in  them  : the  disaster  at  Tampico  should  teach 
us  a lesson  to  be  noted  in  our  future  operations. 

I have  learned  that  Colonel  Gonzales  is  somewhere  on  the  Nueces 
with  one  hundred  and  seventy  men,  but  accounts  vary  as  to  their 
actual  number.  I am  told  they  are  to  co-operate  in  the  eastern 
confederacy. 

I will  leave  Captain  Wyatt  in  command  at  this  post,  until  I can 
relieve  him  with  thirty-five  regulars  now  at  Refugio.  I pray  your 
excellency  to  cause  all  the  regulars  now  enlisted  to  be  formed  into 
companies,  and  marched  to  headquarters.  It  will  be  impossible  to 
keep  up  garrisons  with  volunteers.  Do  forward  the  regulars.  Cap- 
tain Smith  had  been  relieved,  and  I met  him  on  his  way  home.  To- 
day, Captain  Patton  will  return  to  the  Lavaca  country,  and  bring 
on  a company  as  soon  as  possible.  I have  sent  to  Captain  Dimit 
to  raise  one  hundred  or  more  men,  and  march  to  Bexar  forthwith  — 
if  it  should  be  invested ; if  not,  to  repair  to  headquarters  with  his 
command.  Captain  Patton  will  do  likewise.  I would  myself  have 
marched  with  a force  to  Bexar,  but  the  Matamoras  fever  rages  so 
high,  that  I must  see  Colonel  Ward’s  men.  You  can  have  no  idea 
of  the  difficulties  I have  encountered.  Patton  has  told  you  of  the 
men  that  make  the  trouble.  Better  materials  never  were  in  ranks. 
The  government  and  all  its  officers  had  been  misrepresented  to  the 
army. 

I pray  you  send  me  copies  of  Austin’s  letters,  or  rather  extracts. 
If  the  council  are  in  session,  I do  wish  they  would  say  something 
about  the  confederacy.  Please  send  me  frequent  expresses,  and 
advise  me  of  your  pleasure. 

I have  the  honor,  &c., 

Sam  Houston. 


No.  15. 

To  Major  R.  C.  Morris. 

Headquarters,  Refugio,  January  20,  1836. 
General  Houston  will  be  happy  to  see  Major  R.  C.  Morris,  at 
Captain  Westover’s,  whenever  it  will  suit  his  convenience,  as  he 
wishes  to  make  some  communications,  through  him,  to  the  volun- 
teers at  this  post. 


460 


APPENDIX. 


No.  16. 

To  Governor  Henry  Smith. 

Municipality  of  Washington,  January  30,  1836. 

Sir  : I have  the  honor  to  report  to  you  that,  in  obedience  to  your 
order  under  date  of  the  6th  inst.,  I left  Washington  on  the  8th,  and 
reached  Goliad  on  the  night  of  the  14th.  On  the  morning  of  that 
day  I met  Captain  Diinit,  on  his  return  home  with  his  command, 
who  reported  to  me  the  fact  that  his  citballada  of  horses  (the  most 
of  them  private  property)  had  been  pressed  by  Dr.  Grant,  who 
styled  himself  acting  commander-in-chief  of  the  federal  army,  and 
that  he  had  under  his  command  about  two  hundred  men.  Captain 
Dimit  had  been  relieved  by  Captain  P.  S.  Wyatt,  of  the  volunteers, 
from  Huntsville,  Alabama.  I was  also  informed  by  Major  R.  C. 
Morris  that  breadstuff  was  wanted  in  camp ; and  he  suggested  his 
wish  to  remove  the  volunteers  farther  west.  By  express,  I had  ad- 
vised the  stay  of  the  troops  at  Goliad  until  I could  reach  that  point. 

On  my  arrival  at  that  post,  I found  them  destitute  of  many  sup- 
plies necessary  to  their  comfort  on  a campaign.  An  express  reached 
me  from  Lieutenant-Colonel  Neill,  of  Bexar,  of  an  expected  attack 
from  the  enemy  in  force.  I immediately  requested  Colonel  James 
Bowie  to  march  with  a detachment  of  volunteers  to  his  relief.  He 
met  the  request  with  his  usual  promptitude  and  manliness.  This 
intelligence  I forwarded  to  your  excellency,  for  the  action  of  gov- 
ernment. With  a hope  that  supplies  had  or  would  immediately 
reach  the  port  of  Copano,  I ordered  the  troops,  through  Major  R.  C. 
Morris,  to  proceed  to  Refugio  mission,  where  it  was  reported  there 
would  be  an  abundance  of  beef — leaving  Captain  Wyatt  and  his 
command,  for  the  present,  in  possession  of  Goliad,  or  until  he  could 
be  relieved  by  a detachment  of  regulars  under  the  command  of 
Lieutenant  Thornton,  and  some  recruits  that  had  been  enlisted  by 
Captain  Ira  Westover.  On  the  arrival  of  the  troops  at  Refugio,  I 
ascertained  that  no  breadstuflfs  could  be  obtained,  nor  was  there  any 
intelligence  of  supplies  reaching  Copano,  agreeably  to  my  expecta- 
tions, and  in  accordance  with  my  orders  of  the  30th  of  December 
and  6th  of  January  inst.  directing  the  landing  and  concentrating  all 
the  volunteers  at  Copano.  I had  also  advised  Colonel  A.  Huston, 
the  quartermaster-general,  to  forward  the  supplies  he  might  obtain 
at  New  Orleans  to  the  same  point.  Not  meeting  the  command  of 


OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE. 


461 


Major  Ward,  as  I had  hoped  from  the  early  advice  I had  sent  him 
by  Major  George  W.  Poe,  I determined  to  await  his  arrival  and  the 
command  of  Captain  Wyatt.  With  a view  to  he  in  a state  of  readi- 
ness to  march  to  the  scene  of  active  operations  at  the  first  moment 
that  my  force,  and  the  supplies  necessary,  could  reach  me,  I ordered 
Lieutenant  Thornton  with  his  comnjand  (total  twenty-nine)  to  Goliad, 
to  relieve  Captain  Wyatt ; at  the  same  time  ordering  the  latter  to 
join  the  volunteers  at  Refugio.  I found  much  difficulty  in  prevail- 
ing on  the  regulars  to  march  until  they  had  received  either  money 
or  clothing ; and  their  situation  was  truly  destitute.  Had  I not  suc- 
ceeded, the  station  at  Goliad  must  have  been  left  without  any  de- 
fence, and  abandoned  to  the  enemy,  whatever  importance  its  occu- 
pation may  he  to  the  security  of  the  frontier.  Should  Bexar  remain 
a military  post,  Goliad  must  be  maintained,  or  the  former  will  be  cut 
off  from  all  supplies  arriving  by  sea  at  the  port  of  Copano. 

On  the  evening  of  the  20th,  F.  W.  Johnson,  Esq.,  arrived  at  Re- 
fugio, and  it  was  understood  that  he  was  empowered,  by  the  general 
council  of  Texas,  to  interfere  in  my  command.  On  the  21st,  and 
previous  to  receiving  notice  of  his  arrival,  I issued  an  order  to 
organize  the  troops  so  soon  as  they  might  arrive  at  that  place, 
agreeably  to  the  “ ordinance  for  raising  an  auxiliary  corps”  to  the 
army.  A copy  of  the  order  I have  the  honor  to  enclose  herewith. 
Mr.  Johnson  then  called  on  me,  previous  to  the  circulation  of  the 
order,  and  showed  me  the  resolutions  of  the  general  council,  dated 
14th  of  January,  a copy  of  which  I forward  for  the  perusal  of  your 
excellency. 

So  soon  as  I was  made  acquainted  with  the  nature  of  his  mission, 
and  the  powers  granted  to  J.  W.  Fannin,  jr.,  I could  not  remain 
mistaken  as  to  the  object  of  the  council,  or  the  wishes  of  individuals. 
I had  but  one  course  left  for  me  to  pursue  (the  report  of  your  being 
deposed  had  also  reached  me),  which  was,  to  return,  And  report  my- 
self to  you  in  person  — inasmuch  as  the  objects  intended  by  your 
order  were,  by  the  extraordinary  conduct  of  the  council,  rendered 
useless  to  the  country  : and,  by  remaining  with  the  army,  the  coun- 
cil would  have  had  the  pleasure  of  ascribing  to  me  the  evils  which 
their  own  conduct  and  acts  will,  in  all  probability,  produce.  I do 
consider  the  acts  of  the  council  calculated  to  protract  the  war  for 
years  to  come ; and  the  field  which  they  have  opened  to  insubordi- 
nation, and  to  agencies  without  limit  (unknown  to  military  usage), 
will  cost  the  country  more  useless  expenditure  than  the  necessary 


462 


APPENDIX. 


expense  of  the  whole  war  would  have  been  had  they  not  transcended 
their  proper  duties.  Without  integrity  of  purpose,  and  well-devised 
measures,  our  whole  frontier  must  be  exposed  to  the  enemy.  All 
the  available  resources  of  Texas  are  directed,  through  special  as  well 
as  general  agencies , against  Matamoras  ; and  must,  in  all  probability, 
prove  as  unavailing  to  the  interest  as  they  will  to  the  honor  of  Texas. 
The  regulars  at  Goliad  can  not  long  be  detained  at  that  station,  un- 
less they  should  get  supplies ; and  now  all  the  resources  of  Texas 
are  placed  in  the  hands  of  agents  unknown  to  the  government  in  its 
formation,  and  existing  by  the  mere  will  of  the  council ; and  will 
leave  all  other  objects,  necessary  for  the  defence  of  the  country, 
neglected,  for  the  want  of  means,  until  the  meeting  of  the  conven- 
tion in  March  next. 

It  was  my  wish,  if  it  had  been  possible,  to  avoid  for  the  present 
the  expression  of  any  opinion  which  might  be  suppressed  in  the 
present  crisis.  But  since  I reported  to  your  excellency,  having  had 
leisure  to  peruse  all  the  documents  of  a controversial  nature  growing 
out  of  the  relative  duties  of  yourself  and  the  general  council  to  the 
people  of  Texas,  a resolution  of  the  council,  requiring  of  me  an  act 
of  insubordination  and  disobedience  to  your  orders,  demands  of  me 
that  I should  inquire  into  the  nature  of  that  authority  which  would 
stimulate  me  to  an  act  of  treason,  or  an  attempt  to  subvert  the  gov- 
ernment which  I have  sworn  to  support.  The  only  constitution 
which  Texas  has  is  the  “ organic  law.”  Then  any  violation  of  that 
law,  which  would  destroy  the  basis  of  government,  must  be  treason. 
Has  treason  been  committed  ? if  so,  by  whom,  and  for  what  pur- 
pose ? The  history  of  the  last  few  weeks  will  be  the  best  answer 
that  can  be  rendered. 

After  the  capitulation  of  Bexar,  it  was  understood  at  headquarters 
that  there  was  much  discontent  with  the  troops  then  at  that  point, 
and  that  it  might  be  necessary  to  employ  them  in  some  active  en- 
terprise, or  the  force  would  dissolve.  "With  this  information  was 
suggested  the  expediency  of  an  attack  on  Matamoras.  For  the  pur- 
pose of  improving  whatever  advantages  might  have  been  gained  at 
Bexar,  I applied  to  your  excellency  for  orders,  which  I obtained, 
directing  the  adoption  of  such  measures  as  might  be  deemed  best  for 
the  protection  of  the  frontier  and  the  reduction  of  Matamoras.  This 
order  was  dated  17tli  of  December ; and  on  the  same  date  I wrote 
to  Colonel  James  Bowie,  directing  him,  in  the  event  he  could  obtain 
a sufficient  number  of  volunteers  for  the  purpose,  to  make  a descent 


OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE. 


463 


on  Matamoras ; and,  if  his  force  would  not  justify  that  measure,  he 
was  directed  to  occupy  the  most  advanced  post,  so  as  to  check  the 
enemy,  and  by  all  means  to  place  himself  in  a situation  to  command 
Copano.  Colonel  Bowie  did  not  receive  the  order  : having  left  Go- 
liad for  Bexar,  he  was  not  apprized  of  it  until  his  arrival  at  Sail 
Felipe,  about  the  first  of  January  instant.  My  reason  for  ordering 
Colonel  Bowie  on  the  service  was,  his  familiar  acquaintance  with 
the  country,  as  well  as  the  nature  of  the  population  through  which 
the  troops  must  pass,  as  also  their  resources ; and  to  this  I freely 
add  that  there  is  no  man  on  whose  forecast,  prudence,  and  valor,  I 
place  a higher  estimate  than  Colonel  Bowie. 

Previous  to  this  time,  the  general  council  had  adopted  a resolution 
requiring  the  governor  to  direct  the  removal  of  the  headquarters  of 
the  army,  and  I had  been  ordered  to  Washington,  for  their  estab- 
lishment, until  further  orders.  I had  been  detained,  awaiting  copies 
of  the  ordinances  relative  to  the  army.  Their  design  was  manifest, 
nor  could  their  objects  be  misapprehended,  though  the  extent  to 
which  they  were  then  carrying  them  was  not  known.  Messrs. 
Hanks  and  Clements  were  engaged  in  writing  letters  to  individuals 
at  Bexar,  urging  and  authorizing  a campaign  against  Matamoras ; 
and,  that  their  recommendation  might  bear  the  stamp  of  authority, 
and  mislead  those  who  were  unwilling  to  embark  in  an  expedition 
not  sanctioned  by  government,  and  led  by  private  individuals,  they 
took  the  liberty  of  signing  themselves  members  of  the  military  com- 
mittee ; thereby  deceiving  the  volunteers,  and  assuming  a character 
which  they  could  only  use  or  employ  in  the  general  council,  in  pro- 
posing business  for  the  action  of  that  body.  They  could  not  be 
altogether  ignorant  of  the  impropriety  of  such  conduct,  but  doubt- 
less could  easily  find  a solid  justification  in  the  bullion  of  their  pa- 
triotism and  the  ore  of  their  integrity.  Be  their  motive  whatever 
it  might,  many  brave  and  honorable  men  were  deluded  by  it,  and 
the  campaign  was  commenced  upon  Matamoras,  under  Dr.  Grant, 
as  “ acting”  commander-in-chief  of  the  volunteer  army  — a title  and 
designation  unknown  to  the  world.  But  the  general  council,  in  their 
address  to  the  people  of  Texas,  dated  January  11th,  state  that  “ they 
never  recognised  in  Dr.  Grant  any  authority  whatever  as  an  officer 
of  the  government,  or  army,  at  the  time.”  They  will  not,  I pre- 
sume, deny  that  they  did  acknowledge  a draft,  or  order,  drawn  by 
him,  as  acting  commander -in-chief  amounting  to  seven  hundred  and 
fifty  dollars.  But  this  they  will  doubtless  justify,  on  the  ground 


464 


APPENDIX. 


that  your  excellency  commissioned  General  Burleson,  and,  of  course, 
the  appointment  of  Dr.  Grant,  as  his  aide-de-camp,  would  authorize 
him  to  act  in  the  absence  of  General  Burleson.  It  is  an  established 
principle  in  all  armies  that  a staff-officer  can  claim  no  command  in 
the  line  of  the  army,  nor  exercise  any  command  in  the  absence  of 
the  general,  unless  he  holds  a commission  in  the  line.  In  the  ab- 
sence of  General  Burleson,  the  senior  colonel  — or,  in  the  absence 
of  the  colonel,  the  major — or,  in  his  absence,  the  senior  captain  — 
would  have  the  command ; but  in  no  event  can  the  aide , or  staff- 
officer,  unless  he  holds  a commission  in  the  line  of  the  army,  have 
any  command  ; and  his  existence  must  cease,  unless  he  should  be 
continued  or  reappointed  by  the  officer  of  the  line  who  succeeds  to 
the  command,  in  the  absence  of  his  superior.  When  General  Burle- 
son left  the  army,  his  aide  had  no  command,  but  the  field-officer  next 
in  rank  to  himself.  Then,  who  is  Dr.  Grant  ? Is  he  not  a Scotch- 
man, who  has  resided  in  Mexico  for  the  last  ten  years  ? does  he 
not  own  large  possessions  in  the  interior?  has  he  ever  taken  the 
oath  to  support  the  organic  law?  is  he  not  deeply  interested  in  the 
hundred-league  claims  of  land  which  hang  like  a murky  cloud  over 
the  people  of  Texas  ? is  he  not  the  man  who  impressed  the  property 
of  the  people  of  Bexar  ? is  he  not  the  man  who  took  from  Bexar, 
without  authority,  or  knowledge  of  the  government,  cannon  and 
other  munitions  of  war,  together  with  supplies  necessary  for  the 
troops  at  that  station,  leaving  the  wounded  and  the  sick  destitute 
of  needful  comforts  ? Yet  this  is  the  man  whose  outrages  and  op- 
pressions upon  the  rights  of  the  people  of  Texas  are  sustained  and 
justified  by  the  acts  and  conduct  of  the  general  council ! 

Several  members  of  that  body  are  aware  that  the  interests  and 
feelings  of  Dr.  Grant  are  opposed  to  the  independence  and  true  in- 
terests of  the  people  of  Texas.  While  every  facility  has  been 
afforded  to  the  meditated  campaign  against  Matamoras,  no  aid  has 
been  rendered  for  raising  a regular  force  for  the  defence  of  the 
country,  nor  one  cent  advanced  to  an  officer  or  soldier  of  the  regu- 
lar army,  but  every  hinderance  thrown  in  the  way.  The  council 
had  no  right  to  project  a campaign  against  any  point  or  place.  It 
was  the  province  of  the  governor,  by  his  proper  officers,  to  do  so. 
The  council  had  the  right  of  consenting  or  objecting,  but  not  of  pro- 
jecting. The  means  ought  to  be  placed  at  the  disposition  of  the 
governor ; and  if  he,  by  himself,  or  his  officers,  failed  in  their  appli- 
cation, while  he  would  be  responsible  for  the  success  of  the  armies 


OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE. 


465 


of  Texas,  he  could  be  held  responsible  to  the  government,  and  pun- 
ishable : but  what  recourse  has  the  country  upon  agents  who  have 
taken  no  oath,  and  given  no  bonds  to  comply  with  the  powers 
granted  by  the  council  ? 

The  organic  law  declares,  in  article  third,  that  “ the  governor  and 
general  council  have  power  to  organize,  reduce,  or  increase,  the  reg- 
ular forces but  it  delegates  no  power  to  create  army-agents,  to 
supersede  the  commander-in-chief,  as  will  be  seen  by  reference  to 
the  second  article  of  the  “ military”  basis  of  that  law.  After  de- 
claring that  there  shall  be  a regular  army  for  the  protection  of  Texas 
during  the  present  war,  in  the  first  article,  it  proceeds  in  the  second 
to  state  the  constituents  of  that  arm}  : “ The  regular  army  of  Texas 
shall  consist  of  one  major-general,  who  shall  be  commander-in-chief 
of  all  the  forces  called  into  public  service  during  the  war.”  This,  it 
will  be  remembered,  is  a law  from  which  the  council  derive  their 
powers ; and,  of  course,  all  troops  in  service  since  the  adoption  of 
this  law,  and  all  that  have  been  accepted,  or  to  be  accepted  during 
my  continuance  in  office,  are  under  my  command.  Consequently, 
the  council  could  not  create  an  agency  that  could  assume  any  com- 
mand of  troops,  so  as  to  supersede  my  powers,  without  a plain  and 
palpable  violation  of  their  oaths.  New  names  given  could  not 
change  the  nature  of  their  obligations : they  had  violated  the  “ or- 
ganic law.” 

I will  now  advert  to  an  ordinance  of  their  own  body,  entitled  “ an 
ordinance  and  decree  to  organize  and  establish  an  auxiliary  volun- 
teer corps  of  the  army  of  Texas,”  &c.,  passed  December  5,  1835. 
The  ordinance  throughout  recognises  the  competency  of  the  gov- 
ernor and  commander-in-chief  as  the  only  persons  authorized  to  ac- 
cept the  services  of  the  volunteers,  and  makes  it  their  especial  duty 
to  do  so.  It  also  gives  the  discretion  to  the  commander-in-chief  to 
accept  the  services  of  the  volunteers  for  such  term  as  “ he  shall 
think  the  defence  of  the  country  and  the  good  of  the  service  re- 
quire.” It  is  specified  that  muster-rolls  shall  accompany  the  reports 
of  volunteers,  and,  when  reported  by  the  commander-in-chief  to  the 
governor,  that  commissions  shall  issue  accordingly.  Where  elec- 
tions take  place  in  the  volunteer  corps,  the  ordinance  declares  that 
they  shall  be  certified  to  the  commander-in-chief,  and  by  him  for- 
warded to  the  governor.  The  third  section  of  the  law  declares  that 
when  controversies  arise  in  relation  to  the  rank  of  officers  of  the 
same  grade,  they  shall  be  determined  “ by  drawing  numbers,  which 
VOL.  II.— 30 


466 


APPENDIX. 


shall  be  done  by  order  of  the  commander-in-cliief  of  the  army.*' 
This  law  was  enacted  by  the  general  council,  and  they  can  not 
allege  that  any  misconstruction  could  arise  out  of  it ; for  it  plainly 
points  out  the  duties  of  the  governor  and  commander-in  chief,  as  de- 
fined by  themselves.  Yet,  without  the  repeal  of  this  law,  they  have 
proceeded  to  appoint  agents  to  exercise  the  very  powers  declared 
by  them  to  belong  to  the  governor  and  commander-in-chief ! This 
they  have  done,  under  the  impression  that  a change  of  names  would 
enable  them  to  put  down  the  governor  and  the  commander-in-chief, 
not  subject  to  them  for  their  places,  but  created  by  the  consultation, 
and  both  of  whom  are  as  independent  of  the  council  as  the  council 
is  of  them  — the  commander-in-chief  being  subject  to  the  organic 
law,  and  all  laws  conformable  thereto,  under  the  orders  of  the  gov- 
ernor. I have  obeyed  the  orders  of  your  excellency  as  promptly 
as  they  have  met  my  knowledge ; and  had  not  the  council,  by  acts 
as  outrageous  to  my  feelings  as  they  are  manifestly  against  law, 
adopted  a course  that  must  destroy  all  hopes  of  an  army,  I should 
yet  have  been  on  the  frontier,  and,  by  all  possible  means,  I would 
at  least  have  sought  to  place  it  in  a state  of  defence. 

It  now  becomes  my  duty  to  advert  to  the  subject  of  the  powers 
granted  by  the  general  council  to  J.  W.  Fannin,  jr.,  on  the  7th  of 
January,  1836  ; and  at  a time  when  two  members  of  the  military 
committee,  and  other  members  of  the  council,  were  advised  that  I 
had  received  orders  from  your  excellency  to  repair  forthwith  to  the 
frontier  of  Texas,  and  to  concentrate  the  troops  for  the  very  purpose 
avowed  in  the  resolutions  referred  to.  The  powers  are  as  clearly 
illegal  as  they  were  unnecessary.  By  reference  to  the  resolutions, 
it  will  be  perceived  that  the  powers  given  to  J.  W.  F annin,  jr.,  are 
as  comprehensive  in  their  nature,  and  as  much  at  variance  with  the 
organic  law  and  the  decrees  of  the  general  council,  as  the  decrees 
of  the  general  Congress  of  Mexico  are  at  variance  with  the  federal 
constitution  of  1824,  and  really  delegate  to  J.  W.  Fannin,  jr.,  as  ex- 
tensive powers  as  those  conferred  by  the  Congress  on  General  Santa 
Anna.  Yet  the  cant  is  kept  up,  even  by  J.  W.  Fannin,  jr.,  against 
the  danger  of  a regular  army ; while  he  is  exercising  powers  which 
he  must  be  satisfied  are  in  open  violation  of  the  organic  law.  J.  W. 
Fannin,  jr.,  is  a colonel  in  the  regular  army,  and  was  sworn  in  and 
received  his  commission  on  the  very  day  that  the  resolutions  were 
adopted  by  the  council.  By  his  oath  he  was  subject  to  the  orders 
of  the  commander-in-chief,  and,  as  a subaltern,  could  not,  without 


OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE. 


467 


an  act  of  mutiny,  interfere  with  the  general  command  of  the  forces 
of  Texas  ; yet  I find,  in  the  “ Telegraph”  of  the  9th  inst.,  a procla- 
mation of  his,  dated  on  the  8th,  addressed,  “Attention,  volunteers,” 
and  requiring  them  to  rendezvous  at  San  Patricio.  No  official  char- 
acter is  pretended  by  him,  as  his  signature  is  private.  This  he  did 
with  a knowledge  that  I had  ordered  the  troops  from  the  mouth  of 
the  Brasos  to  Copana,  and  had  repaired  to  that  point  to  concentrate 
them.  On  the  10th  inst.,  F.  W.  Johnson  issued  a similar  proclama- 
tion, announcing  Matamoras  as  the  point  of  attack.  The  powers  of 
both  these  gentlemen  were  derived,  if  derived  at  all,  from  the  gen- 
eral council,  in’opposition  to  the  will  of  J;he  governor;  because  cer- 
tain purposes  were  to  be  answered,  or  the  safety  and  harmony  of 
Texas  should  be  destroyed. 

Colonel  Fannin,  in  a letter  addressed  to  the  general  council,  dated 
on  the  21st  of  January,  at  Velasco,  and  to  which  he  subscribes  himself, 
“ J.  W.  Fannin,  jr.,  agent  provisional  government,”  when  speaking 
of  anticipated  difficulties  with  the  commander-in-chief,  allays  the  fears 
of  the  council,  by  assuring  them  that,  “ I shall  never  make  any  my- 
self and  he  then  adds,  “The  object  in  view  will  be  the  governing 
principle,  and  should  General  Houston  be  ready  and  willing  to  take 
command,  and  march  direct  ahead,  and  execute  your  orders,  and  the 
volunteers  to  submit  to  it,  or  a reasonable  part  of  them,  I shall  not 
say  nay,  but  will  do  all  in  my  power  to  produce  harmony.”  How 
was  I to  become  acquainted  with  the  orders  of  the  council?  Was 
it  through  my  subaltern?  It  must  have  been  so  designed  — as  the 
council  have  not,  up  to  the  present  moment,  given  me  any  official 
notice  of  the  orders  to  which  Colonel  Fannin  refers.  This  modesty 
and  subordination  on  his  part,  is  truly  commendable  in  a subaltern, 
and  would  imply  that  he  had  the  right  to  “ say  nay.”  If  he  has 
this  power,  whence  is  it  derived?  Not  from  any  law,  — and  con- 
trary to  his  sworn  duty  as  my  subaltern,  whose  duty  is  obedience  to 
my  lawful  commands,  agreeably  to  the  rules  and  regulations  of  the 
United  States  army,  adopted  by  the  consultation  of  all  Texas.  If 
he  accepted  any  appointment  incompatible  with  his  obligation  as  a 
colonel  in  the  regular  army,  it  certainly  increases  his  moral  respon- 
sibilities to  an  extent  which  is  truly  to  be  regretted. 

In  another  paragraph  of  his  letter,  states  : “ You  will  allow  that 
we  have  too  much  division,  and  one  cause  of  complaint  is  this  very 
expedition,  and  that  it  is  intended  to  remove  General  Houston.” 
He  then  assures  the  council  that  no  blame  shall  attach  to  him,  but 


468 


APPENDIX. 


most  dutifully  says  to  them,  “ I will  go  where  you  have  sent  me, 
and  will  do  what  you  have  ordered  me,  if  possible.”  The  order  of 
the  council,  as  set  forth  in  the  resolutions  appointing  Colonel  Fannin 
agent,  and  authorizing  him  to  appoint  as  many  agents  as  he  might 
think  proper,  did  most  certainly  place  him  above  the  governor  and 
the  commander-in-chief  of  the  army  — nor  is  he  responsible  to  the 
council,  or  the  people  of  Texas.  He  is  required  to  report,  but  he  is 
not  required  to  obey  the  council.  His  powers  are  as  unlimited  and 
absolute  as  Cromwell’s  ever  were.  I regard  the  expedition,  as  now 
ordered,  an  individual,  and  not  a national  measure.  The  resolutions 
passed  in  favor  of  J.  W.  Fannin,  jr.  and  F.  W.  Johnson,  and  their 
proclamations,  with  its  original  start — Doctor  Grant  — absolve  the 
country  from  all  responsibility  for  its  consequences.  If  I had  any 
doubt  on  the  subject,  previous  to  having  seen,  at  Goliad,  a procla- 
mation of  J.  W.  Fannin,  jr.,  sent  by  him  to  the  volunteers,  I could 
no  longer  entertain  one,  as  to  the  campaign,  so  far  as  certain  per- 
sons are  interested  in  forwarding  it.  After  appealing  to  the  volun- 
teers, he  concluded  with  the  assurance  that  “ the  troops  should  he 
paid  out  of  the  first  spoils  taken  from  the  enemy”  This,  in  my 
opinion,  connected  with  the  extraordinary  powers  granted  to  him, 
by  the  council,  divests  the  campaign  of  any  character  save  that  of 
a piratical  or  predatory  war. 

The*  people  of  Texas  have  declared  to  the  world,  that  the  war  in 
which  they  are  now  engaged,  is  a war  of  principle,  in  defence  of 
their  civil  and  political  rights.  What  effect  will  the  declaration 
above  referred  to  have  on  the  civilized  world,  when  they  learn  that 
the  individual  who  made  it  has  since  been  clothed  with  absolute 
powers  by  the  general  council  of  Texas ; and  that,  because  you 
refused  to  ratify  their  acts,  they  have  declared  you  no  longer  the 
governor  of  Texas  ? It  was  stated  by  way  of  inducement  to 
the  advance  on  Matamoras,  that  the  citizens  of  that  place  were 
friendly  to  the  advance  of  the  troops  of  Texas  upon  that  city. 
They,  no  doubt,  ere  this,  have  J.  W.  Fannin’s  proclamation  (though 
it  was  in  manuscript),  and  if  originally  true,  what  will  now  be  their 
feelings  toward  men  who  “ are  to  be  paid  out  of  the  first  spoils  taken 
from  the  enemy”?  The  idea  which  must  present  itself  to  the  ene- 
my, will  be,  if  the  city  is  taken  it  will  be  given  up  to  pillage ; and 
when  the  spoils  are  collected,  a division  will  take  place.  In  war, 
when  spoil  is  the  object,  friends  and  enemies  share  one  common 
destiny.  This  rule  will  govern  the  citizens  of  Matamoras  in  their 


OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE. 


469 


conclusions,  and  render  their  resistance  desperate.  A city  contain- 
ing twelve  thousand  souls  will  not  be  taken  by  a handful  of  men 
who  have  marched  twenty-two  days  without  bread-stuffs,  or  neces- 
sary supplies  for  an  army.  If  there  ever  was  a time  when  Mata- 
moras  could  have  been  taken  by  a few  men,  that  time  has  passed 
by.  The  people  of  that  place  are  not  aware  of  the  high-minded  and 
honorable  men  who  fill  the  ranks  of  the  Texan  army.  They  will 
look  upon  them  as  they  would  look  upon  Mexican  mercenaries,  and 
resist  them  as  such.  They  too  will  hear  of  the  impressment  of  the 
property  of  the  citizens  of  Bexar,  as  reported  to  your  excellency,  by 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Neill,  when  Doctor  Grant  left  that  place  for 
Matamoras,  in  command  of  the  volunteer  army. 

If  the  troops  advance  upon  Matamoras,  there  ought  to  be  a co- 
operation by  sea,  with  the  land  forces,  or  all  will  be  lost ; and  the 
brave  men  who  have  come  to  toil  with  us  in  our  marches,  and  min- 
gle in  our  battles  for  liberty,  will  fall  a sacrifice  to  the  selfishness 
of  some  who  have  individual  purposes  to  answer,  and  whose  influ- 
ence with  the  council  has  been  such  as  to  impose  upon  the  honest 
part  of  its  members ; while  those  who  were  otherwise,  availed  them- 
selves of  every  artifice  which  they  could  devise,  to  shield  themselves 
from  detection. 

The  evil  is  now  done,  and  I trust  sincerely,  that  the  first  of  March 
may  establish  a government  on  some  permanent  foundation,  where 
honest  functionaries  will  regard  and  execute  the  known  and  estab- 
lished laws  of  the  country,  agreeably  to  their  oaths.  If  this  state 
of  things  can  not  be  achieved,  the  country  must  be  lost.  I feel,  in 
the  station  which  I hold,  that  every  effort  of  the  council  has  been 
to  moitify  me  individually,  and,  if  possible  to  compel  me  to  do  some 
act  which  would  enable  them  to  pursue  the  same  measures  toward 
me,  which  they  have  illegally  done  toward  your  excellency,  and 
thereb}'  remove  another  obstacle  to  the  accomplishment  of  their 
plans.  In  their  attempts  to  embarrass  me,  they  were  reckless  of  all 
prejudice  which  might  result  to  the  public  service  from  their  lawless 
course. 

While  the  council  was  passing  resolutions  affecting  the  army  of 
Texas,  and  transferring  to  J.  W.  Fannin,  jr.  and  F.  W.  Johnson  the 
whole  control  of  the  army  and  resources  of  Texas,  they  could  order 
them  to  be  furnished  with  copies  of  the  several  resolutions  passed 
by  that  body,  but  did  not  think  proper  even  to  notify  the  major- 
general  of  the  firmy  of  their  adoption ; nor  have  they  yet  caused 


4T0 


APPENDIX. 


him  to  be  furnished  with  the  acts  of  the  council  relative  to  the  army. 
Time  it  is,  that  they  passed  a resolution  to  that  effect,  but  it  never 
was  complied  with.  Their  object  must  have  been  to  conceal,  and 
not  to  promulgate  their  acts.  “ They  have  loved  darkness  rather 
than  light,  because  their  deeds  are  evil.” 

I do  not  consider  the  council  as  a constitutional  body,  nor  their 
acts  lawful.  They  have  no  quorum  agreeably  to  the  organic  law, 
and  therefore  I am  compelled  to  regard  all  their  acts  as  void.  The 
body  has  been  composed  of  seventeen  members,  and  I perceive  that 
the  act  of  “suspension,”  passed  against  your  excellency,  was  by 
only  ten  members  present ; the  president  pro  tem.  having  no  vote. 
Only  ten  members  remain,  when  less  than  twelve  members  could 
not  form . a quorum  agreeably  to  the  organic  law,  which  required 
two  thirds  of  the  whole  body.  I am  not  prepared  to  violate  either 
my  duty  or  my  oath,  by  yielding  obedience  to  an  act  manifestly  un- 
lawful, as  it  is,  in  my  opinion,  prejudicial  to  the  welfare  of  Texas. 

The  lieutenant-governor,  and  several  members  of  the  council,  I 
believe  to  be  patriotic  and  just  men ; but  there  have  been,  and 
when  I left  San  Felipe  there  were,  others  in  that  body  on  whose 
honesty  and  integrity  the  foregoing  facts  will  be  the  best  commen- 
tary. They  must  also  abide  the  judgment  of  the  people. 

I have  the  honor  to  be,  your  excellency’s 

Obedient  servant, 

Sam  Houston, 

Commandtr-in-  Chief  of  the  Army. 


No.  17 . 

Army  Orders. 

Convention  Hall,  Washington,  March  2,  1836. 

War  is  raging  on  the  frontiers.  Bexar  is  besieged  by  two  thou- 
sand of  the  enemy,  under  the  command  of  General  Sesma.  Rein- 
forcements are  on  their  march  to  unite  with  the  besieging  army. 
By  the  last  report,  our  force  in  Bexar  was  only  one  hundred  and 
fifty  men.  The  citizens  of  Texas  must  rally  to  the  aid  of  our  army, 
or  it  will  perish.  Let  the  citizens  of  the  east  march  to  the  combat. 
The  enemy  must  be  driven  from  our  soil,  or  desolation  will  accom- 
pany their  march  upon  us.  Independence  is  declared ; it  must  be 


OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE. 


471 


maintained.  Immediate  action  united  with  valor,  can  alone  achieve 
the  great  work.  The  services  of  all  are  forthwith  required  in  the 
field.  Sam  Houston, 

Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army. 

P.  S.  It  is  rumored  that  the  enemy  are  on  their  march  to  Gon- 
zales, and  that  they  have  entered  the  colonies.  The  fate  of  Bexar 
is  unknown.  The  country  must  and  shall  be  defended.  The  patri- 
ots of  Texas  are  appealed  to  in  behalf  of  their  bleeding  country. 


No.  18. 

To  Colonel  J.  W.  Fannin , commanding  at  Goliad. 

Headquarters,  Gonzales,  March  11,  1836. 

Sir  : On  my  arrival  here  this  afternoon,  the  following  intelligence 
was  received  through  a Mexican,  supposed  to  be  friendly,  though 
his  account  has  been  contradicted  in  some  parts  by  another,  who 
arrived  with  him.  It  is  therefore  only  given  to  you  as  rumor,  though 
I fear  a melancholy  portion  of  it  will  be  found  true. 

Anselmo  Borgara  states  that  he  left  the  Alamo  on  Sunday,  the 
6th  inst. ; and  is  three  days  from  Arroche’s  rancho:  that  the  Alamo 
was  attacked  on  Sunday  morning  at  the  dawn  of  day,  by  about  two 
thousand  three  hundred  men,  and  carried  a short  time  before  sun- 
rise, with  a loss  of  five  hundred  and  twenty-one  Mexicans  killed, 
and  as  many  wounded.  Colonel  Travis  had  only  one  hundred  and 
fifty  effective  men  out  of  his  entire  force  of  one  hundred  and  eighty- 
seven.  After  the  fort  was  carried,  seven  men  surrendered,  and  called 
for  Santa? Anna  and  for  quarter.  They  were  murdered  by  his  order. 
Colonel  Bowie  was  sick  in  bed,  and  also  murdered.  The  enemy 
expect  a reinforcement  of  fifteen  hundred  men  under  General  Con- 
delle,  and  a reserve  of  fifteen  hundred  to  follow  them.  He  also  in- 
forms us  that  Ugartachea  had  arrived  with  two  millions  of  specie 
for  payment  of  the  troops.  The  bodies  of  the  Americans  were 
burnt  after  the  massacre.  Alternate  layers  of  wood  and  bodies 
were  laid  together  and  set  on  fire.  Lieutenant  Dickinson,  who  had 
a wife  and  child  in  the  fort,  after  having  fought  with  desperate 
courage,  tied  his  child  to  his  back  and  leaped  from  the  top  of  a two 
story  building.  Both  were  killed  by  the  fall. 

I have  little  doubt  but  that  the  Alamo  has  fallen  — whether  the 


472 


APPENDIX. 


above  particulars  are  all  true  may  be  questionable.  You  are  there- 
fore referred  to  the  enclosed  order. 

I am,  sir,  &c.,  Sam  Houston. 

In  corroboration  of  the  truth  of  the  fall  of  the  Alamo,  I have  as- 
certained that  Colonel  Travis  intended  firing  signal  guns  at  three 
different  periods  each  day  until  succor  should  arrive.  No  signal 
guns  have  been  heard  since  Sunday,  though  a scouting  party  have 
just  returned  who  approached  within  twelve  miles  of  it,  and  re- 
mained there  forty-eight  hours. 


No.  19. 

[order  referred  to  above] 

To  Colonel  J.  W.  Fannin , commanding  at  Goliad. 

Headquarters,  Gonzales,  March  11,  1836. 

Sir  : You  will,  as  soon  as  practicable  after  the  receipt  of  this 
order,  fall  hack  upon  Guadalupe  Victoria,  with  your  command,  and 
such  artillery  as  can  be  brought  with  expedition.  The  remainder 
will  be  sunk  in  the  liver.  You  will  take  the  necessary  measures  for 
the  defence  of  Victoria,  and  forward  one  third  the  number  of  your 
effective  men  to  this  point,  and  remain  in  command  until  further 
orders. 

Every  facility  is  to  be  afforded  to  women  and  children  who  may 
be  desirous  of  leaving  that  place.  Previous  to  abandoning  Goliad, 
you  will  take  the  necessary  measures  to  blow  up  that  fortress ; and 
do  so  before  leaving  its  vicinity.  The  immediate  advance  of  the 
enemy  may  be  confidently  expected,  as  well  as  a rise  of  water. 
Prompt  movements  are  therefore  highly  important. 

Sam  Houston, 

Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army. 


No.  20. 

To  Captain  Philip  Dimit. 

Headquarters,  Texas,  March  12,  1836. 
Sir  : You  are  ordered  with  your  command  to  this  place — bring 
all  your  disposable  force — and,  should  there  be  any  companies,  or 


OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE. 


4T3 


troops,  at  Victoria,  whose  services  are  not  indispensable  to  the 
present  emergencies  of  that  section  of  the  frontier,  you  will  notify 
them  that  it  is  my  order  that  they  forthwith  repair  to  this  point. 
Colonel  J.  W.  Fannin  is  ordered  to  fall  back  on  Victoria,  after  blow- 
ing up  La  Bahia.  You  will  send  expresses  to  headquarters  as 
often  as  practicable. 

I am,  &c.,  Sam  Houston. 


No.  21. 

To  James  Collingsworth , Chairman  of  the  Military  Committee. 

Headquarters,  Gonzales,  March  13,  1836. 

Sir  : I have  the  honor  to  report  to  you  my  arrival  at  this  place, 
on  the  1 1th  inst.,  at  about  four  o'clock,  P.  M.  I found  upward  of 
three  hundred  men  in  camp,  without  organization,  and  who  had  ral- 
lied on  the  first  impulse.  Since  then  the  force  has  increased  to  more 
than  four  hundred.  I have  ordered  their  organization  at  ten  o’clock 
this  morning ; and  hope  to  complete  it,  and  prepare  to  meet  the 
enemy. 

The  enclosed  statement,  which  came  here  a few  moments  after 
my  arrival,  has  induced  me  to  adopt  a course  very  different  from 
that  which  I intended  before  the  information  was  received.  The 
enclosed  order  to  Colonel  Fannin  will  indicate  to  you  my  convic- 
tions, that,  with  our  small,  unorganized  force,  we  can  not  maintain 
sieges  in  fortresses,  in  the  country  of  the  enemy.  Troops  pent  up 
in  forts  are  rendered  useless ; nor  is  it  possible  that  we  can  ever 
maintain  our  cause  by  such  policy.  The  want  of  supplies  and  men, 
will  insure  the  success  of  our  enemies. 

The  conduct  of  our  brave  men  in  the  Alamo  was  only  equalled 
by  Spartan  valor. 

I am  informed  that  Colonel  Fannin  had  about  seven  hundred  men 
under  his  command ; and,  at  one  time,  had  taken  up  the  line  of 
march  for  the  Alamo,  but  the  breaking  down  of  a wagon  induced 
him  to  fall  back,  and  abandon  the  idea  of  marching  to  the  relief  of 
our  last  hope  in  Bexar.  Since  then,  he  has  written  letters  here,  in- 
dicating a design  to  march  upon  San  Patricio,  and  also  the  occupa- 
tion of  Copano.  So  that  I am  at  a loss  to  know  where  my  express 
will  find  him.  From  the  Colorado  I forwarded,  by  this  place,  an  ex- 


474 


APPENDIX. 


press  to  him  to  meet  me,  with  all  his  disposable  force,  on  the  west  side 
of  the  Cibolo,  with  a view  to  relieve  Bexar.  The  news  of  the  fall 
of  Bexar,  corroborated  by  so  many  circumstances,  compelled  me  to 
change  my  plan,  as  the  enclosed  order  will  indicate.  On  seeing  the 
various  communications  of  Colonel  Fannin  at  this  point,  I could  not 
rely  on  any  co-operation  from  him.  The  force  under  my  command 
here  was  such  as  to  preclude  the  idea  of  my  meeting  the  enemy  — 
supposing  their  force  not  to  exceed  the  lowest  estimate  which  has 
ever  been  made  of  it.  My  reason  for  delaying  my  despatch  until 
the  present,  was,  the  assurance  of  Captain  Seguin,  that  two  men  had 
been  sent  by  him  to  his  rancho , and  would  return  on  last  night. 
They  have  not  returned ; and  the  belief  is,  that  they  have  been 
taken  by  the  enemy,  or  deserted.  I am  using  all  my  endeavors  to 
get  a company  to  send  in  view  of  the  Alamo ; and,  if  possible,  ar- 
rive at  the  certainty  of  what  all  believe — its  fall.  The  scarcity  of 
horses,  and  the  repulse  of  a party  of  twenty-eight  men,  the  other 
day,  within  eighteen  miles  of  Bexar,  will,  I apprehend,  prevent  the 
expedition. 

This  moment,  Deaf  Smith  and  Henry  Kearnes  have  assured  me, 
that  they  will  proceed  in  sight  of  Bexar ; and  return  within  three 
days.  The  persons,  whose  statement  is  enclosed  for  your  informa- 
tion, are  in  custody ; and  I will  detain  them,  for  the  present,  as  spies. 

I beg  leave  to  suggest  the  great  importance  of  fortifications  on 
Live-Oak  point  and  Copano,  and  the  defence  of  Matagorda  and 
Lavaca  bays. 

You  may  rest  assured  that  I shall  adopt  and  pursue  such  course 
of  conduct  as  the  present  emergencies  of  the  country  require,  and  as 
the  means  placed  at  my  disposal  may  enable  me  to  do,  for  the  de- 
fence of  the  country  and  the  protection  of  its  inhabitants. 

The  projected  expedition  to  Matamoras,  under  the  agency  of  the 
council  has  already  cost  us  over  two  hundred  and  thirty-seven  lives  ; 
and  where  the  effects  are  to  end,  none  can  foresee.  Doctor  Grant’s 
party,  as  well  as  Colonel  Johnson’s,  have  been  murdered.  Major 
Morris,  as  reported,  was  struck  down  with  a lance,  while  gallantly 
fighting.  Doctor  Grant  surrendered,  and  was  tied  by  the  enemy. 
Be  pleased  to  send  all  possible  aids  to  the  army ; and  keep  an  eye 
to  the  coast. 

Intelligence  from  the  seat  of  government,  if  favorable,  has  a most 
happy  effect  upon  the  spirits  of  the  men.  Frequent  expresses  sent 
to  me,  may  be  highly  beneficial  to  the  army.  I will,  as  often  as 


OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE.  475 

possible,  report  by  express  the  movements  of  the  enemy,  and  the 
army.  I fear  La  Bahia  (Goliad)  is  in  siege. 

I have  the  honor,  & c.,  Sam  Houston. 

P.  S.  I have  this  moment  learned  that  Captain  Byrd’s  company, 
from  the  Brasos,  consisting  of  one  hundred  men,  will  join  me 
to-morrow. 


No.  22. 

To  James  Collingsworth , Chairman  of  Military  Committee. 

Camp  at  Navidad,  March  15,  1836. 

Sir  : Since  I had  the  honor  to  address  you  from  Gonzales,  the 
lady  of  Lieutenant  Dickinson,  who  fell  at  the  Alamo,  has  arrived, 
and  confirms  the  fall  of  that  place,  and  the  circumstances,  pretty 
much  as  my  express  detailed  them.  She  returned  in  company  with 
two  negroes  — one  the  servant  of  Colonel  Travis,  the  other  a ser- 
vant of  Colonel  Almonte.  They  both  corroborate  the  statement 
first  made  and  forwarded  to  you.  Other  important  intelligence  ar- 
rived at  Gonzales  — that  the  army  of  Santa  Anna  had  encamped  at 
the  Cibolo  on  the  night  of  the  lltli  inst.,  after  a march  of  twenty- 
four  miles  that  day.  The  army  was  to  encamp  on  the  12th  at 
Sandy,  and  proceed  direct  to  Gonzales.  The  number  of  the  enemy 
could  not  be  ascertained,  but  was  represented  as  exceeding  two 
thousand  infantry.  Upon  this  statement  of  facts,  I deemed  it  proper 
to  fall  back  and  take  post  on  the  Colorado,  near  Burnham’s,  which 
is  fifteen  miles  distant  from  this  point.  My  morning  report,  on  my 
arrival  in  camp,  showed  three  hundred  and  seventy-four  effective 
men,  without  two  days’  provisions,  many  without  arms,  and  others 
without  any  ammunition.  We  could  have  met  the  enemy,  and 
avenged  some  of  our  wrongs ; but,  detached  as  we  were,  without 
supplies  for  the  men  in  camp,  of  either  provisions,  ammunition,  or 
artillery,  and  remote  from  succor,  it  would  have  been  madness  to 
hazard  a contest.  I had  been  in  camp  two  days  only,  and  had  suc- 
ceeded in  organizing  the  troops.  But  they  had  not  been  taught  the 
first  principles  of  the  drill.  If  starved  out,  and  the  camp  once  bro- 
ken up,  there  was  no  hope  for  the  future.  By  falling  back,  Texas 
can  rally,  and  defeat  any  force  that  can  come  against  her. 

I received  the  intelligence  of  the  enemy’s  advance  between  eight 
and  nine  o’clock  at  night ; and,  before  twelve,  we  were  on  the  march 


476 


APPENDIX. 


in  good  order,  leaving  behind  a number  of  spies,  who  remained  and 
were  reinforced  next  morning  by  a number  of  volunteers  and  brave 
spirits  from  Peach  creek.  H.  Karnes,  R.  E.  Handy,  and  Captain 
Chenowith,  have  been  very  active.  Only  about  twenty  persons  de- 
serted the  camp  (from  the  first  sensation  produced  by  the  intelli- 
gence) up  to  this  time.  I intend  desertion  shall  not  be  frequent ; 
and  I regret  to  say  that  I am  compelled  to  regard  as  deserters  all 
who  have  left  camp  without  leave ; to  demand  their  apprehension ; 
and  that,  whenever  arrested,  they  be  sent  to  me  at  headquarters  for 
trial.  They  have  disseminated  throughout  the  frontier  such  exag- 
gerated reports,  that  they  have  produced  dismay  and  consternation 
among  the  people  to  a most  distressing  extent. 

I do  not  apprehend  the  immediate  approach  of  the  enemy  upon 
the  present  settlements  ; I mean  those  on  the  Colorado,  for  the  coun- 
try west  of  it  is  an  uninhabited  waste.  This  season  the  grass  refuses 
to  grow  on  the  prairies. 

When  the  approach  of  the  enemy  was  known,  there  were  but  two 
public  wagons  and  two  yoke  of  oxen  in  camp,  and  the  few  horses 
we  had  were  very  poor.  I hope  to  reach  the  Colorado  on  to-mor- 
row, and  collect  an  army  in  a short  time.  I sent  my  aide-de-camp, 
Major  William  T.  Austin,  to  Columbia  this  morning,  for  munitions 
and  supplies,  to  be  sent  me  immediately ; and  to  order  the  troops 
now  at  Velasco  to  join  me,  provided  they  had  not  been  previously 
ordered  by  you  to  fortify  Copano  and  Dimit’s  landing.  I am  fear- 
ful Goliad  is  besieged  by  the  enemy.  My  order  to  Colonel  Fannin, 
directing  the  place  to  be  blown  up,  the  cannon  to  be  sunk  in  the 
river,  and  to  fall  back  on  Victoria,  would  reach  him  before  the  ene- 
my could  advance.  That  they  have  advanced  upon  the  place  in 
strong  force,  I have  no  doubt ; and  when  I heard  of  the  fall  of  the 
Alamo,  and  the  number  of  the  enemy,  I knew  it  must  be  the  case. 

Our  forces  must  not  be  shut  up  in  forts,  where  they  can  neither 
be  supplied  with  men  nor  provisions.  Long  aware  of  this  fact,  I 
directed,  on  the  16th  of  January  last,  that  the  artillery  should  be 
removed,  and  the  Alamo  blown  up ; but  it  was  prevented  by  the 
expedition  upon  Matamoras,  the  author  of  all  our  misfortunes. 

I hope  that  our  cruisers  on  the  gulf  will  be  active,  and  that  Haw- 
kins and may  meet  the  notice  of  the  government.  Let  the 

men  of  Texas  rally  to  the  Colorado ! 

Enclosed  you  will  receive  the  address  of  General  Santa  Anna, 
sent  by  a negro  to  the  citizens.  It  is  in  Almonte’s  handwriting. 


OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE. 


477 


Santa  Anna  was  in  Bexar  when  the  Alamo  was  taken.  His  force 
in  all,  in  Texas,  is,  I think,  only  five  or  six  thousand  men  — though 
some  say  thirty  thousand  ! This  can  not  be  true.  Encourage  vol- 
unteers from  the  United  States — but  I am  satisfied  we  can  save 
the  country.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  council,  we  would  have  had 
no  reverses.  We  must  have  the  friendship  of  the  Camanches  and 
other  Indians. 

Gonzales  is  reduced  to  ashes ! 

I have  the  honor,  &c„ 

Sam  Houston,  Commanding  General. 


No.  23. 

To  James  Collingsworth,  Chairman  of  Military  Committee. 

Burnham’s,  Colorado,  March  17,  1836. 

Sir  : To-day,  at  half-past  four  in  the  afternoon,  I reached  this 
point  with  about  six  hundred  men,  including  my  rear-guard,  which 
is  a few  miles  behind  with  the  families,  which  were  not  known  to  be 
on  the  route  as  the  army  marched,  and  for  which  the  guard  were 
sent  back. 

It  pains  my  heart  that  such  consternation  should  have  been  spread 
by  the  deserters  from  camp.  We  are  here  ; and,  if  only  three  hun- 
dred men  remain  on  this  side  of  the  Brasos,  I will  die  with  them,  or 
conquer  our  enemies.  I would  most  respectfully  suggest  the  assem- 
blage of  the  troops  at  this  point.  It  covers  more  of  the  country 
than  any  other  known  to  me.  When  they  are  assembled,  I will 
detach  suitable  numbers  to  each  point  as  I may  deem  best.  The 
Mexican  army  will  not  leave  us  in  the  rear.  If  they  do,  and  find 
San  Felipe  in  ashes,  it  will  astound  them.  I am  assured  that  the 
mules  and  horses  of  their  army  are  miserably  poor ; and  that  there 
are  several  hundred  women  and  children  with  the  army,  with  a view 
to  colonize  Texas.  If  La  Bahia  was  blown  up,  previous  to  their 
march  upon  it,  I should  be  satisfied. 

As  to  the  state  of  the  seaboard  — keep  the  navy  busy.  To  it  we 
must  look  for  essential  aid.  Would  it  not  be  well  to  send  a special 
active  agent  to  the  United  States — one  who  will  act  efficiently  and 
promptly  ? Appeal  to  them  in  the  holy  names  of  liberty  and  hu- 
manity ! 

Our  own  people,  if  they  would  act,  are  onough  to  expel  every 


478 


APPENDIX. 


Mexican  from  Texas.  Do  let  it  be  known  that,  on  close  examina- 
tion, and  upon  reflection,  the  force  of  Santa  Anna  has  been  greatly 
overrated.  He  must  have  lost  one  thousand,  or  perhaps  more,  at 
the  Alamo.  It  is  said  the  officers  have  to  whip  and  slash  the  sol- 
diers on  the  march.  And,  if  they  should  advance  to  the  Colorado, 
it  will  be  some  time,  as  there  is  such  scanty  subsistence  for  animals. 
I have  had  the  impression  that  the  advance  upon  the  Cibolo  was  to 
prevent  our  co-operation  with  Fannin,  and  hold  us  in  check. 

If  you  can  by  any  means  soothe  the  people,  and  get  them  to  re- 
main, they  shall  have  notice,  if  I deem  it  necessary.  Let  them 
entertain  no  fears  for  the  present.  We  can  raise  three  thousand 
men  in  Texas,  and  fifteen  hundred  can  defeat  all  that  Santa  Anna 
can  send  to  the  Colorado.  We  would  then  fight  on  our  own  ground, 
and  the  enemy  would  lose  all  confidence  from  our  annoyance.  Let 
the  men  from  the  east  of  the  Trinity  rush  to  us ! let  all  the  dispo- 
sable force  of  Texas  fly  to  arms ! If  the  United  States  intend  to 
aid  us,  let  them  do  it  now  ! 

I shall  raise  a company  of  spies  to-morrow,  to  range  the  country 
from  this  to  Gonzales.  Send  all  the  good  horses  you  can  get  for 
the  army.  If  possible,  let  it  be  done  speedily ; and  send  ammuni- 
tion for  fifteen  hundred  men  : but  first  send  eight  hundred  men.  I 
will  do  everything  in  my  power  for  Texas. 

I have  the  honor,  &c., 

Sam  Houston. 

P.  S.  — It  is  reported  that  General  Woll,  an  Englishman,  is  to 
head  the  army  into  the  colonies.  I entertain  a belief  that  Santa 
Anna  has  returned  to  Mexico,  but  it  will  not  be  known  to  the  troops. 
In  the  attack  upon  the  Alamo,  the  ramparts  were  swept  twice,  and 
the  enemy  as  often  repulsed ; but  Santa  Anna  was  by,  and  urged 
the  troops.  He  was  not  in  danger.  There  was  not  a man  in  the 
Alamo  but  what,  in  his  death,  honored  the  proud  name  of  an  Ameri- 
can. Let  the  men  of  Texas  avenge  their  deaths  ! Rouse  the  Red- 
landers  to  battle  ! Ratify  the  Indian  treaty  ; and  let  the  Camanchea 
be  approached,  and  their  friendship  secured.  A campaign  from  St. 
Louis,  by  way  of  Santa  Fe,  might  be  set  on  foot  against  Chihuahua. 
Remember  Coxe’s  point,  Dimit’s  landing,  and  Copano.  They  are 
important. 

I know  the  government  will  do  all  in  its  power  for  the  army. 
We  want  arms,  and  need  stationary. 


OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE. 


479 


No.  24. 

To  Colonel  J.  W.  Fannin. 

[Army  Orders.]  Headquarters,  Colorado  River,  March  17,  1836. 

Colonel  J.  W.  Fannin,  jr,  will  take  a position  on  the  bay  of 
Lavaca,  or  any  other  point  best  calculated  for  the  protection  of  the 
provisions,  ammunition,  &c.,  at  Coxe’s  point  and  Dimit’s  landing. 
The  army  now  near  Burnham’s,  on  the  Colorado,  will  remain  for  a 
time,  and,  according  to  circumstances,  fall  down  the  river.  Colonel 
Fannin  will  therefore  hold  himself  in  constant  readiness  to  join  the 
commander-in-chief.  The  Redlanders  axe  already  in  motion,  and 
will  join  the  army  as  soon  as  possible.  Regulars  and  volunteers  are 
also  on  their  march  to  headquarters. 

If  Colonel  Fannin  can  not  maintain  his  position,  he  will  fall  back 
on  the  main  army  — the  object  of  the  movement  now  ordered  being 
only  for  the  protection  of  the  arms,  ammunition,  &c.  The  present 
force  on  the  Colorado  numbers  four  hundred  and  twenty  effective 
men. 

Should  a permanent  fortification  be  necessary  on  the  bay  of  La- 
vaca, or  other  point,  for  the  protection  of  the  stores,  &c.,  Colonel 
Fannin  will  judge  of  the  expediency  (with  the  command  under  him) 
of  erecting  them.  The  commanding  general,  not  having  a detailed 
report  of  his  force,  can  only  order  that  such  measures  shall  be  taken 
as  will  be  best  for  the  good  of  the  service  and  the  protection  of  the 
country. 

Stock  of  all  descriptions  will  be  driven  to  the  east  side  of  the 
Colorado. 

Sam  Houston. 


No.  25. 

To  Thomas  J.  Rusk , Secretary  of  War. 

Headquarters,  Camp  near  Beason’s,  March  21,  1836. 

Sir  : I am  ordered  by  the  commander-in-chief  to  acknowledge  the 
receipt  of  your  letters  dated  16th  and  17th  inst.,  and  to  inform  you 
of  the  movement  of  the  army  to  this  place.  I have  also  the  pleas- 
ure to  add  that,  on  yesterday,  a detachment  of  our  spies,  under  Cap- 
tain Karnes,  fell  in  with  a reconnoitring-party  of  the  enemy  at 
Rocky  creek,  about  twenty  miles  from  this  place,  consisting  of 


480 


APPENDIX. 


twelve  men.  They  were  immediately  pursued,  one  man  killed,  one 
taken  prisoner,  and  three  horses,  with  some  arms,  captured ; also  a 
pair  of  saddle-bags,  containing  a small  portion  of  clothing,  of  some 
one  murdered  in  the  Alamo.  Captain  Karnes  had  with  him,  at  the 
time,  but  five  men.  The  prisoner  states  that  one  thousand  men  are 
on  their  march  to  this  point,  and  will  probably  be  near  us  to-night 
A detachment  of  the  army  of  the  enemy  has  also  marched  from  San 
Antonio  to  attack  Goliad.  Our  army  are  in  fine  spirits  and  good 
health,  not  having  one  on  our  sick-list.  They  are  eager  to  meet  the 
enemy.  To  check  their  impetuosity  is  all  that  will  be  required. 
The  enemy  have  three  light  pieces  of  artillery  with  them. 

The  commander-in-chief  directs  me  to  assure  you  of  the  vigilance 
and  caution  which  will  be  used,  and  of  his  entire  confidence  in  the 
army,  and  in  its  ability  to  render  a good  account  of  the  enemy. 
Our  spies  are  active  and  vigilant,  and  the  enemy  can  gain  no  advan- 
tage over  us.  I am  also  directed  to  inform  you  of  the  pleasure  he 
feels  in  reporting  the  complete  subordination  of  the  troops : it  has 
never  been  surpassed  by  any  army  of  like  description  in  any  coun- 
try. Their  anxiety  to  retrieve  the  misfortunes  of  the  past  is  heard 
and  witnessed  throughout  the  camp.  A detachment  of  a hundred 
men  are  now  crossing  the  river  to  meet  the  enemy’s  advance,  and 
every  confidence  may  be  placed  in  their  entire  success.  Enclosed 
you  will  find  Colonel  Fannin’s  letter  to  me  of inst. 

I have  the  honor,  &c., 

G.  W.  Hockley, 

Inspector-General  of  the  Army. 

P.  S.  — The  prisoner  reports  that  General  Santa  Anna  has  left 
San  Antonio  for  Mexico. 


No.  26. 

To  Thomas  J.  Rusk,  Secretary  of  War. 

Headquarters  of  toe  Army,  Camp  near  Beason’s,  March  23,  1836. 

Sir  : The  commander-in-chief  of  the  army  directs  me  to  acknowl- 
edge the  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  19th  inst.,  and  inform  you  that 
he  still  maintains  the  position  at  this  place,  commanding  the  crossing 
of  the  Colorado  at  Mosely's,  above  Beason’s,  and  Atasco  sito  below, 
and  that  he  intends  to  remain  stationary,  unless  offensive  operations 
shall  be  justified  by  circumstances  or  reinforcements. 


OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE. 


481 


Captain  Teal,  of  the  regulars,  with  his  command,  arrived  here 
yesterday  ; and  a small  detachment  of  volunteers,  reinforcements, 
and  supplies,  are  hourly  expected.  The  party  of  spies,  named  in 
the  communication  to  the  war  department,  have  been  constantly  on 
the  alert.  The  company  stationed  at  Mosely’s  have  captured  three 
of  the  enemy,  who  are  now  on  their  way  to  camp. 

The  enemy  are  undoubtedly  near  to  the  opposite  bank,  and  will 
probably  soon  attempt  crossing  the  Colorado  ; but,  from  our  present 
position,  we  can  effectually  command  any  point  at  which  he  may 
attempt  it.  A detachment  of  two  hundred  men  are  now  at  Mosely’s 
crossing.  The  camp  will  be  reformed  in  a thick  wood  on  the  bank 
of  the  river,  and  in  a position  highly  favorable  for  observation  and 
defence,  its  present  flanks  and  front  being  well  protected  by  felled 
trees,  brush,  and  timber. 

The  general  further  directs  me  to  state  the  good  order  and  disci- 
pline which  have  been  observed  since  the  formation  of  this  encamp- 
ment. The  strict  silence  at  night,  the  obedience  and  discipline  now 
maintained,  are  unexampled  in  any  troops  of  like  description,  and 
highly  creditable  to  the  officers  and  men.  We  have  now  upward 
of  seven  hundred  men,  and  not  one  of  them  on  the  sick-list,  but  all 
in  high  spirits,  and  anxious  to  meet  the  foe.  One  wagon,  with  arms, 
ammunition,  &c„  has  just  arrived,  which  has  increased  their  anxiety 
and  confidence,  as  they  now  find  the  promised  supplies. 

The  army  are  much  in  need  of  good  horses ; and,  if  sabres  and 
pistols  could  be  forwarded,  we  could  furnish  the  material  for  an  effi- 
cient corps  of  cavalry. 

Since  writing  the  above,  two  of  the  prisoners  mentioned  therein 
have  been  examined  separately.  They  agree  very  nearly  in  their 
statements,  an  outline  of  which  is  as  follows : — 

“ That  General  Sesma  is  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  about 
three  miles  from  our  encampment,  with  five  or  six  hundred  men  — a 
hundred  and  fifty  cavalry  — and  two  small  pieces  of  artillery.  His 
troops  are  badly  clad,  and  the  state  of  the  weather  such  as  to  render 
them  almost  ineffectual  from  cold.  They  are  building  a boat,  and 
intend  crossing  near  us.” 

They  are  evidently  checked  by  the  skirmish  with  our  spies  (named 
in  a previous  letter).  The  prisoners  say  that  General  Sesma  halted 
the  next  day  to  rest.  With  our  reinforcements,  we  shall  be  able  to 
anticipate  any  the  enemy  may  receive. 

24/ h.  — General  Gregory,  of  North  Carolina,  Colonel  Nibbs,  and 
Vol.  II.— 81 


482 


APPENDIX. 


some  other  gentlemen  from  Washington,  have  this  moment  arrived 
in  camp  with  Major  Poe.  They  report  about  two  hundred  men  on 
their  march,  who  will  join  to-morrow. 

I have  the  honor,  &c., 

G.  W.  Hockley, 

Inspect  or- General  of  the  Army. 


No.  27. 

[not  official.] 

To  Colonel  Thomas  J.  Rusk . 

Camp  near  Beason’s,  March.  23,  1836. 

Dear  Colonel  : To-day  I had  the  pleasure  to  receive  your  two 
letters  by  Mr.  Walker.  I thank  you  for  them,  and  snatch  a moment 
from  the  press  of  business  to  say  a few  things  in  compliance  with 
your  request,  as  well  as  to  gratify  my  personal  feelings  I have 
had  no  aid  or  assistance  but  my  friend  Hockley,  who  now  fills  your 
former  station.  By-the-by,  I offer  you  my  gratulations  on  your  ad- 
vancement. I trust  you  will  find  in  me  a worthy  subaltern.  You 
know  I am  not  easily  depressed,  but,  before  my  God,  since  we  parted, 
I have  found  the  darkest  hours  of  my  past  life ! My  excitement 
has  been  so  great,  that,  for  forty-eight  hours,  I have  not  eaten  an 
ounce,  nor  have  I slept.  I was  in  constant  apprehension  of  a rout ; 
a constant  panic  existed  in  the  lines  : yet  I managed  so  well,  or 
such  was  my  good  luck,  that  not  a gun  was  fired  in  or  near  the 
camp,  or  on  the  march  (except  to  kill  beef),  from  the  Guadalupe  to 
the  Colorado.  All  would  have  been  well,  and  all  at  peace  on  this 
side  of  the  Colorado,  if  I could  only  have  had  a moment  to  start  an 
express  in  advance  of  the  deserters ; but  they  went  first,  and,  being 
panic-struck,  it  was  contagious,  and  all  who  saw  them  breathed  the 
poison  and  fled.  It  was  a poor  compliment  to  me  to  suppose  that 
I would  not  advise  the  convention  of  any  necessity  which  might 
Arise  for  their  removal.  I sent  word  and  advices,  the  first  moment 
of  leisure,  to  the  convention ; and  all  was  calm  in  my  communica- 
tions to  Mr.  Collingsworth.  I had  to  advise  troops  and  persons  of 
my  falling  back,  and  had  to  send  one  guard  thirty  miles  for  a poor 
blind  widow  (and  six  children),  whose  husband  was  killed  in  the 
Alamo.  The  families  are  now  all  on  this  side  of  the  Guadalupe. 


OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE. 


483 


These  things  pained  me  infinitely,  and,  with  the  responsibility  of 
my  command,  weighed  upon  me  to  an  agonizing  extent. 

This  moment  an  express  has  arrived,  and  states  that  Fannin  took 
up  his  retreat  on  Saturday  last  (19th),  and,  a few  miles  from  La 
Bahia,  he  was  attacked  by  the  Mexican  army  and  surrounded  about 
an  hour  and  a half  before  sundown.  The  battle  continued  in  the 
night,  and  the  result  is  not  known.  The  express  states  that  Colo- 
nel Ward  8 command  had  not  returned.  I am  at  a loss  to  know 
how  matters  stand.  I will  try  and  make  a good  report  for  the 
future.  The  Matamoras  policy,  I hope,  is  now  run  out ; and  the 
evils,  growing  out  of  the  conduct  of  the  council,  ended. 

Changing  this  from  a familiar  to  an  official  character,  I must  say 
that,  if  we  are  to  meet  an  accession  of  force,  which  must  be  the  case 
if  Fannin  is  cut  off,  we  must  have  the  strength  of  the  country.  Arms 
and  ammunition  have  just  reached  camp,  and  I hope  what  men  we 
have  will  be  well  armed  and  supplied  with  fighting-materials. 

Two  spies  have  been  taken  to-day,  and  they  report  the  force  of 
the  enemy  in  this  quarter  less  than  I had  before  heard  it.  Let  the 
Mexican  force  be  what  it  may,  if  the  country  will  turn  out,  we  can 
beat  them.  The  retreat  of  the  government  will  have  a bad  effect 
on  the  troops,  and  I am  half-provoked  at  it  myself.  The  Mexicans 

can  not  fight  us  upon  anything  like  fair  terms I will  get  any 

advantage  I can  if  I fight.  If  what  I have  heard  from  Fannin  be 
true,  I deplore  it,  and  can  only  attribute  the  ill  luck  to  his  attempt- 
ing to  retreat  in  daylight  in  the  face  of  a superior  force.  He  is  an 
ill-fated  man. 

Do  all  you  can.  The  troops  are  in  fine  spirits,  but  how  this  news 
will  affect  them  I know  not.  Our  spies  have  taken  two  of  the  ene- 
my to-day,  but  I have  not  yet  had  time  to  examine  them.  I will 
in  a few  moments. 

24 th.  — I have  examined  the  spies,  and  they  represent  the  enemy 
much  Aveaker  than  all  former  reports.  They  say  Sesma  has  not 
more  than  seven  hundred  men,  and  one  says  six  hundred. 

I truly  hope  you  will  appoint  Major  Lewis  agent  for  the  Chero- 
kees,  and  do  it  directly Why  do  you  keep  more  than  a ser- 

geant’s or  lieutenant’s  guard  at  Washington?  Men  are  flocking  to 
camp,  and  I expect,  in  a day  or  two,  to  receive  two  hundred  volun- 
teers and  regulars.  Forty-eight  muskets  and  a supply  of  ammuni- 
tion came  opportunely  last  night.  In  a few  days  my  force  will  be 
highly  respectable.  I am  writing  in  the  open  air.  I have  no  tent, 


484 


APPENDIX. 


and  am  not  looking  out  for  the  luxuries  of  life.  I am  only  looking 
out  to  be  useful  to  my  country  and  the  cause  of  liberty.  Do  devise 
some  plan  to  send  back  the  rascals  who  have  gone  from  the  army 
and  service  of  the  country  with  guns.  Oh,  why  did  the  cabinet 
leave  Washington  ? 

I wish  you  would  send  A.  M'Laughlin  to  the  United  States. 
Write  to  the  board,  and  ratify  the  treaty.  We  must  act  now,  and 
with  great  promptness.  The  country  must  be  saved.  Oh,  curse 
the  consternation  which  has  seized  the  people  ! I must  make  many 
appointments  for  the  present  — all  special  1 will  refer  to  you.  I am 
so  busy,  I must  close.  May  God  bless  you ! This  morning  I hear 
of  men  from  the  mouth  of  the  river:  they  are  on  the  march — you 
will  hear  from  us. 

Ever  yours  truly, 

Sam  Houston. 


No.  28. 

To  Captain  B.  J.  White . 

Camp  at  Beason’s  Ferry,  March  23,  1836. 

Sm  : If  men  can  be  obtained,  you  are  ordered  to  repair  to  Coxe’s 
point,  or  Dimit’s  landing,  and  remove  or  secure  the  supplies  at  those 
places.  You  are  ordered  to  use  and  command  all  the  means  of  the 
country  in  securing  supplies,  and  removing  the  families,  and  placing 
them  on  the  east  side  of  the  Colorado.  You  have  much  discretion 
left  with  you,  and  I hope  you  will  employ  it  to  the  best  advantage 
for  the  preservation  of  the  country. 

Of  the  army  at  this  point,  and  in  the  neighborhood,  Mr.  Noble 
can  tell  you.  The  enemy  are  about  fifteen  miles  from  us.  Their 
force  is  supposed  to  be  only  about  a thousand. 

Reinforcements  are  arriving  daily,  and  more  on  the  march. 

Your  obedient  servant, 

Sam  Houston, 

I am  informed  that  Colonel  Wharton  has  sailed  for  Coxe’s  point, 
with  some  one  hundred  and  fifty  or  two  hundred  men. 


OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE. 


485 


No.  29. 

To  R.  R.  Royal , Chairman  of  the  Committee  at  Matagorda . 

Camp  near  Beason’s,  March  24,  1836. 

Sir  : Your  letter,  under  date  of  March  18th,  is  received.  All  the 
means  you  can  command  ought  to  be  employed  for  the  protection 
of  the  country,  and  families.  Anything  that  can  he  done  to  this 
effect  will  meet  my  approbation. 

All  the  troops  that  can  be  raised  I wish  placed  at  my  disposal,  as 
on  the  Colorado  I make  my  stand,  and  it  is  deemed  necessary  to 
concentrate  all  the  effective  force  at  this  point  for  the  present. 

Having  the  greatest  confidence  that,  with  the  means  you  can  con- 
trol, you  can  defend  that  point,  even  in  case  of  an  attack, 

I have  the  honor,  &c., 

Sam  Houston. 


No.  30. 

To  Thomas  J.  Rusk , Secretary  of  War. 

Camp  near  Mill  Creek,  March  29,  1836. 

Sir  : On  my  arrival  on  the  Brasos,  had  I consulted  the  wishes  of 
all,  I should  have  been  like  the  ass  between  two  stacks  of  hay. 
Many  wished  me  to  go  below,  others  above.  I consulted  none  — I 
held  no  councils-of-war.  If  I err,  the  blame  is  mine.  I find  Colo- 
nel Hockley,  of  my  staff,  a sage  counsellor  and  true  friend.  My 
staff  are  all  worthy,  and  merit  well  of  me. 

There  was  on  yesterday,  as  I understood,  much  discontent  in  the 
lines,  because  I would  not  fall  down  the  river.  If  it  should  be  wise 
for  me  to  do  so,  I can  cross  over  at  any  time,  and  fall  down  to 
greater  advantage  and  safety.  I apprehend,  in  consequence  of  my 
falling  back,  that  the  enemy  may  change  their  route  to  Matagorda. 
I ordered  all  the  men  residing  on  the  coast,  and  those  arriving  from 
the  United  States  at  or  south  of  Velasco,  to  remain  and  fortify  at 
some  safe  point;  and,  on  yesterday,  I sent  Colonel  Harcourt,  as 
principal  engineer  of  the  army,  down  to  the  coast,  to  erect  fortifica- 
tions at  the  most  eligible  point  of  defence.  I placed  at  his  disposal 
the  resources  of  the  lower  country  for  its  defence  and  protection. 

I pray  God  that  you  would  get  aid,  speedy  aid,  from  the  United 
States ; or,  after  all  inducements,  we  must  suffer.  I hope  to-day  to 


486 


APPENDIX. 


receive  ninety  men  from  the  Red-lands.  I can  not  now  tell  my 
force,  hut  will  soon  be  able.  The  enemy  must  be  crippled  by  the 
fights  they  have  had  with  our  men.  I have  ordered  D.  C.  Barrett 
and  E.  Gritton  to  be  arrested  and  held  subject  to  the  future  order 
of  the  government.  I do  think  they  ought  to  be  detained  and  tried 
as  traitors  and  spies. 

For  Heaven’s  sake,  do  not  drop  back  again  with  the  seat  of  gov- 
ernment ! Youj*  removal  to  Harrisburg  has  done  more  to  increase 
the  panic  in  the  country  than  anything  else  that  has  occurred  in 
Texas,  except  the  fall  of  the  Alamo.  Send  fifty  agents,  if  need  be, 
to  the  United  States.  Wharton  writes  me,  from  Nashville,  that  the 
ladies  of  that  place  have  fitted  out,  at  their  own  expense,  no  less 
than  two  hundered  men 

If  matters  press  upon  us,  for  God’s  sake  let  the  troops  land  at 
Galveston  bay,  and  by  land  reach  the  Brasos  ! Let  no  troops  march 
with  baggage-wagons,  or  wagons  of  any  kind. 

Truly,  &c.,  Sam  Houston. 

To-day  I send  Captain  Smith  to  you,  agreeably  to  your  order. 
Great  prosperity  to  you  and  the  country,  &c. 


No:  31. 

To  Colonel  William  Christy,  New  Orleans. 

Headquarters,  Camp  Mill  Creek,  March  29,  1836. 

Dear  Sir  : I have  ordered  Captain  David  N.  Burke  and  Edward 
Conrad  to  New  Orleans,  to  procure  men  for  the  army  of  Texas. 
The  present  is  probably  the  most  important  moment  we  have  to  ex- 
perience. We  now  stand  before  the  world  as  a nation,  and  stand 
almost  alone.  But  for  the  assistance  upon  which  we  confidently 
rely  from  our  brethren  in  the  United  States,  we  shall  not  be  enabled 
to  maintain  the  position  we  have  assumed.  With  equal  confidence 
I look  to  you  for  the  immediate  use  of  all  the  influence  in  your  power 
to  sustain  our  cause.  I look  to  you  as  the  most  efficient  and  zealous 
agent  of  our  country.  Do  exert  all  the  talent  and  means  you  can 
command,  for  now  is  the  time  of  need.  Captain  Burke  and  Mr.  Con- 
rad will  bear  this  letter  to  you,  with  my  orders : be  good  enough  to 
render  them  all  the  assistance  in  your  power. 

I have  the  honor,  &c., 

Sam  Houston. 


OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE. 


48T 


No.  32. 

To  Thomas  J.  Rusk , Secretary  of  War. 

Camt  west  of  Brasos,  March  31,  1836. 

Sir  : I have  the  honor  to  report  to  you  my  arrival  at  this  point, 
with  a view  to  receive  reinforcements  and  supplies.  It  is  the  best 
and  nearest  route  to  Harrisburg,  or  the  Bay,  at  which  I could  have 
struck  the  Brasos,  and  it  will  prevent  the  whole  country  passing  the 
Trinity.  The  force  of  the  enemy  has  been  greatly  exaggerated,  I 
have  no  doubt.  But  the  deserters  have  spread  universal  alarm 
throughout  the  country. 

I wish  you  to  send  flour,  sugar,  and  coffee,  on  pack-horses,  to  thie 
point,  as  soon  as  possible.  Don’t  send  by  wagons  ; and  let  the  pack- 
horses  be  well  hoppled  at  night.  My  horses  and  baggage-wagona 
in  camp  give  me  all  the  care  I have,  except  my  general  solicitude. 
One  of  my  spies  has  just  returned  from  a scout,  and  reports  that  he 
went  ten  miles  beyond  St.  Bernard,  on  the  road  to  Beason’s,  and 
saw  nothing  of  the  enemy.  Two  others  went  on,  and  said  they 
would  see  the  enemy  if  they  had  to  cross  the  Colorado.  Mr.  E. 
Smith  (Deaf)  is  out,  and,  if  living,  I will  hear  the  truth  and  all  im- 
portant news. 

For  Heaven’s  sake,  do  allay  the  fever  and  chill  which  prevails  in 
the  country,  and  let  the  people  from  the  east  march  to  the  camp ! 
Supplies  are  needed  on  the  route  from  Nacogdoches  to  this  point. 
The  enemy  would  have  been  beaten  at  the  Colorado.  My  intention 
was,  to  have  attacked  him  on  the  second  night  after  tho  day  on 
which  the  news  of  Fannin’s  destruction  was  reported  by  Kerr — but 
for  that  news,  and  the  march  of  strong  reinforcements,  probably  arri- 
ving that  night,  to  the  enemy.  Previous  to  that,  the  troops  were  in 
fine  spirits,  and  keen  for  action. 

The  reinforcements  promised  to  our  army  never  arriving,  has  kept 
us  in  a mood  not  so  enviable  as  could  be  wished  for.  Send  daily 
expresses  to  me,  and  do  let  me  know  what  to  rely  upon.  I must 
let  the  camp  know  something,  and  I want  everything  promised  to 
be  realized  by  them.  I hope  I can  keep  them  together ; I have, 
thus  far,  succeeded  beyond  my  hopes.  I will  do  the  best  I can ; 
but,  be  assured,  the  fame  of  Jackson  could  never  compensate  me. 
for  my  anxiety  and  mental  pain. 

I have  the  honor,  &c., 


Sam  Houston. 


488 


APPENDIX. 


P-  S.  — I have  somewhere  between  seven  and  eight  hundred 
effective  men.  Two  nights  since,  when  it  was  reported  that  the 
enemy  were  on  this  side  of  the  Colorado,  the  citizens  of  San  Felipe 
reduced  it  to  ashes.  There  was  no  order  from  me  for  it.*  I am 
glad  of  it,  should  the  enemy  march  there.  Our  troops  have  suffered 
much  from  heavy  rains  and  dreadful  roads. 


No.  33. 

To  Thomas  J.  Rusk , Secretary  of  War. 

Headquarters,  Camt  on  Brasos,  April  1,  1836. 

Sir  : I am  directed  by  the  commander-in-chief  to  inform  you  of 
the  movement  of  the  army  to  this  place  since  the  last  communica- 
tion to  the  department  of  war.  From  the  detention  in  crossing  Mill 
creek,  the  army  did  not  reach  this  encampment  until  last  evening. 
It  is  now,  however,  in  a secure  and  effective  position,  with  excellent 
water  from  a lake  immediately  ahead,  and  a most  beautiful  spot  of 
the  Brasos  timber,  about  three  fourths  of  a mile  ahead,  on  the  road 
leading  to  Groce’s  ferry.  The  weather  for  the  last  few  days  has 
been  wet ; from  that  circumstance,  and  the  fact  that  the  roads  are 
in  many  places  impassable  for  our  wagons,  the  men  have  undergone 
great  fatigue. 

So  soon  as  they  can  wash  their  clothing,  and  arrange  their  arms, 
&c.,  an  entire  organization  of  camp  duty  and  discipline  will  be  es- 
tablished, and  the  encampment  reformed  in  order  of  battle,  and  camp 
rule  and  duty  performed.  This,  in  some  degree,  has  been  omitted 
since  our  march,  as  it  has  been  in  several  instances  a forced  one.  It 
has,  however,  been  conducted,  under  the  circumstances  of  the  case, 
with  much  credit  to  the  exertions  of  the  officers  and  obedience  of 
the  men. 

The  steamboat  Yellowstone,  Captain , is  at  Groce’s  land- 

ing, taking  in  cotton.  The  commander-in-chief  directed  her  to  be 
taken  in  charge  for  the  use  of  the  army,  in  case  it  should  be  neces- 
sary rapidly  to  descend  the  river  to  act  upon  the  enemy.  Major 
Cook  and  a sufficient  guard  are  now  on  board,  and  she  will  be  de- 
tained until  her  services  can  safely  be  dispensed  with.  She  is  nearly 
loaded  with  cotton. 

* “It  has  been  said  you  ordered  the  burning  of  San  Felipe.  I have  contra- 
dicted it.  I would  like  to  be  fully  satisfied  on  the  subject”  — David  Thomas 
Acting  Secretary  of  War , to  General  Houston,  April  8,  1836. 


OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE. 


489 


Last  evening  the  commander-in-chief  received  information  from 
Captain  Mosely  Baker,  who  has  command  at  San  Felipe,  of  the  ar- 
rival of  two  of  his  spies,  who  report  that  the  enemy  have  crossed 
the  Colorado  river  at  Atasco  sito  crossing,  and  were  then  in  order 
of  march.  This  information  roused  the  army  to  an  enthusiasm, 
which  showed  with  what  feeling  they  would  meet  his  approach. 
But,  late  last  night,  other  spies  arrived  at  this  encampment,  who 
were  also  near  that  point ; and,  from  their  report,  the  major-general 
is  led  to  believe  that  some  mistake  lias  occurred  as  to  the  persons 
seen  being  the  enemy.  Should  the  report  prove  to  be  correct,  he 
can  not  reach  this  point,  if  such  is  his  intention,  for  some  days,  be- 
cause of  the  situation  of  the  roads  and  starved  condition  of  his  horses 
and  cattle.  He  has  undoubtedly  crossed  the  Colorado.  About  eighty 
men  from  the  Red-lands  are  all  that  have  arrived,  and  what  hope  to 
entertain  of  aid  from  that  quarter  it  is  impossible  to  say.  The  effect- 
ive force  now  here  is  seven  hundred  and  fifty  to  eight  hundred  men. 
One  death  only  has  occurred  — caused  by  great  exposure  to  wet  and 
cold  when  crossing  Mill  creek.  The  troops  are  in  good  health. 

From  information  received  the  evening  after  leaving  San  Felipe, 
the  commander-in-chief  ordered  Peter  Kerr  — the  individual  who 
brought  the  intelligence  of  the  defeat  of  Colonel  Fannin  into  camp 
on  the  Colorada — to  be  taken.  A guard  was  sent  to  San  Felipe, 
and  he  was  brought  into  camp  next  morning.  A further  communi- 
cation from  the  major-general  on  this  subject  will  accompany  this. 

I have  the  honor,  &c., 

G.  W.  Hockley, 

Inspector-  General. 

A few  cases  of  measles  have  been  reported.  A hospital  has  been 
established  the  other  side  of  the  Brasos,  and  the  men  sent  over  to  it. 


No.  34. 

To  Thomas  J.  Rusk , Secretary  of  War. 

Headquarters,  Camp  West  of  Brasos,  April  3,  1836. 

Sir  : I arrived  at  this  place  on  the  first  instant,  and  pitched  my 
encampment  in  a secure  position,  in  hopes  that  I should  receive  sup- 
plies, and  more  so,  that  I would  be  enabled  to  meet  the  enemy  at 
any  time,  and  under  any  circumstances  which  propriety  might  dic- 
tate. Since  my  location,  rains  have  fallen ; and  it  is  possible  the 


490 


APPENDIX. 


water  may  invade  my  encampment,  and  compel  me  to  remove,  either 
back  to  the  prairie,  or  to  pass  over  the  river  to  the  east  side.  If  I 
do  pass,  it  will  only  be  to  make  my  camp  on  a healthy  site,  secure 
from  water,  and  to  defend  our  horses  from  the  enemy ; for  I find 
that  no  care  whatever  will  be  taken  of  horses,  and  if  they  fall  into 
the  enemy’s  hands  it  would  add  to  his  facilities. 

My  spies  return  and  report  the  enemy  only  about  one  thousand 
strong  on  the  Colorado,  without  pickets,  and  only  a small  camp- 
ground. My  opinion  is,  that  a detachment  I sent  to  reconnoitre  the 
enemy,  will  attack  him  to-night.  The  detachment  was  twenty  in 
number,  under  the  command  of  Major  Patton,  my  aid-de-camp. 
They  are  among  the  best  hearts  of  the  army. 

If  I should  pass  the  river,  my  design  will  be,  should  I quit  a po- 
sition opposite  to  this  point,  to  drop  down  opposite  Fort  Bend,  or 
some  point  below.  The  enemy  would  not  have  it  in  their  power  to 
pass  the  river  for  at  least  a month  to  come ; and  we  could  only 
cross  with  the  aid  of  a steamboat,  which  I have  pressed,  and  will 
retain  till  I can  dispense  with  it. 

If  I should  pass  the  river,  I will  leave  my  most  effective  cavalry 
on  this  side.  1 send  you,  in  charge  of  Mr.  Este,  two  prisoners,  Peter 
Kerr,  and  Beregardo,  a Mexican.  I have  nothing  pointed  against 
them  ; but  suspicion  has  fallen  upon  them,  and  they  are  to  be 
secured.  You  may  rest  easy  at  Harrisburg;  the  enemy  will  never 
cross  the  Brasos,  and  I hope  the  panic  will  soon  subside.  People 
are  planting  com  on  the  east  side  of  this  river. 

Mr.  Zavala  has  arrived  and  reported  for  duty.  I am  glad  of  it. 
He  informed  me  that  I should  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  ; and 
indeed  it  would  give  me  pleasure  to  do  so.  I have  ordered  the 
troops  below  to  occupy  some  defensible  positions  below  on  the  river, 
or  coast,  and  check  the  enemy.  Rumors  from  the  Mexican  interior 
of  wars,  or  difficulty  in  passing  the  Colorado,  have  caused  them  to  de- 
lay ; and  at  this  time  it  is  almost  impossible  for  them  to  pass  the 
prairies,  owing  to  the  rains  that  have  fallen  since  we  passed  — then 
it  was  only  possible  for  us  to  pass  with  our  wagons.  If  they  come, 
their  artillery  must  come.  They  must  raft  it  over  the  Colorado, 
which  is  very  high,  as  I am  informed.  It  must  be  out  of  its  banks. 

I have  looked  for  an  express  from  you  for  several  days.  Eighty 
Redlanders  have  arrived,  and  are  on  the  opposite  bank.  The  arri- 
val of  others  is  daily  expected. 

I have  the  honor,  &c., 


Sam  Houston. 


OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE. 


491 


No.  35. 

To  Thomas  J.  Rusk , Secretary  of  War. 

Headquarters,  Camp  West  ok  Brasos,  April  4,  1836. 

Sir  : I have  the  honor  to  inform  you  that,  by  an  express  which 
reached  me  last  night,  I received  intelligence  that  Colonel  Fannin 
and  his  command  had  been  attacked  by  a large  body  of  Mexican 
cavalry  and  infantry,  in  the  prairie,  about  eight  miles  east  of  San 
Antonio  river,  on  his  march  from  La  Bahia  to  Victoria.  The  enemy 
were  several  times  repulsed ; the  battle  lasting  until  in  the  night. 
On  the  next  morning  the  enemy  fired  several  cannon-shots  and 
hoisted  a flag  of  truce,  which  was  met  by  a corresponding  signal 
from  Colonel  Fannin.  The  commanders  met,  and  stipulated  that 
the  Americans,  on  condition  of  a surrender,  should  be  treated  as  pris- 
oners-of-war, and  in  eight  days  sent  to  New  Orleans  on  parole.  On 
the  eighth  day  the  prisoners  were  marched  out  under  a guard  (after 
having  been  kept  in  cldse  confinement),  a file  of  soldiers  on  each 
side  of  the  prisoners.  The  guard  then  doubled  files  on  the  right  of 
the  prisoners,  killing  all  but  one,  who  make  his  escape.  The  enemy 
are  said  to  have  lost  a thousand  men  in  the  action 

Will  not  our  friends  rush  to  the  conflict,  and  at  once  avenge  the 
wrongs  which  have  been  inflicted  on  our  dauntless  comrades  ? The 
day  of  just  retribution  ought  not  to  be  deferred.  Send  expresses 
to  the  coast  and  to  the  United  States.  The  army  is  just  organizing, 
and  will  soon  be  prepared.  The  last  advices  report  that  the  enemy 
can  not  cross  the  Colorado  — except  a part  of  it  — on  account  of 
high  waters.  Their  delay  is  said,  by  others,  to  be  owing  to  some 
difficulties  in  the  interior,  and  a want  of  supplies. 

San  Felipe  was  reduced  to  ashes,  but  not  by  my  order. 

I have  the  honor,  &c., 

Sam  Houston. 

P.  S.  It  was  reported  in  camp,  that  you  were  coming  to  the  army. 
As  it  is  so  reported,  you  had  best  come  if  possible.  It  will  inspirit 
the  troops.  No  express  has  reached  me  for  some  five  days  from 
Harrisburg.  The  army  is  in  good  spirits. 


492 


APPENDIX. 


No.  36. 

To  Captain  Mosely  Baker. 

Headquarters  of  the  Army,  Camp  West  ok  Brasos,  April  5,  1836. 

Sir  : I have  heard,  with  extreme  regret,  complaints  from  various 
sources,  of  the  destruction  and  waste  of  goods,  stores,  and  public 
property,  at  San  Felipe,  and  under  your  command.  They  may, 
perhaps,  have  been  exaggerated ; but  every  means  in  your  power 
should  have  been  used  to  preserve  and  protect  the  stores,  until  such 
were  ordered  to  be  destroyed ; as  it  was  totally  impossible  to  send 
back  the  wagons  across  Mill  creek.  Captains  Kimbrough  and  Bry- 
ant have  been  ordered  to  co-operate  with  you ; and  the  utmost  har- 
mony of  action,  subordination,  and  discipline,  must  be  observed. 
The  safety  of  the  country  requires  it,  and  the  commanding  general 
orders  a rigid  adherence  to  it. 

Sam  Houston. 


No.  37. 

To  David  Thomas , acting  Secretary  of  War. 

Camp  West  of  Brasos,  April  C,  1836. 

Sir  : Your  letters  of  the  4th  and  5th  instant  have  this  moment 
been  received  by  express.  Colonel  Rusk  arrived  in  camp  on  the 
evening  of  the  4th  instant,  and  will  probably  remain  for  a few  days 
longer.  I am  pleased  to  learn  of  the  supplies  being  forwarded  for 
the  use  of  the  army.  They  will  be  particularly  acceptable.  The 
present  position  of  the  army  is  one  of  strength  and  security,  and 
from  which  the  movements  of  the  enemy  can  be  vigilantly  watched. 
My  spies  are  remarkably  active  and  intelligent,  and  shall  be  kept 
in  constant  action.  They  are  much  in  want  of  good  horses. 

A deserter  from  the  enemy  was  brought  into  camp  last  night.  He 
confirms  the  report  previously  received,  of  the  miserable  condition 
of  their  troops ; and  adds,  that  much  dissatisfaction  prevails  in  their 
ranks,  from  the  severity  of  treatment  and  deprivation  of  the  neces- 
saries of  life.  He  shall  be  closely  looked  to,  and  the  first  favorable 
moment  seized  with  avidity  to  effect  his  total  defeat. 

Intercepted  documents  received  last  winter,  showed  that  Edward 
Gritton  was  a spy  of  Santa  Anna,  but  that  he  had  lost  their  confi- 
dence in  part.  These  papers  were  seen  by  me  after  their  seizure 
and  translation.  I have  the  honor,  &c.,  Sam  Houston. 


OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE. 


493 


No.  38. 

To  Captain  J.  N.  Allen . 

Camp  West  of  Bras  os,  April  8,  1836. 

Sir  : Your  communication  under  date  of  4th  instant  is  received. 
I am  pleased  to  find  you  are  on  your  march  to  join  the  army ; and 
wish  you  to  use  all  possible  expedition  in  reinforcing  us  with  your 
command  and  the  cannon. 

Assure  the  inhabitants  generally  that  the  army  will  not  cross  the 
Brasos,  unless  to  act  with  more  effect  against  the  enemy ; and  that 
the  most  certain  way  of  securing  their  property  and  families,  is  to 
repair  to  the  army  and  drive  the  invader  from  the  soil.  Those  who 
refuse  to  join  us  will  have  their  property  confiscated,  and  be  regarded 
as  deserters  from  our  cause. 

Sam  Houston. 


No.  39. 

To  David  Thomas , acting  Secretary  of  War. 

Headquarters,  Camp  West  of  Brasos,  April  9,  1836. 

Sir  : I have  the  honor  to  inform  you  that  Peter  Kerr,  who  was 
sent  to  Harrisburg  some  days  since,  had  in  his  possession  a letter 
from  on  board  the  Montezuma,  written  by  a lieutenant,  recommend- 
ing said  Kerr  to  general  favor  of  Mexican  officers ; and  stating  that 
Kerr  had  befriended  the  Mexicans,  but  did  not  set  forth  particulars. 
These  facts  were  known  to  many  present  in  camp  at  the  time,  but 
never  reached  me  until  this  moment.  I do  hope  that  all  prisoners 
sent  by  me  may  be  carefully  kept,  and,  at  least,  prevented  from 
mischief.  It  is  unfortunate  for  us  that  the  waters  are  so  high  as  to 
prevent  us  from  that  activity  which  would  be  desirable.  Tho 
enemy  are  not  in  such  great  force  as  was  expected.  Our  numbers 
increase ; and  I hope  you  will  hear  well  of  us. 

The  enemy  are  firing  at  San  Felipe  to-day.  I reinforced  the 
post  by  forty-five  men.  They  will  now  have  at  least  one  hundred 
and  fifty  men ; and  in  the  Brasos  bottom  they  can  not  be  driven 
back.  The  enemy  have  no  idea  of  our  force  there,  and  can  not 
suppose  it  to  exceed,  at  that  point,  fifty  men.  To-day  I send  out  a 
sm all  party  well  versed  in  the  use  of  the  horse ; and  I hope  to  hear 
well  of  them. 


494 


APPENDIX. 


Colonel  Rusk  is  still  here,  and  will,  probably,  remain  during  the 
crisis.  To-day  I am  in  good  spirits,  and  hope  to  be  in  better.  I 
have  now  organized  two  regiments,  and  doubt  not  but  a brigade  will 
be  formed  under  orders  of  the  secretary  of  war.  I look  for  the  wa- 
ters to  fall  in  the  course  of  a day  or  so.  The  camp  is  healthy. 
The  enemy  is  confident ; and,  I hope,  so  much  the  better  for  us. 
Wells,  a spy,  returned  to-day;  and  after  examining  the  signs,  pa- 
rade-ground, and  every  indication  possible,  reports  the  number  of 
the  enemy  at  six  or  seven  hundred  men. 

Tell  our  people  never  again  to  give  way  to  a 'panic ; but  to  do 
their  duty. 

I have  the  honor,  &c., 

Sam  Houston. 

P.  S.  Keep  all  the  prisoners  safe. 


No.  40. 

To  David  Thomas , acting'  Secretary  of  War* 

Camp  West  of  Brasos,  April  11,  1836. 

Sir  : I have  the  honor  to  send  you  a Mr.  Powell,  and  I have 
given  him  a letter  of  introduction.  This  I did  from  policy.  You 
will  find  him  a panic-maker,  and,  in  my  opinion,  a spy.  I hope  you 
will  send  him  to  Colonel  Morgan,  and  let  him  be  watched  so  closely 
that  he  can  do  no  harm,  if  he  should  be  so  disposed.  I assure  your 
excellency  that  we  must  manage  to  keep  suspicious  persons  safe. 
From  them,  in  my  opinion,  and  none  else,  we  may  apprehend  all 
danger.  I pray  you  not  to  think  me  too  rigorous  in  these  matters. 
I consult  the  secretary  of  war,  who  has  a knowledge  of  facts,  as  well 
as  myself ; and  my  course  is  in  accordance  with  his  views.  Major 
Wyley  Martin  wrote  to  me  about  this  same  man,  and  said  his  state- 
ments were  “ lies”  For  the  sake  of  Texas,  have  him  kept  safe ; 
and  it  might  be  best  to  send  him  to  Colonel  Morgan,  where  he  can 
be  watched  without  suspecting  it.  Lynn  and  Kerr  ought  to  be  well 
watched.  I pray  you  be  vigilant.  I have  ordered  spies  every- 
where. Though  Powell  says  Urrea  (general)  is  on  his  way  to  the 
lower  country,  how  could  Powell  pass  by  the  enemy,  as  he  has 
done,  unless  he  has  some  assurance  of  their  favor  ? I think  Powell 
is  sent  to  scare  us,  while  the  enemy  are  pretty  badly  scared  tliem- 

* TLis  letter  was  probably  directed  to  President  Burnet.  See  No.  42. 


OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE. 


495 


selves.  I hope  they  will  soon  be  as  much  hurt.  The  high  waters 
have  interrupted  us  much.  May  Heaven  prosper  you  and  the 
country. 

I have  the  honor,  &c.,  Sam  Houston. 

I do  not  deem  it  necessary  to  make  formal  charges.  Policy  will, 
at  least,  justify  his  detention.  Words  of  the  accused  are  cheap  — 
bear  this  in  mind,  I pray  you. 


No.  41. 

To  the  Citizens  of  Texas. 

Headquarters  of  the  Army,  Camp  on  Brasos,  April  13,  1836. 

You  have  suffered  panic  to  seize  you,  and  idle  rumor  to  guide 
you.  You  will  now  be  told  that  the  enemy  have  crossed  the  Brasos, 
and  that  Texas  is  conquered.  Reflect,  reason  with  yourselves,  and 
you  can  not  believe  a part  of  it.  The  enemy  have  crossed  the  Bra- 
sos, but  they  are  treading  the  soil  on  which  they  are  to  be  con- 
quered. That  he  has  not  been  already  beaten,  has  been  caused  by 
the  tardiness  of  some,  and  the  apathy  of  others.  The  force  of  the 
enemy  does  not  exceed  nine  hundred  men.  With  a semblance  of 
force  sufficient  to  meet  him,  his  fate  is  certain.  If,  then,  you  wish 
your  country  saved,  join  her  standard.  Protect  your  wives,  your 
children,  and  your  homes,  by  repairing  to  the  field,  where  alone,  by 
discipline  and  concert  of  action,  you  can  be  effective.  The  presence 
of  the  small  force  now  in  the  field  has  divided  his  army.  Our  spies 
have  once  checked  his  career.  Then  march  forward  ; and  with  the 
confidence  of  men  determined  to  conquer,  join  the  troops  now  in  the 
field,  and  your  enemy  is  certainly  in  your  power.  Twenty  men  in 
number  checked  the  force  of  the  enemy  in  crossing  the  Brasos  at 
Fort  Bend.  The  rumor  that  is  circulated  about  the  Mexicans  being 
on  the  Trinity,  was  reported  at  the  falls  of  the  Brasos  three  weeks 
ago.  A gentleman  is  in  camp  who  says  no  enemy  had  passed  there : 
so,  like  other  reports,  it  must  be  unfounded.  Come  and  free  your 
country  at  once  ; and  be  men  / 

Let  those  who  are  on  the  march,  advance  to  the  army.  Those 
who  do  not  aid  Texas  in  her  present  struggle,  but  flee  and  forfeit 
all  the  rights  of  citizens,  will  deserve  their  fate. 

Sam  Houston,  Commander -m- Chief. 


496 


APPENDIX. 


IVo.  42. 

To  David  Thomas , acting  Secretary  of  War. 

Headquarters,  Camp  at  Groce’s,  April  13,  1836. 

Sir  : This  moment  yours  of  yesterday  has  reached  me.  I have 
the  honor  to  remark,  that  taunts  and  suggestions  have  been  gratui- 
tously tendered  to  me ; and  I have  submitted  to  them  without  any 
disposition  to  retort  either  nnkindness  or  imputation.  What  has 
been  my  situation  ? At  Gonzales  I had  three  hundred  and  seventy- 
four  efficient  men,  without  supplies,  even  powder,  balls,  or  arms.  At 
Colorado  with  seven  hundred  men,  without  discipline  or  time  to  or- 
ganize the  army.  Two  days  since,  my  effective  force  in  camp  was 
five  hundred  and  twenty-three  men  (aggregate).  I had  authorized 
Captain  Martin  to  detain  a force  there  of  at  least  two  hundred  men. 
I had  sent  to  the  bottom  opposite  San  Felipe  one  hundred  and  fifty 
men : and  had  reason  to  expect  the  attack  would  be  made,  and  an 
effort  made  to  cross  the  river  at  San  Felipe,  or  at  the  point  at  which 
I was,  as  the  prairie,  at  the  latter  point,  approached  nearer  to  the 
river,  and  the  bottom  was  better  than  at  any  other  point  on  the 
river.  The  cannonade  was  kept  up  at  San  Felipe  until  yesterday 
morning ; and  as  the  river  was  very  high,  and  it  was  reported  to 
me  that  the  enemy  were  preparing  rafts  at  that  point,  I had  every 
reason  to  suppose  that  they  intended  to  cross  there,  if  possible. 

On  the  previous  night,  in  consultation  with  the  secretary  of  war, 
we  concluded  to  pass  the  river  to  this  side.  At  ten  o clock,  A.  M., 
yesterday,  I commenced  crossing  the  river,  and  from  that  time  till 
the  present  (noon)  the  steamboat  and  yawl  (having  no  ferry-boat) 
have  been  engaged.  We  have  eight  or  ten  wagons,  ox-teams, 
and  about  two  hundred  horses,  belonging  to  the  army ; and  these 
have  to  pass  on  board  the  steamboat,  besides  the  troops,  baggage, 
&c.  This  requires  time  ; but  I hope  in  one  hour  to  be  enabled  to 
be  in  preparation.  I had  sent  an  express  evening  before  last  to  all 
the  troops  of  Washington  and  above  this  point  to  meet  me  here  by 
a rapid  march.  On  yesterday  morning  I ordered  all  the  command 
below  to  unite  with  the  main  body,  so  as  to  act  promptly  and  effi- 
ciently when  most  necessary.  It  was  impossible  to  guard  all  river 
passes  for  one  hundred  miles,  and  at  once  concentrate  the  force  so 
as  to  guard  any  one  point  effectually,  unless  where  the  main  body 
might  be  stationed.  An  invading  army  marches  with  everything 


OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE. 


497 


necessary  to  conquest.  I would  at  once  have  fallen  back  on  Har- 
risburg, but  a wish  to  allay  the  panic  that  prevailed,  induced  me  to 
stop  at  the  Brasos,  contrary  to  my  views  of  military  operations.  I 
had  assurances  of  reinforcements  by  remaining  on  the  Brasos — of 
which  I will  say  nothing  at  present. 

When  I assured  the  department  that  the  enemy  should  not  pass 
the  Brasos,  I did  not  intend  to  convey  the  idea  that  either  the  army 
or  myself  possessed  powers  of  ubiquity ; but,  that  they  should  not 
pass  through  my  encampment.  I do  hope  that  my  last  envelope  to 
his  excellency  the  president,  will  show  you  on  whom,  to  rely,  and  on 
whom , for  a while,  the  burden  must  rest. 

I beg  leave  to  assure  you  that  I will  omit  no  opportunity  to  serve 
the  country,  and  to  serve  it  for  the  love  of  it,  without  ambition,  or 
ulterior  views  into  which  selfishness  can  enter.  I have,  under  the 
most  disadvantageous  circumstances,  kept  an  army  together,  and 
where  there  has  not  been  even  murmuring  or  insubordination ; but 
I can  not  perform  impossibilities.  These  remarks  are  not  in  an- 
ger, nor  are  they  intended  to  be  in  the  least  personal  to  you,  but 
arise  out  of  the  pressure  of  difficulties  which  you  can  not  appreciate, 
because  they  are  unexplained  to  you.  Again  I beg  leave  to  as- 
sure you,  that  I have  for  you  the  most  high  and  friendly  considera- 
tion, and  will  regard  with  pleasure  every  manifestation  of  public 
confidence  arising  from  a proper  estimate  of  your  worth.  I write  in 
much  haste,  pressed  by  business,  and  engaged  in  the  contemplation 
of  matters,  I hope,  not  distant. 

I have  the  honor,  &c., 

Sam  Houston. 


l¥o.  43. 

To  Colonel  Nathaniel  Robbins. 

Headquarters,  Camp  at  Groce’s,  April  13,  1836. 

Sir  : You  are  hereby  ordered  and  commanded  to  seize  all  arms 
and  guns,  and  such  weapons  of  war  as  may  be  useful  to  the  army, 
or  necessary  to  the  defence  of  Texas,  giving  receipts  for  the  same, 
and  holding  them  subject  to  tbe  orders  of  the  government. 

You  will  arrest  all  deserters  from  the  army,  and  pass  them  over  to 
commands  on  their  march  to  the  army.  All  persons  who  have  not 
furnished  substitutes,  and  have  left  the  army  without  furloughs  or 
VOL.  II.  — 32 


498 


APPENDIX. 


discharges,  or  whose  furloughs  have  expired,  are  deserters,  and  as 
such  must  be  registered  and  reported  to  the  government,  if  not  ap- 
prehended and  sent  back. 

Sam  Houston. 


No.  44. 

To  Colonel  Henry  Raguet , of  Nacogdoches. 

Camp  at  Harrisburg,  April  19,  1836. 

Sir  : This  morning  we  are  in  preparation  to  meet  Santa  Anna.  It 
is  the  only  chance  of  saving  Texas.  From  time  to  time  I have  looked 
for  reinforcements  in  vain.  The  convention  adjourning  to  Harris- 
burg struck  panic  throughout  the  country.  Texas  could  have  started 
at  least,  four  thousand  men.  We  will  only  have  about  seven  hun- 
dred to  march  with,  besides  the  camp-guard.  We  go  to  conquer. 
It  is  wisdom  growing  out  of  necessity  to  meet  the  enemy  now  ; every 
consideration  enforces  it.  No  previous  occasion  would  justify  it. 
The  troops  are  in  fine  spirits,  and  now  is  the  time  for  action. 

Adjutant-General  Wharton,  Inspector-General  Hockley,  Aide-de- 
Camp  Horton ; Aides-de-Camp  W.  H.  Patton,  Collingsworth ; Vol- 
unteer Aides  Perry,  Perry ; Major  Cook,  assistant  inspector-general 
— will  be  with  me. 

We  shall  use  our  best  efforts  to  fight  the  enemy  to  such  advan- 
tage as  will  insure  victory,  though  the  odds  are  greatly  against  us. 
I leave  the  result  in  the  hands  of  a wise  God,  and  rely  upon  his 
providence. 

My  country  will  do  justice  to  those  who  serve  her.  The  rights 
for  which  we  fight  will  be  secured,  and  Texas  free. 

Sam  Houston,  Commander , fyc. 

P.  S.  — Colonel  Rusk  is  in  the  field. 


No.  44. 

To  David  G.  Burnet , President  of  the  Republic  of  Texas . 

Headquarters  of  the  Army,  San  Jacinto,  April  26,  1836. 
Sir  : I regret  extremely  that  my  situation,  since  the  battle  of  the 
21st,  has  been  such  as  to  prevent  my  rendering  you  my  official  re- 
port of  the  same  previous  to  this  time. 


OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE. 


499 


I have  the  honor  to  inform  you  that,  on  the  evening  of  tue  18th 
inst.,  after  a forced  march  of  fifty-five  miles,  which  was  effected  in 
two  days  and  a half,  the  army  arrived  opposite  Harrisburg.  That 
evening  a courier  of  the  enemy  was  taken,  from  whom  I learned 
that  General  Santa  Anna,  with  one  division  of  his  choice  troops,  had 
marched  in  the  direction  of  Lynch's  ferry,  on  the  San  Jacinto  — 
burning  Harrisburg  as  he  passed  down. 

The  army  was  ordered  to  be  in  readiness  to  march  early  on  the 
next  morning.  The  main  body  effected  a crossing  over  Buffalo 
bayou,  below  Harrisburg,  on  the  morning  of  the  19th,  having  left 
the  baggage,  the  sick,  and  a sufficient  camp-guard,  in  the  rear.  We 
continued  to  march  throughout  the  night,  making  but  one  halt  in 
the  prairie  for  a short  time,  and  without  refreshments.  At  daylight 
we  resumed  the  line  of  march,  and  in  a short  distance  our  scouts  en- 
countered those  of  the  enemy,  and  we  received  information  that 
General  Santa  Anna  was  at  New  Washington,  and  would  that  day 
take  up  the  line  of  march  for  Anahuac,  crossing  at  Lynch’s  ferry. 
The  Texan  army  halted  within  half  a mile  of  the  ferry,  in  some 
timber,  and  were  engaged  in  slaughtering  beeves,  when  the  army 
of  Santa  Anna  was  discovered  to  be  approaching  in  battle  array, 
having  been  encamped  at  Clopper's  point,  eight  miles  below.  Dis- 
position was  immediately  made  of  our  forces,  and  preparation  for  his 
reception.  He  took  a position  with  his  infantry,  and  artillery  in  the 
centre,  occupying  an  island  of  timber,  his  cavalry  covering  the  left 
flank.  The  artillery,  consisting  of  one  double-fortified  medium  brass 
twelve-pounder,  then  opened  on  our  encampment.  The  infantry,  in 
column,  advanced  with  the  design  of  charging  our  lines,  but  were 
repulsed  by  a discharge  of  grape  and  canister  from  our  artillery, 
consisting  of  two  six-pounders.  The  enemy  had  occupied  a piece 
of  timber  within  rifle-shot  of  the  left  wing  of  our  army,  from  which 
an  occasional  interchange  of  small-arms  took  place  between  the 
troops,  until  the  enemy  withdrew  to  a position  on  the  bank  of  the 
San  Jacinto,  about  three  quarters  of  a mile  from  our  encampment, 
and  commenced  fortification. 

A short  time  before  sunset,  our  mounted  men,  about  eighty-five 
in  number,  under  the  special  command  of  Colonel  Sherman,  marched 
out  for  the  purpose  of  reconnoitring  the  enemy.  While  advancing, 
they  received  a volley  from  the  left  of  the  enemy’s  infantry,  and, 
after  a sharp  rencounter  with  their  cavalry,  in  which  ours  acted  ex- 
tremely well,  and  performed  some  feats  of  daring  chivalry,  they 


500 


APPENDIX. 


retired  in  good  order,  having  had  two  men  severely  wounded,  and 
several  horses  killed.  In  the  meantime,  the  infantry  under  the  com- 
mand of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Millard,  and  Colonel  Burleson’s  regi- 
ment, with  the  artillery,  had  marched  out  for  the  purpose  of  cover- 
ing the  retreat  of  the  cavalry,*  if  neeessary.  All  then  fell  back  in 
good  order  to  our  encampment  about  sunset,  and  remained  without 
ostensible  action  until  the  21st,  at  half-past  three  o’clock,  taking  the 
first  refreshment  which  they  had  enjoyed  for  two  days.  The  enemy 
in  the  meantime  extended  the  right  flank  of  their  infantry.,  so  as  to 
occupy  the  extreme  point  of  a skirt  of  timber  on  the  bank  of  the 
San  Jacinto,  and  secured  their  left  by  a fortification  about  five  feet 
high,  constructed  of  packs  and  baggage,  leaving  an  opening  in  the 
centre  of  the  breastwork,  in  which  their  artillery  was  placed,  their 
cavalry  upon  their  left  wing. 

About  nine  o’clock  on  the  morning  of  the  21st,  the  enemy  were  re- 
inforced by  five  hundred  choice  troops,  under  the  command  of  Gen- 
eral Cos,  increasing  their  effective  force  to  upward  of  fifteen  hundred 
men,  while  our  aggregate  force  for  the  field  numbered  seven  hun- 
dred and  eighty-three.  At  half-past  three  o’clock  in  the  evening,  I 
ordered  the  officers  of  the  Texan  army  to  parade  their  respective 
commands,  having  in  the  meantime  ordered  the  bridge  on  the  only 
road  communicating  with  the  Brasos,  distant  eight  miles  from  our 
encampment,  to  be  destroyed  — thus  cutting  off  all  possibility  of 
escape.  Our  troops  paraded  with  alacrity  and  spirit,  and  were  anx- 
ious for  the  contest.  Their  conscious  disparity  in  numbers  seemed 
only  to  increase  their  enthusiasm  and  confidence,  and  heightened 
their  anxiety  for  the  conflict.  Our  situation  afforded  me  an  oppor- 
tunity of  making  the  arrangements  preparatory  to  the  attack  with- 
out exposing  our  designs  to  the  enemy.  The  first  regiment,  com- 
manded by  Colonel  Burleson,  was  assigned  to  the  centre.  The 
second  regiment,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Sherman,  formed 
the  left  wing  of  the  army.  The  artillery,  under  the  special  com- 
mand of  Colonel  George  W.  Hockley,  inspector-general,  was  placed 
on  the  right  of  the  first  regiment ; and  four  companies  of  infantry, 
under  the  command  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Henry  Millard,  sustained 
the  artillery  upon  the  right.  Our  cavalry,  sixty-one  in  number, 
commanded  by  Colonel  Mirabeau  B.  Lamar  (whose  gallant  and  dar- 
ing conduct  on  the  previous  day  had  attracted  the  admiration  of  his 
comrades,  and  called  him  to  that  station),  placed  on  our  extreme 
right,  completed  our  line.  Our  cavalry  was  first  despatched  to  the 


OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE. 


501 


front  of  the  enemy’s  left,  for  the  purpose  of  attracting  their  notice, 
while  an  extensive  island  of  timber  afforded  us  an  opportunity  of 
concentrating  our  forces,  and  deploying  from  that  point,  agreeably 
to  the  previous  design  of  the  troops.  Every  evolution  was  per- 
formed with  alacrity,  the  whole  advancing  rapidly  in  line,  through 
an  open  prairie,  without  any  protection  whatever  for  our  men.  The 
artillery  advanced  and  took  station  within  two  hundred  yards  of  the 
enemy’s  breastwork,  and  commenced  an  effective  fire  with  grape 
and  canister. 

Colonel  Sherman,  writh  his  regiment,  having  commenced  the  action 
upon  our  left  wring,  the  whole  line,  at  the  centre  and  on  the  right, 
advancing  in  double  quick  time,  raised  the  war-cry,  “ Remember  the 
Alamo!”  received  the  enemy’s  fire,  and  advanced  within  point- 
blank  shot,  before  a piece  was  discharged  from  our  lines.  Our  line 
advanced  without  a halt,  until  they  were  in  possession  of  the  wood- 
land and  the  enemy’s  breastwork — the  right  wing  of  Burleson’s  and 
the  left  of  Millard’s  taking  possession  of  the  breastwork ; our  artil- 
lery having  gallantly  charged  up  within  seventy  yards  of  the  ene- 
my’s cannon,  when  it  wras  taken  by  our  troops. 

The  conflict  lasted  about  eighteen  minutes  from  the  time  of  close 
action  until  we  were  in  possession  of  the  enemy’s  encampment,  taking 
one  piece  of  cannon  (loaded),  four  stand  of  colors,  all  their  camp- 
equipage,  stores,  and  baggage.  Our  cavalry  had  charged  and  routed 
that  of  the  enemy  upon  the  right,  and  given  pursuit  to  the  fugitives, 
which  did  not  cease  until  they  arrived  at  the  bridge  which  I have 
mentioned  before  — Captain  Karnes,  always  among  the  foremost  in 
danger,  commanding  the  pursuers.  The  conflict  in  the  breastwork 
lasted  but  a few  moments ; many  of  the  troops  encountered  hand  to 
hand,  and,  not  having  the  advantage  of  bayonets  on  our  side,  our 
riflemen  used  their  pieces  as  war-clubs,  breaking  many  of  them  off 
at  the  breech.  The  rout  commenced  at  half-past  four,  and  the  pur- 
suit by  the  main  army  continued  until  twilight.  A guard  was  then 
left  in  charge  of  the  enemy’s  encampment,  and  our  army  returned 
with  their  killed  and  wounded.  In  the  battle,  our  loss  was  two 
killed  and  twenty-three  wounded,  six  of  them  mortally.  The  ene- 
my’s loss  was  six  hundred  and  thirty  killed,  among  whom  was  one 
general  officer,  four  colonels,  two  lieutenant-colonels,  five  captains, 
twelve  lieutenants ; wounded  two  hundred  and  eight,  of  which  were 
five  colonels,  three  lieutenant-colonels,  two  second  lieutenant-colo- 
nels, seven  captains,  one  cadet ; prisoners  seven  hundred  and  thirty 


502 


APPENDIX. 


— President-General  Santa  Anna,  General  Cos,  four  colonels,  aides 
to  General  Santa  Anna,  and  the  colonel  of  the  Guerrero  battalion, 
are  included  in  the  number.  General  Santa  Anna  was  not  taken 
until  the  22d,  and  General  Cos  yesterday,  very  few  having  escaped. 
About  six  hundred  muskets,  three  hundred  sabres,  and  two  hundred 
pistols,  have  been  collected  since  the  action.  Several  hundred 
mules  and  horses  were  taken,  and  nearly  twelve  thousand  dollars  in 
specie. 

For  several  days  previous  to  the  action,  our  troops  were  engaged 
in  forced  marches,  exposed  to  excessive  rains,  and  the  additional 
inconvenience  of  extremely  bad  roads,  badly  supplied  with  rations 
and  clothing ; yet,  amid  every  difficulty,  they  bore  up  with  cheer- 
fulness and  fortitude,  and  performed  their  marches  with  spirit  and 
alacrity  — there  was  no  murmuring. 

Previous  to  and  during  the  action,  my  staff  evinced  every  dispo- 
sition to  be  useful,  and  were  actively  engaged  in  their  duties.  In 
the  conflict  I am  assured  that  they  demeaned  themselves  in  such  a 
manner  as  proved  them  worthy  members  of  the  army  of  San  Ja- 
cinto. Colonel  T.  J.  Rusk,  secretary  of  war,  was  on  the  field.  For 
weeks  his  services  had  been  highly  beneficial  to  the  army.  In  the 
battle,  he  was  on  the  left  wing,  where  Colonel  Sherman’s  command 
first  encountered  and  drove  in  the  enemy  : he  bore  himself  gallantly, 
and  continued  his  efforts  and  activity,  remaining  with  the  pursuers 
until  resistance  ceased. 

I have  the  honor  of  transmitting  herewith  a list  of  all  the  officers 
and  men  who  were  engaged  in  the  action,  which  I respectfully  re- 
quest may  be  published,  as  an  act  of  justice  to  the  individuals.  For 
the  commanding  general  to  attempt  discrimination  as  to  the  conduct 
of  those  who  commanded  in  the  action,  or  those  who  were  command- 
ed, would  be  impossible.  Our  success  in  the  action  is  conclusive 
proof  of  their  daring  intrepidity  and  courage ; every  officer  and  man 
proved  himself  worthy  of  the  cause  in  which  he  battled,  while  the 
triumph  received  a lustre  from  the  humanity  which  characterized 
their  conduct  after  victory,  and  richly  entitles  them  to  the  admira- 
tion and  gratitude  of  their  general.  Nor  should  we  withhold  the 
tribute  of  our  grateful  thanks  from  that  Being  who  rules  the  desti- 
nies of  nations,  and  has,  in  the  time  of  greatest  need,  enabled  us  to 
arrest  a powerful  invader  while  devastating  our  country. 

I have  the  honor,  &c., 

Sam  Houston,  Commander-in-  Chief. 


OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE. 


503 


No.  46. 

Report  of  Thomas  J.  Rusk , Secretary  of  War. 

[This  report  of  the  closing  scene  of  the  Texan  campaign  is  added  here  as  an 
important  historical  document,  throwing  much  light  upon  the  action  of  the  21st 
of  April.] 

War  Department,  Headquarters,  Army  of  Texas,  ) 

San  Jacinto  River,  April  22,  1836.  J 

To  His  Excellency  David  G.  Burnet,  President  of  Texas. 

Sir  : I have  the  honor  to  communicate  to  your  excellency  a brief 
account  of  a general  engagement  with  the  army  of  Santa  Anna,  at 
this  place  on  the  21st  instant. 

Our  army,  under  the  command  of  General  Houston,  arrived  here 
on  the  20th  instant.  The  enemy,  a few  miles  off  at  New  Washing- 
ton, apprized  of  our  arrival,  committed  some  depredations  upon  pri- 
vate property,  and  commenced  their  line  of  march  to  this  point. 
They  were  unconscious  of  our  approach  until  our  standard  was 
planted  on  the  banks  of  the  San  Jacinto.  Our  position  was  a fa- 
vorable one  for  battle.  On  the  noon  of  the  20th,  the  appearance 
of  our  foe  was  hailed  by  our  soldiers  with  enthusiasm.  The  enemy 
marched  in  good  order,  took  a position  in  front  of  our  encampment, 
on  an  eminence,  within  cannon-shot,  where  they  planted  their  only 
piece  of  artillery,  a brass  nine-pounder  ; and  then  arrayed  their  cav- 
alry and  infantry  a short  distance  on  the  right,  under  the  shelter  of 
a skirt  of  woods.  In  a short  time,  they  commenced  firing  upon  us ; 
their  cannon  in  front,  their  infantry  on  our  left,  and  their  cavalry 
changing  their  position  on  the  right.  A charge  was  made  on  the 
left  of  our  camp  by  their  infantry,  which  was  promptly  repelled  by 
a few  shots  from  our  artillery,  which  forced  them  to  retire.  I have 
the  satisfaction  of  stating  that  only  two  of  our  men  were  wounded, 
one  very  slightly,  the  other  (Colonel  Neill,  of  the  artillery)  not  fa- 
tally. 

The  attack  ceased ; the  enemy  retired  and  formed  in  two  skirts 
of  timber,  and  remained  in  that  position,  occasionally  opening  their 
cannon  upon  us,  until  just  before  sunset,  when  they  attempted  to 
draw  off  their  forces.  Their  artillery  and  cavalry  were  removed  to 
other  points.  Colonel  Sherman,  with  sixty  of  our  cavalry,  charged 
upon  theirs,  consisting  upward  of  one  hundred,  killing  and  wounding 
several.  Their  infantry  came  to  the  assistance  of  their  cavalry,  and 
opened  upon  us  an  incessant  fire  for  ten  or  fifteen  minutes,  which 


504 


APPENDIX. 


our  men  sustained  with  surprising  firmness.  Too  much  praise  can 
not  be  bestowed  upon  those  wdio  were  engaged  in  this  charge,  for 
never  was  one  of  equal  peril  made  with  more  courage,  and  termi- 
nated with  less  loss.  Two  of  our  men  were  severely  wounded,  hut 
none  killed.  This  terminated  the  movements  of  the  day. 

Early  next  morning,  about  nine  o’clock,  the  enemy  received  a 
reinforcement  of  five  hundred  men,  under  the  command  of  General 
Martin  Prefecto  de  Cos,  which  increased  their  strength  to  fourteen 
or  fifteen  hundred  men.  It  was  supposed  that  an  attack  upon  our 
encampment  would  now  be  made ; and,  having  a good  position,  we 
stationed  our  artillery,  and  disposed  of  the  forces,  so  as  to  receive 
the  enemy  to  the  best  advantage.  At  three  o’clock,  however,  the 
foe,  instead  of  showing  signs  of  attack,  was  evidently  engaged  in 
fortifying.  We  determined,  therefore,  immediately  to  assail  him; 
and,  in  half  an  hour,  we  were  formed  in  four  divisions  : the  first, 
intended  as  our  right  wing,  composed  of  the  regulars  under  Colonel 
Millard,  and  the  second  division,  under  command  of  Colonel  Sydney 
Sherman,  formed  our  left  wing.  A division,  commanded  by  Colonel 
Burleson,  formed  our  centre.  Our  two  six-pounders,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Colonel  Hockley,  Captains  Isaac  N.  Moreland  and  Still- 
well, were  drawn  up  on  the  right  of  the  centre  division.  The  cav- 
alry, under  command  of  Colonel  Mirabeau  B.  Lamar,  formed  upon 
the  right.  At  the  command  to  move  forward,  all  the  divisions  ad- 
vanced in  good  order  and  high  spirits.  On  arriving  within  reach  of 
the  enemy,  a heavy  fire  was  opened,  first  with  their  artillery  on  our 
cavalry.  A general  conflict  now  ensued.  Orders  were  given  to 
charge.  Colonel  Sherman’s  division  moved  up,  and  drove  the  ene- 
my from  the  woods  occupied  by  them  on  their  right  wing.  At  the 
same  moment,  Colonel  Burleson’s  division,  together  with  the  regu- 
lars, charged  upon  and  mounted  the  breastwork  of  the  enemy,  and 
drove  them  from  their  cannon  ; our  artillery,  the  meanwhile,  charging 
up  and  firing  upon  them  with  great  effect.  The  cavalry,  under  Colo- 
nel Lamar,  at  the  same  time  fell  on  them  with  great  fury  and  great 
slaughter.  Major-General  Houston  acted  with  great  gallantry,  en- 
couraging his  men  to  the  attack,  and  heroically  charged,  in  front  of 
the  infantry,  within  a few  yards  of  the  enemy,  receiving  at  the  same 
time  a wound  in  his  leg.  The  enemy  soon  took  to  flight,  officers  and 
all,  some  on  foot  and  some  on  horseback.  In  ten  minutes  after  the  firing 
of  the  first  gun,  we  were  charging  through  the  camp,  and  driving 
hem  before  us.  They  fled  in  confusion  and  dismay  down  the  river, 


OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE. 


505 


followed  closely  by  our  troops  for  four  miles.  Some  of  them  took 
the  prairie,  and  were  pursued  by  our  cavalry ; others  were  shot  in 
attempting  to  swim  the  river ; and  in  a short  period  the  sanguinary 
conflict  was  terminated  by  the  surrender  of  nearly  all  who  were  not 
slain  in  the  combat.  One  half  of  their  army  perished  ; the  other 
half  are  prisoner^,  among  whom  are  General  Santa  Anna  himself, 
Colonel  Almonte,  and  many  other  prominent  officers  of  their  army. 
The  loss  of  the  enemy  is  computed  at  over  six  hundred  slain,  and 
above  six  hundred  prisoners ; together  with  a caballada  of  several 
hundred  mules  taken,  with  much  valuable  baggage.  Our  loss,  in 
point  of  numbers,  is  small,  it  being  seven  slain  and  fifteen  wounded. 

This  glorious  achievement  is  attributed,  not  to  superior  force,  but 
to  the  valor  of  our  soldiers  and  the  sanctity  of  our  cause.  Our  army 
consisted  of  seven  hundred  and  fifty  effective  men.  This  brave  band 
achieved  a victory  as  glorious  as  any  on  the  records  of  history,  and 
the  happy  cousequences  will  be  felt  in  Texas  by  succeeding  gener- 
ations. It  has  saved  the  country  from  the  yoke  of  bondage ; and 
all  who  mingled  in  it  are  entitled  to  the  special  munificence  of  gov- 
ernment, and  the  heartfelt  gratitude  of  every  lover  of  liberty.  The 
sun  was  sinking  in  the  horizon  as  the  battle  commenced,  but,  at  the 
close  of  the  conflict,  the  sun  of  liberty  and  independence  rose  in 
Texas,  never,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  to  be  obscured  by  the  clouds  of  des- 
potism. We  have  read  of  deeds  of  chivalry,  and  perused  with  ardor 
the  annals  of  war  ; we  have  contemplated,  with  the  highest  emotions 
of  sublimity,  the  loud-roaring  thunder,  the  desolating  tornado,  and 
the  withering  simoom  of  the  desert ; but  neither  of  these,  nor  all, 
inspired  us  with  emotions  like  those  felt  on  this  occasion  ! The  offi- 
cers and  men  seemed  to  be  actuated  by  a like  enthusiasm.  There 
was  a general  cry  which  pervaded  the  ranks  — “ Remember  the  Ala- 
mo / remember  La  Bahia  !”  These  words  electrified  all.  “ On- 
ward !”  was  the  cry.  The  unerring  aim  and  irresistible  energy  of 
the  Texan  army  could  not  be  withstood.  It  was  freemen  fighting 
against  the  minions  of  tyranny,  and  the  result  proved  the  inequality 
of  such  a contest. 

In  a battle  where  every  individual  performed  his  duty,  it  might 
seem  invidious  to  draw  distinctions ; but,  while  I do  justice  to  all  in 
expressing  my  high  admiration  of  the  bravery  and  gallant  conduct 
of  both  officers  and  men,  I hope  I may  be  indulged  in  the  expression 
of  my  highest  approbation  of  the  chivalrous  conduct  of  Major  James 
Collingsworth  in  almost  every  part  of  the  engagement.  Colonel 


506 


APPENDIX. 


Hockley,  with  his  command  of  artillery,  Colonel  Wharton,  the  adju- 
tant-general, Major  Cook,  and,  in  fact,  all  the  staff-officers ; Colonel 
Burleson  and  Colonel  Somervell  on  the  right,  Colonel  Millard  in  the 
centre,  and  Colonel  Sherman,  Colonel  Bennett,  and  Major  Wells,  on 
the  left,  and  Colonel  Lamar  on  the  extreme  right  with  the  cavalry  — 
led  on  the  charge  and  followed  in  the  pursuit  with  dauntless  bravery. 
All  have  my  highest  approbation.  With  such  men,  sustained  as  we 
shall  be  by  the  patriots  and  lovers  of  liberty  in  our  mother-country, 
hateful  Despotism  can  not  find  a resting-place  for  the  sole  of  her 
foot  on  the  beautiful  plains  of  Texas  ! A volume  would  not  contain 
the  deeds  of  individual  daring  and  bravery.  Each  captain  has  been 
required  to  make  report,  and  I hope  justice  will  be  done  to  all  the 
brave  spirits  who  mingled  in  the  glorious  achievement  of  yesterday. 
My  aide-de-camp,  Dr.  Motley,  of  Kentucky,  fell  near  me,  mortally 
wounded,  and  soon  after  his  spirit  took  its  flight  to  join  the  immortal 
Milam  and  others  in  a better  world. 

I have  the  honor  to  be,  very  respectfully,  yours, 

Thomas  J.  Rusk,  Secretary  of  War 

P.  S.  — Since  writing  the  above,  General  Cos  has  been  brought 
in  a prisoner  by  our  cavalry.  T.  J.  Rusk. 


APPENDIX  NO.  II. 


DOCUMENTS 

IN  RELATION  TO 

THE  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  OF  THE  TEXAN  ARMY. 

GENERAL  CONSULTATION. 

“San  Felipe  de  Austin,  November  13,  1835. 

“OF  THE  MILITARY. 

“Article  2.  The  regular  army  of  Texas  shall  consist  of  one 
major-general,  who  shall  be  commander-in-chief  of  all  the  forces 
called  into  public  service  during  the  war. 

“Article  3.  The  commander-in-chief  of  the  regular  army  of 
Texas  shall  be  appointed  by  the  convention,  and  commissioned  by 
the  governor.”  — Journal , p.  48. 

“ The  house  met  at  the  expiration  of  the  time  for  which  it  ad- 
journed— 

“ When,  on  motion  by  Mr.  Everitt,  they  went  into  an  election  for 
major-general. 

“ The  rule  in  this  case  being  suspended  — 

“ On  motion  of  M.  W.  Smith,  S.  Houston  was  elected  major- 
general  of  the  armies  of  Texas.” — Journal , p.  36. 

“ To  Sam  Houston , Esquire : — 

“ In  the  name  of  the  people  of  Texas,  free  and  sovereign : We, 
reposing  special  trust  and  confidence  in  your  patriotism,  valor,  con- 


508 


APPENDIX. 


duct,  and  fidelity,  do,  by  these  presents,  constitute  and  appoint  you 
to  be  major-general  and  commander-in-chief  of  the  army  of  Texas, 
and  of  all  the  forces  now  raised  or  to  be  raised  by  it,  and  of  all 
others  who  shall  voluntarily  offer  their  service  and  join  the  said 
army,  for  the  defence  of  the  constitution  and  liberty,  and  for  repel- 
ling every  hostile  invasion  thereof ; and  you  are  hereby  vested  with 
full  power  and  authority  to  act  as  you  shall  think  for  the  good  and 
welfare  of  the  service. 

“And  we  do  hereby  strictly  charge  and  require  all  officers  and 
soldiers  under  your  command  to  be  obedient  to  your  orders,  and 
diligent  in  the  exercise  of  their  several  duties. 

“And  we  do  also  enjoin  and  require  you  to  be  careful  in  execu- 
ting the  great  trust  reposed  in  you,  by  causing  strict  discipline  and 
order  to  be  observed  in  the  army,  and  that  the  soldiers  be  duly  ex- 
ercised, and  provided  with  all  convenient  necessaries. 

“And  you  are  to  regulate  your  conduct  in  eveiy  respect  by  the 
rules  and  discipline  of  war  adopted  by  the  United  States  of  North 
America,  or  such  as  may  hereafter  be  adopted  by  this  government ; 
and  punctually  to  observe  and  follow  such  orders  and  directions, 
from  time  to  time,  as  you  shall  receive  from  this  or  a future  govern- 
ment of  Texas. 

“ This  commission  to  continue  in  force  until  revoked  by  this  or  a 
future  government. 

“ Done  at  San  Felipe  de  Austin,  on  the  fourteenth  day  of  Novem- 
ber, eighteen  hundred  and  thirty-five. 

“HENRY  SMITH,  Governor. 

“ P.  B.  Dexter,  Secretary  of  'Provisional  Government." 


“Council-Hall,  San  Felipe,  January  3,  1836. 

“ The  president  [of  the  council]  submitted  a communication  from 
F.  W.  Johnson,  for  himself  and  other  volunteers,  for  authority  to 
proceed  to  Matamoras ; which  was  read,  and  referred  to  the  com- 
mittee on  military  affairs,  with  instructions  to  report  this  afternoon 
at  three  o’clock.”  — Journal , p.  247. 


“Council-Hall,  San  Felipe,  January  6,  1836. 
“James  Bowie  exhibited  to  the  council  orders  from  the  com- 
mand er-in-chief  of  the  army,  to  proceed  against  Matamoras,  and 
took  leave  of  the  council  for  his  departure.” — Journal , p.  2G5. 


DOCUMENTS  RELATING  TO  THE  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF.  509 


“ Council-Hall,  January  6,  1836,  3 o'clock , P.  M. 

“ Mr.  Hanks,  from  the  select  committee  appointed  to  wait  on 
James  Bowie,  to  obtain  a copy  of  his  orders,*  reported  and  presented 
a copy  of  the  same,  which  was  ordered  to  be  filed.”  — Journal ',  p.  266. 


“Council-Hall,  January  7,  1836,  9 o'clock , A.  M. 

“ Section  1.  Be  it  resolved , by  the  general  council  of  the  provis- 
ional government  of  Texas,  That  J.  W.  Fannin  be  and  he  is  hereby 
appointed  and  empowered  as  an  agent,  for  and  in  behalf  of  the  pro- 
visional government  of  Texas,  to  raise,  collect,  and  concentrate,  at 
or  near  the  port  of  Copano,  as  convenience  and  safety  will  admit, 
all  volunteer  troops  willing  to  enter  into  an  expedition  against  Mat- 
amoras,  wherever  they  may  be  found,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Brasos, 
city  of  Bexar,  or  elsewhere,  whether  in  Texas  or  arriving  in  Texas  ; 
and,  when  thus  collected  and  concentrated,  to  report  either  to  the 
commanding  general,  or  to  the  governor  or  council , as  he  may  prefer, 
agreeably  to  the  seventh  section  of  an  ordinance  and  decree,  passed 
the  5tli  of  December,  1835,  for  raising  an  auxiliary  corps  to  the  reg- 
ular army ; and  to  continue  to  report,  from  time  to  time,  as  the  ex- 
pedition may  progress.” 

“ Section  6.  Be  it  further  resolved,  fyc.,  That  the  aforesaid  agent, 
J.  W.  Fannin,  shall  be  authorized  and  empowered  to  appoint  such 
special  agent  or  agents  under  him  as  he  shall  deem  necessary  to  carry 
into  effect  the  object  of  these  resolutions.”  — Journal,  pp.  273,  274. 

Extract  from  the  Message  of  Governor  Henry  Smith  to  the  President  and 
Members  of  the  Council , January  11,  1836. 

“ If  the  appointment  of  general  agents  with  latitudinarian  powers, 
with  the  power  of  substitution,  and  many  other  things  equally  in- 
consistent and  ridiculous,  which  have  been  engendered  in  and  .ema- 
nated from  your  caucusing,  intriguing  body  recently,  does  not  show 
a want  of  respect  for  my  department,  and  a total  neglect  of  the 
sacred  oaths  and  pledges  solemnly  made  by  you,  I must  admit  I 
am  no  judge.”  — Journal,  p.  292. 

“Executive  Department  of  Texas,  San  Felipe,  January  28,  1836. 

“ Sir  : You  are  hereby  furloughed  until  the  1st  day  of  March 
next,  for  the  purpose  of  adjusting  your  private  business,  preparatory 

* See  Appendix  I.,  No.  8,  p.  464. 


510 


APPENDIX. 


to  your  necessary  absence,  hereafter,  from  home,  in  the  country’s 
service. 

“ Your  absence  is  permitted  in  part  by  the  illegal  acts  of  the  coun- 
cil in  superseding  you,  by  the  unauthorized  appointment  of  agents 
to  organize  and  control  the  army,  contrary  to  the  organic  law,  and 
the  ordinances  of  their  own  body. 

“ In  the  meantime,  you  will  conform  to  your  instructions,  and 
treat  with  the  Indians. 

“ Respectfully  yours,  &c., 

“ HENRY  SMITH,  Governor , fyc. 

“ To  General  Sam  Houston,  Commander-in- C hi  f of  the  Army .” 

“In  Convention,  Friday  Morning,  9 o'clock,  March  4,  1836. 

“ The  convention  met  pursuant  to  adjournment,  and  was  called 
to  order  by  the  president. 

“ Mr.  Collingsworth  introduced  the  following  resolution  : — 

“ Whereas , we  are  now  in  a state  of  revolution,  and  threatened  by 
a large  invading  army  from  the  central  government  of  Mexico  ; and 
whereas , our  present  situation,  and  the  emergency  of  the  present 
crisis,  render  it  indispensably  necessary  that  we  should  have  an 
army  in  the  field  ; and  whereas , it  is  also  necessary  that  there  should 
be  one  superior  head,  or  commander-in-chief,  and  a due  degree  of 
subordination  defined,  established,  and  strictly  observed  ; therefore, 

“ Be  it  resolved , That  General  Sam  Houston  be  appointed  major- 
general,  to  be  commander-in-chief  of  the  land-forces  of  the  Texan 
army,  both  regulars,  volunteers,  and  militia  (while  in  actual  service), 
and  endowed  with  all  the  rights,  privileges,  and  powers,  due  to  a 
commander-in-chief  in  the  United  States  of  America ; and  that  he 
forthwith  proceed  to  take  command,  establish  headquarters,  and  or- 
ganize the  army  accordingly — 

“And  that  General  Sam  Houston  retain  such  command  until  the 
election  of  a chief  magistrate ; and  continue  in  such  office,  unless 
suspended  by  order  of  the  government  de  facto , until  the  general 
organization  agreeably  to  the  constitution,  being  always  amenable 
to  the  laws  and  civil  authorities  of  the  country. 

“ Which  was  read,  approved,  and  adopted,  in  convention,  at  Wash- 
ington, on  the  4th  day  of  March,  A.  D.  1836,  and  second  day  of  the 
Independence  of  Texas. 

“RICHARD  ELLIS,  President 

“ Test.,  H.  S.  Kemble,  Secretary  of  the  Convention .” 


DOCUMENTS  RELATING  TO  THE  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF.  511 


“Washington,  March  6,  1836. 

“ Major-General  Sam  Houston:  — 

“ Sir  : As  commander-in-chief  of  the  Texan  army,  you  are  or- 
dered forthwith  to  repair  to  such  place  on  the  frontier  as  you  may 
deem  advisable.  You  will  proceed  to  establish  headquarters,  and 
organize  the  army.  You  will  require  all  officers  of  the  army,  of 
whatever  grade,  to  report  to  you.  And,  as  it  is  impossible,  at  this 
time,  to  determine  any  particular  point  of  concentration,  you  will  act 
according  to  the  emergencies  of  the  occasion  and  the  best  dictates 
of  your  own  judgment,  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  our  frontier, 
and  advancing  the  best  interests  of  our  country. 

“ You  will,  as  often  as  you  may  deem  advisable,  inform  this  body, 
or  such  other  authority  as  they  may  establish,  of  both  your  acts  and 
the  situation  of  the  army. 

“James  Collingsworth, 

“ Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs. 
“Richard  Ellis, 

“ President  of  the  Convention .” 


APPENDIX  NO.  Ill 


NAMES,  AGE,  PLACE  OF  BIRTH,  AND  FORMER  RESIDENCE, 

OF  THE  SIGNERS  OF  THE 

TEXAN  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 

MARCH  2,  1836. 


NAMES. 

AOE. 

PLACE  OF  BIRTH. 

FORMER  RESIDENCE. 

Richard  Rllis 

54 

Virginia 

Alabama. 

C B.  Stewart 

30 

South  Carolina 

Louisiana. 

James  Collingsworth... 

30 

Tennessee 

Tennessee. 

Rdwin  Waller 

35 

Virginia  

Missouri. 

Ah«  Rrigham 

46 

Massachusetts 

Louisiana. 

,T  S T).  Ryrom 

38 

Georgia 

Florida. 

Fras.  Ruis 

64 

Bexar,  Texas 

j Ant,0  Navsto 

41 

Bexar,  Texas 

J.  B.  Badgett .. . . 

29 

North  Carolina 

Arkansas  Territory. 

W T>.  Lacy 

28 

Kentucky 

Tennessee. 

William  Menifee 

40 

Tennessee 

Alabama. 

John  Fisher 

36 

Virginia  

Virginia. 

M.  Cold  well 

38 

Kentucky 

Missouri. 

W Motley  

24 

Virginia  

Kentucky. 

fi.  D Zavala 

47 

Yucatan 

Mexico. 

George  W.  Smyth 

33 

North  Carolina 

Alabama. 

S.  H.  F.veritt 

29 

New  York 

New  York. 

R.  Stapp 

63 

Virginia 

Missouri. 

Cl  a®.  Went 

36 

Tennessee 

Louisiana. 

W.  B.  Seates 

30 

Virginia 

Kentucky. 

M.  B.  Menard 

31 

Canada  

Illinois. 

A B.  Hardin 

38 

Georgia 

Tennessee. 

J.  W.  Bunton 

28 

Tennessee 

Tennessee. 

Thomas  G.  Gazeley  .... 

35 

New  York 

Louisiana. 

R.  M.  Coleman. ....... 

37 

Kentucky 

Kentucky. 

S.  C.  Robertson* 

60 

North  Carolina 

Tennessee. 

George  C.  Childress*. . . 

32 

Tennessee 

Tennessee. 

B.  Hardiman 

41 

Tennessee 

Tennessee. 

R.  Potter 

86 

North  Carolina 

North  Carolina. 

SIGNERS  OF  TEXAN  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE.  513 


NAMES. 


Thomas  J.  Rusk 

Charles  S.  Taylor. . . . 
John  S.  Roberts 

R.  Hamilton 

C.  M ‘Kinney 

A.  H.  Lattimer 

James  Power 

Sam  Houston 

David  Thomas 

E.  Conrad 

Martin  Parmer 

E.  O.  Legrand 

S.  W.  Blount 

James  Gaines 

W.  Clark,  jr 

S.  0.  Pennington  . . . . 

W.  C.  Crawford 

John  Turner 

B.  B.  Goodrich 

G.  W.  Barnett 

J.  G.  Swisher 

Jesse  Grimes 

S.  Rhoads  Fisher*  . . . 
Samuel  A.  Maverick* 
John  White  Bower*  . 
James  B.  Woods*. . . . 
Andrew  Briscoe*. . . . 

John  W.  Moore* 

Thomas  Barnett 


AGE. 

PLACE  OF  BIRTH. 

| FORMER  RESIDENCE. 

29 

South  Carolina 

Georgia. 
New  York. 

28 

England 

40 

Virginia  

Louisiana. 

53 

Scotland 

North  Carolina. 

70 

New  Jersey 

Kentucky. 

Tennessee. 

27 

Tennessee 

48 

Ireland 

Louisiana. 

43 

Virginia 

Tennessee. 

35 

Tennessee 

Tennessee. 

26 

Pennsylvania 

Pennsylvania. 

Missouri. 

58 

Virginia 

33 

North  Carolina 

Alabama. 

28 

Georgia 

Georgia. 

Louisiana. 

60 

Virginia 

37 

North  Carolina 

Georgia. 

Arkansas  Territory. 
Alabama. 

27 

Kentucky 

31 

North  Carolina 

34 

North  Carolina 

Tennessee. 

37 

Virginia 

Alabama. 

43 

South  Carolina 

Mississippi. 

Tennessee. 

41 

Tennessee 

48 

North  Carolina 

Alabama. 

41 

Pennsylvania 

Pennsylvania. 
South  Carolina. 

29 

South  Carolina 

27 

Georgia 

Arkansas  Territory. 
Kentucky. 

34 

Kentucky 



The  above  is  from  a statement  furnished  in  the  convention,  to  Dr.  B.  B.  Goodrich,  by  the  mem- 
bers themselves. 

* Not  present  at  the  signing. 

Vol.  II.  — 33 


APPENDIX  NO.  IV. 


DOCUMENTS 

IN  RELATION  TO  THE 

MASSACRE  OF  COLONEL  FANNIN  AND  HIS  COMMAND,  ON  SUNDAY 
MORNING,  MARCH  27,  1836,  AT  GOLIAD. 

Extracts  from  the  Diary  of  General  TJrrea  * 

“ March  20 The  instant  the  fire  was  opened,  and  the  move- 

ment I had  ordered  was  taking  place,  the  enemy,  without  offering 
any  resistance,  raised  the  white  flag.  I immediately  ordered  the 
firing  to  cease,  and  despatched  Lieutenant-Colonel  Holzinger,  and 
my  adjutant  Don  Jose  Gonzales,  to  learn  the  enemy’s  intention. 
The  former  soon  returned,  stating  that  they  proposed  to  capitulate. 
My  reply  simply  was,  that  I could  accede  to  nothing  else  than  an 
unconditional  surrender,  and  Senors  Morales  and  Salas  hastened  to 
communicate  the  same  to  the  enemy’s  commissioners,  who  had 
already  come  forth  from  their  entrenchments.  Some  communica- 
tions passed ; but  desirous  to  terminate  the  affair  as  promptly  as 
possible,  I repaired  to  the  spot,  and  repeated  to  the  head  of  the  dep- 
utation the  impossibility  on  my  part,  to  accede  to  any  other  thing 
than  a surrender  on  the  terms  I had  already  proposed,  feeling 
obliged  to  refuse  subscribing  the  capitulation  in  three  articles,  for 
which  they  asked.” 

* The  translations  of  Urrea's  Diary , and  Santa  Anna's  Manifesto , as  furnished 
by  the  Democratic  Review  of  1838,  are  used  in  this  appendix. 


DOCUMENTS  RELATING  TO  THE  GOLIAD  MASSACRE.  5l5 


The  Articles. 

“Article  1.  The  Mexican  troops  having  planted  their  artillery  at 
the  distance  of  one  hundred  and  seventy  paces,  and  having  opened 
their  tire,  we  raised  the  white  flag,  and  instantly  there  came  Colonels 
Morales  and  Holzinger,  and  to  them  we  proposed  to  surrender  at 
discretion,  on  the  terms  they  should  judge  suitable. 

“Article  2.  That  the  wounded,  and  that  the  commander,  Fan- 
nin, be  treated  with  all  possible  consideration,  it  being  proposed 
that  we  should  lay  down  our  arms. 

“Article  3.  That  all  the  detachment  shall  be  treated  as  prison- 
ers-of-war,  and  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  supreme  government. 

“ The  plain  on  the  Coleta  river,  Between  Victoria  and  La  Bahia, 
March  20,  1836. 

“B.  C.  Wallace,  Major, 

“ J.  M.  Chadwick, 

“Approved,  J.  W.  F annin,  Commander.” 

[Added  by  General  Urrea.]  “When  the  enemy  raised  the  white 
flag,  I sent  to  inform  their  leader  that  I could  admit  of  no  other 
terms  than  those  of  surrendering  at  discretion,  without  any  modifi- 
cation whatever,  as  agreed  upon  through  the  medium  of  those  gen- 
tlemen, leaders  of  the  party,  therein  named ; nor  can  the  other  re- 
quests made  by  the  subscribers  to  that  surrender  be  received.  Such 
was  the  declaration  I before  made,  which  must  be  complied  with, 
since  neither  can  I,  nor  ought  I to  grant  any  other  thing. 

“Jose  Urrea.” 

“ Then  turning  to  Fannin  and  his  companion,  in  presence  of  Se- 
iiors  Morales,  Salas,  Holzinger,  and  others,  I definitely  replied  : ‘ If 
you  are  willing  to  surrender  at  discretion,  the  thing  is  concluded  ; if 
otherwise,  I will  return  to  my  post,  and  the  attack  shall  continue.’ 
Painful  to  me  as  was  this  reply,  and  desirous  as  I might  have  felt 
to  offer  them  the  guaranties  which  humanity  might  have  prescribed, 
it  was  not  within  the  limit  of  my  powers ; had  it  been  so,  I should 
have  guarantied  their  lives  at  least,  on  the  spot.  Fannin  was  a re- 
spectable man,  and  a man  of  courage,  a quality  reciprocally  prized 
by  soldiers  in  the  field.  His  manners  conciliated  my  esteem,  and 
had  it  been  in  my  power  to  save  him,  as  well  as  his  companions,  I 
should  have  felt  gratified  in  so  doing.  All  the  assurance  I could 


516 


. APPENDIX. 


make  him  was,  that  I would  interpose  in  his  behalf  with  the  general- 
in-chief,  which  I accordingly  did,  in  a letter  from  Victoria. 

“ After  my  ultimatum,  the  leaders  of  the  enemy’s  forces  conferred 
together,  and  the  result  of  their  deliberations  was  to  surrender  upon 
the  terms  proposed.  They  at  the  same  time  gave  orders  to  those 
under  their  command  to  come  forth  and  pile  their  arms.  Nine 
pieces  of  artillery,  three  standards,  more  than  a thousand  muskets, 
a quantity  of  pistols,  rifles,  and  dirks,  of  superior  quality,  a number 
of  wagons,  and  a considerable  quantity  of  provisions,  together  with 
about  four  hundred  prisoners,  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  army, 
among  whom  were  ninety-seven  wounded,  Fannin  and  others  of  the 
leading  men  being  among  the  number.  I gave  orders  that  the  whole 
of  them,  with  their  baggage,  should  march  to  Goliad,  guarded  by 
two  hundred  infantry,  and  that  such  of  the  wounded  as  were  unable 
to  proceed,  should  be  conveyed  in  carts,  wagons,  and  other  vehicles 
found  in  the  enemy’s  camp.  Twenty-seven  of  their  dead,  of  the 
day  previous,  were  interred,  together  with  eleven  of  our  own.  We 
had  forty-nine  soldiers  wounded,  and  five  officers,  among  whom  was 
Captain  Ballasteros,  severely.” 

“ March  21.  — At  daybreak  I continued  my  march,  and  at  seven 
o’clock  took  possession  of  Victoria. 

“ March  22.  — I marched,  with  two  hundred  foot  and  fifty  horse, 
to  a mountain  pass  called  Las  Juntas.  Here  I met  with  four  men 
from  Ward’s  company,  who  were  in  search  of  provisions,  and  from 
them  I learned  that  the  whole  band  was  in  ambush  in  a neighboring 
wood.  I immediately  surrounded  it,  and  sent  in  one  of  the  prison- 
ers to  announce  to  his  leader  and  companions,  that  unless  they 
surrendered  at  discretion  they  would  be  cut  to  pieces.  Mr.  Ward, 
known  under  the  title  of  their  colonel,  desired  to  speak  with  me ; 
and  after  a few  minutes’  conversation,  he  with  his  troop  of  one  hun- 
dred men  surrendered  at  discretion. 

“ March  23.  — In  this  place  I received  advice  that  eighty-two  of 
the  enemy  had  surrendered  in  Copano,  with  all  their  arpis,  ammuni- 
tion, and  provisions.” 

“ To  General  Urrea , Commander,  SfC. : — 

[Official.]  “ In  respect  to  the  prisoners  of  whom  you  speak  in 
your  last  communication,  you  must  not  fail  to  bear  in  mind  the  cir- 
cular of  the  supreme  government,  in  which  it  is  decreed,  that  * for- 
eigners invading  the  republic,  and  taken  with  arms  in  their  hands, 


DOCUMENTS  RELATING  TO  THE  GOLIAD  MASSACRE.  517 


shall  be  judged  and  treated  as  pirates and  as,  in  my  view  of  the 
matter,  every  Mexican  guilty  of  the  crime  of  joining  these  adventur- 
ers loses  the  rights  of  a citizen  by  his  unnatural  conduct,  the  five 
Mexican  prisoners  whom  you  have  taken  ought  also  to  suffer  as 
traitors.” 

[Unofficial.]  “In  regard  to  foreigners  who  make  war,  and  those 
unnatural  Mexicans  who  have  joined  their  cause,  you  will  remark 
that  what  I have  stated  to  you  officially  is  in  accordance  with  the 
former  provisions  of  the  supreme  government.  An  example  is  ne- 
cessary, in  order  that  those  adventurers  may  be  duly  warned,  and 
the  nation  be  delivered  from  the  ills  she  is  daily  doomed  to  suffer. 

“Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa  Anna. 

“General  Quarters,  Bejar,  March  3,  1836.” 

“ To  General  Urrea , fyc — 

“ Under  date  of  the  present,  I have  stated  to  the  commandant  of 
the  post  of  Goliad,  as  follows  : — 

“ ‘ By  a communication  made  to  me  by  Colonel  D.  F.  Garay,  of 
that  place,  I am  informed  that  there  have  been  sent  to  you  by  Gen- 
eral Urrea,  two  hundred  and  thirty -four  prisoners,  taken  in  the  ac 
tion  of  Encinal  del  Perdido  (Coleta),  on  the  19th  and  20th  of  the 
present  month ; and  as  the  supreme  government  has  ordered  that 
all  foreigners  taken  with  arms  in  their  hands,  making  war  upon  the 
nation,  shall  be  treated  as  pirates,  I have  been  surprised  that  the 
circular  of  the  said  supreme  government  nas  not  been  fully  complied 
with  in  this  particular ; I therefore  order , that  you  should  give  imme- 
diate effect  to  the  said  ordinance  in  respect  to  all  those  foreigners  who 
have  yielded  to  the  force  of  arms,  having  had  the  audacity  to  come 
and  insult  the  republic,  to  devastate  with  fire  and  sword,  as  has 
been  the  case  in  Goliad,  causing  vast  detriment  to  our  citizens ; in 
a word,  shedding  the  precious  blood  of  Mexican  citizens,  whose  only 
crime  has  been  their  fidelity  to  their  country.  I trust  that,  in  reply 
to  this,  you  will  inform  me  that  public  vengeance  has  been  satisfied 
by  the  punishment  of  such  detestable  delinquents.  I transcribe  the 
said  decree  of  the  government  for  your  guidance,  and  that  you  may 
strictly  fulfil  the  same,  in  the  zealous  hope  that,  for  the  future,  the 
provisions  of  the  supreme  government  may  not,  for  a moment,  be 
infringed.’ 

“Headquarters,  Bejar,  March  23,  1836. 

“Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa  Anna.” 


513 


APPENDIX. 


From  the  Commandant  at  Goliad  to  General  Urrea. 

u In  compliance  with  the  definitive  orders  of  his  excellency  the 
general-in-chief,  which  I received  direct,  at  four  o’clock  to-morrow 
morning  the  prisoners  sent  by  you  to  this  fortress  will  be  shot.  I 
have  not  ventured  to  execute  the  same  sentence  on  those  who  sur- 
rendered to  Colonel  Yara,  at  Copano,  being  unacquainted  with  the 
particular  circumstances  of  their  surrender ; and  I trust  you  will  be 
pleased  to  take  upon  yourself  to  save  my  responsibility  in  this  re- 
gard, by  informing  me  what  I am  to  do  with  them. 

“ J.  N.  DE  PORTILLA. 

“Goliad,  March  26,  1836.“ 

Further  from  the  Diary  of  General  Urrea. 

“ March  24-27.  — These  days  were  passed  in  necessary  regula- 
tions, in  refitting  the  troops,  and  in  the  care  of  the  sick  and  wounded. 
On  the  25th  I sent  Ward  and  his  companions  to  Goliad.  On  the 
27th,  between  nine  and  ten  o’clock  in  the  morning,  I received  a 
communication  from  Lieutenant-Colonel  Portilla,  military  command- 
ant of  Goliad,  informing  me  that  he  had  received  an  order  from  his 
excellency  the  commander-in-chief,  to  shoot  all  the  prisoners  there, 
and  that  he  had  resolved  to  comply  with  the  same.  The  order  in 
question  was  received  by  Portilla  at  seven  o’clock  on  the  evening 
of  the  26th ; he  communicated  it  to  me  the  same  date,  but  necessa- 
rily it  only  came  to  my  knowledge  after  the  execution  had  taken 
place.  Every  soldier  in  my  division  was  confounded  at  the  news ; 
all  wax  amazement  and  consternation.  I was  no  less  struck  to  the 
heart  than  my  companions  in  arms,  who  stood  there  the  witnesses  of 
my  sorrow  ; let  one  of  those  present  at  that  painful  moment  deny  tLe 
fact.  More  than  a hundred  and  fifty  of  those  who  fortunately  re- 
mained with  me,  escaped  this  catastrophe,  consisting  of  those  who 
had  surrendered  at  Copano,  together  with  the  surgeons  and  young 
men  whom  I had  placed,  to  tend  on  the  hospitals,  whose  services, 
as  well  as  those  of  many  of  the  prisoners,  were  very  important  to 
the  army. 

« The  melancholy  event  of  which  I here  speak  has  caused  a more 
than  ordinary  sensation,  not  only  among  my  own  countrymen,  but 
among  strangers  the  most  distant  from  us.  Nor  have  those  been. 
wantiDg  who  would  fix  the  fearful  responsibility  on  me,  although 


DOCUMENTS  RELATING  TO  THE  GOLIAD  MASSACRE.  519 

nothing  could  be  more  clear  and  unequivocal  than  my  conduct  in 
regard  to  this  horrid  transaction. 

“Nothing  could  be  more  painful  to  me  than  the  idea  of  sacri- 
ficing so  many  gallant  men,  and  particularly  the  amiable,  spirited, 
and  soldier-like  Fannin.  They  certainly  surrendered  in  the  full 
confidence  that  Mexican  generosity  would  not  be  sterile  in  their 
regard ; they  assuredly  did  so,  or  otherwise  they  would  have 
resisted  to  the  last,  and  sold  their  lives  as  dearly  as  possible. 

“ Should  an  attempt  be  made  to  convict  me  in  another  quarter, 
by  asking  why  I did  not  guaranty  the  lives  of  those  unhappy  men, 
when  it  was  in  my  power,  by  granting  them  a capitulation  when 
they  surrendered  to  me  at  Coleta,  my  reply  would  be,  that  it  was 
not  within  the  scope  of  my  powers  to  do  so,  nor  would  it  have  been 
honorable  to  the  arms  of  the  nation,  or  to  myself.  Again,  I should 
have  rendered  myself  liable  to  a court-martial  for  so  doing,  inasmuch 
as  having,  on  that  day,  the  advantage  of  the  enemy,  in  both  num- 
bers and  position,  I could  admit  of  no  other  proposition  than  that  of 
surrendering  at  discretion,  or  trying  the  fortune  of  the  field.  I feel 
conscious  of  having  acted,  in  this  affair,  in  such  manner  as  duty  de- 
manded, and  of  which  the  result  was  not  in  my  power.  As  to  those 
who  have  presumed  to  say  that  I offered  guaranties  to  the  party 
surrendering  to  me,  they  have  said  so  without  any  knowledge  of  the 
facts.” 

Extract  from  the  Diary  of  Lieutenant-  Colonel  Portilla , Com- 
mandant at  Goliad. 

“ March  26,  1836. — At  seven  o’clock  in  the  evening  arrived  a 
courier  extraordinary  from  Bexar,  from  his  excellency  General  Santa 
Anna,  notifying  me  that  the  whole  of  the  prisoners  who  had  surren- 
dered by  force  of  arms  were  immediately  to  be  shot,  with  regulations 
as  to  the  manner  in  which  it  was  to  be  executed.  I deferred  it,  for 
both  myself  and  Colonel  Gary  to  whom  I communicated  it,  thought 
of  nothing  less  than  such  a thing.  At  eight  the  same  evening  came 
a courier  extraordinary  from  Victoria,  from  General  Urrea,  who  said 
to  me,  among  other  things,  ‘ Treat  the  prisoners  with  consideration, 
and  particularly  their  leader,  Fannin.  Let  them  be  employed  in 
repairing  the  houses,  and  erecting  quarters,  and  serve  out  to  them  a 
portion  of  the  rations  which  you  will  receive  from  the  mission  of 
Refugio.’  How  cruel  is  my  state  of  uncertainty,  my  mind  vacilla- 


520 


APPENDIX. 


ting  between  these  conflicting  orders ! I passed  the  whole  night 
restless  and  uneasy  in  mind. 

“March  27. — At  daybreak  I came  to  a determination  to  fofil  the 
orders  of  his  excellency  the  commander-in-cliief,  considering  him  as 
the  superior  I ought  to  obey.  I gave  orders  for  the  whole  garrison 
to  form,  and  awaken  the  prisoners  (four  hundred  and  forty-five  in 
number),  who  were  still  asleep.  (I  ordered  the  eighty  of  the  class 
who  had  come  from  Copana,  to  be  separated  from  the  rest,  inas- 
much as  their  fate  demanded  consideration,  because,  when  invading 
our  territory,  they  were  not  taken  with  arms  in  their  hands.)  We 
formed  our: elves  into  three  divisions — the  firs:  under  the  triers  of 
the  first  adjutant  Don  Augustin  Alcerrica ; the  second  under  those 
of  Captain  Luis  Balderas  ; and  the  third,  of  Captain  Antonio  Rami- 
rez. To  these  officers  I intrusted  the  execution  of  the  order  of  the 
supreme  government,  and  of  the  general-in-chief.  It  teas  executed. 
A great  struggle  of  feelings  among  the  officers  and  soldiers  — a pro- 
found silence ! Sad  at  heart,  I wrote  to  General  Urrea,  expressing 
my  regret  at  having  been  concerned  in  so  painful  an  affair.  I also 
sent  an  official  acount  of  what  I had  done,  to  the  general-in-chief. 
The  eighty  prisoners  of  Copano  are  still  alive,  and  I asked  for  in- 
structions from  the  general-in-chief  as  to  what  was  to  be  done  with 
them.” 

Commandant  at  Goliad  to  General  Urrea. 

“ My  dear  General  : I feel  much  distressed  at  what  has  oc- 
curred here ; a scene  enacted  in  cold  blood  having  passed  before 
my  eyes  which  has  filled  me  with  horror.  All  I can  say  is,  that 
my  duty  as  a soldier,  and  what  I owe  to  my  country,  must  be  my 
guaranty.  My  dear  general,  by  you  was  I sent  here  ; you  thought 
proper  so  to  do,  and  I remain  here  in  entire  conformity  to  your 
wishes.  1 came,  as  you  know,  voluntarily,  with  these  poor  Indians, 
to  co-operate,  to  the  best  of  my  humble  means,  for  my  country’s  good. 
No  man  is  required  to  do  more  than  is  within  the  scope  of  his  abili- 
ties ; and  both  they  and  myself  have  doubtless  been  placed  here  as 
competent  to  the  purposes  you  had  in  view.  I repeat  it,  that  I am 
perfectly  willing  to  do  anything,  save  and  excepting  the  work  of  a 
public  executioner  by  receiving  orders  to  put  more  persons  to  death. 
And  yet,  being  but  a subordinate  officer,  it  is  my  duty  to  do  what  is 
commanded  me,  even  though  repugnant  to  my  feelings. 

“I  am,  general,  your  devoted  and  sincere  friend, 

“ J.  N.  DE  La  PORTILLA. 


Goliad,  March  27,  1836.’ 


DOCUMENTS  RELATING  TO  THE  GOLIAD  MASSACRE.  521 


Extract  from  the  Manifesto  of  Santa  Anna. 

“ This  last  event  [the  surrender  of  Fannin  and  his  followers]  has 
been  productive  of  much  evil  to  myself,  and  it  is  therefore  necessary 
that  I would  make  a short  digression  respecting  it.  To  avoid  repe- 
tition, I make  this  observation  once  for  all  — the  war  of  Texas  was 
not  only  just  on  the  part  of  Mexico,  but  imperatively  called  for  by 
the  undisguised  character  of  the  hostility  which  provoked  it.  It  is 
notorious  that  the  soldiers  of  Travis  in  the  Alamo,  those  of  Fannin 
at  Coleta,  the  riflemen  of  Doctor  Grant,  and  Houston  himself  and 
the  troops  of  San  Jacinto,  with  very  few  exceptions,  came  from 
New  Orleans  and  other  points  of  the  neighboring  republic,  exclu- 
sively to  support  the  rebellion  in  Texas,  having  had  no  previous 
relation  with  Ihe  colonists  or  their  enterprises. 

“ This  country  was  soon  invaded,  not  by  a nation  recognised  as 
such,  coming  to  vindicate  rights  positive  or  supposed ; nor  yet  by 
Mexicans,  led  away  by  a political  fanaticism  to  defend  or  attack  the 
public  administration  of  their  country ; no,  it  was  invaded  by  men 
hurried  on  by  the  lust  of  conquest,  with  rights  far  less  apparent  and 
plausible  than  Cortes  and  Pizarro.  As  for  those  who  raised  the 
standard  of  revolt  throughout  the  immense  territory  which  Mexico 
possesses  from  Bexar  to  the  Sabine,  what  name  shall  I give  them, 
or  how  treat  them  1 The  laws,  ever  in  vigor,  and  whose  strict  ob- 
servance the  government  earnestly  enforces,  term  them  pirates  and 
banditti ; and  the  nations  of  the  world  would  never  have  forgiven 
Mexico  had  she  treated  such  men  with  the  respect  which  is  due 
only  to  the  honorable,  the  upright,  the  respecters  of  the  rights 
of  nations.  Till  then  [the  massacre  at  Goliad],  I had  enjoyed 
among  my  fellow-citizens  the  reputation  — preferable  in  my  mind  to 
that  of  a brave  man  — the  reputation  of  being  humane  after  victo- 
ries won.  So  completely  unfortunate  was  I destined  to  become, 
that  even  the  solitary  virtue,  which  my  bitterest  enemies  never  de- 
nied me,  is  now  disputed.  I am  represented  as  more  ferocious  than 
the  tiger ; I,  who  was  ambitious  to  be  distinguished  by  nothing  so 
much  as  by  my  clemency,  in  a country  that  yields  to  no  other  in 
humane  and  generous  feeling.  The  execution  of  Fannin  and  his 
followers,  is  the  ground  on  which  they  accuse  me  of  having  been 
barbarous  and  sanguinary The  prisoners  at  Goliad  stood  con- 

demned by  the  law,  by  a universal  law,  by  the  right  of  self-protec- 
tion, which  every  nation  and  every  individual  enjoys.  They  did 


522 


APPENDIX. 


not  surrender  under  the  form  of  capitulation,  as  General  Urrea  has 
shown  ; how  then  could  I turn  the  sword  of  justice  from  their  heads 
without  directing  it  against  my  own  ? Let  it  be  said  (though  I con- 
fess that  such  is  not  my  opinion)  that  the  law  is  unjust ; yet  to  im- 
pute the  homicide  to  the  mere  instrument,  and  not  to  the  hand  that 
directs  it,  can  there  be  greater  blindness  ? The  prisoners  were  in 
the  highest  degree  embarrassing  to  the  commandant  at  Goliad ; be- 
fore taking  to  flight  they  had  set  fire  to  the  place ; and  nothing  was 
left  us  but  the  church  to  house  the  sick  and  wounded.  The  sole 
security  of  the  garrison  consisted  of  perpetual  vigilance,  being 
greatly  inferior  in  number  to  the  prisoners;  our  provisions  were 
barely  sufficient  for  our  own  people ; we  were  without  cavalry  to 
conduct  tjiem  as  far  as  Matamoras.  All  these  considerations,  urged 
by  the  commandant  of  the  place,  weighed  heavily  on  my  mind,  and 
tended  to  bias  my  resolution. 

“ It  has  been  said  that  a capitulation  was  made ; and  although 
the  conduct  of  General  Urrea  contradicts  the  assertion,  I addressed 
the  supreme  government  on  the  subject,  begging  that  an  inquiry 
might  be  instituted,  to  show  that  neither  officially  nor  confidentially 
was  any  knowledge  of  the  same  communicated  to  me ; that  had 
such  been  the  case,  though  General  Urrea  had  no  power  to  grant 
it,  I should  have  been  induced,  on  the  score  of  humanity,  to  appeal 
to  the  sovereign  pity  of  Congress  to  deliver  Fannin  and  his  soldiers 
from  death.  With  less  motive,  and  taking  advantage  of  their  medi- 
cal skill,  several  doctors  were  saved  from  death,  as  well  as  forty 
prisoners  who  were  employed  in  the  construction  of  different  useful 
things.  In  fine,  eighty-six  men  taken  in  Copano  were  saved,  I 
having  drawn  up  a statement,  that  it  appeared  certain  that  they 
never  made  use  of  their  arms,  nor  had  committed  any  depredation, 
though  taken  with  arms  in  their  hands ; and  having  submitted  the 
same  to  Congress,  I entreated  their  clemency.” 

From  the  Notes  of  Captain  John  Shackleford. 

“We  then  raised  a white  flag,  which  was  responded  to  by  the 
enemy.  Major  Wallace  was  then  sent  out,  together  with  one  or 
two  others  who  spoke  the  Mexican  language.  They  shortly  re- 
turned, and  reported  that  the  Mexican  general  could  capitulate  with 
the  commanding  officer  only.  Colonel  Fannin,  although  quite  lame, 
then  went  out  with  the  flag.  When  he  was  about  to  leave  our  lines, 


DOCUMENTS  RELATING  TO  THE  GOLIAD  MASSACRE.  523 


the  emotions  of  my  mind  were  intense,  and  I felt  some  anxiety  to 
hear  the  determination  of  the  men.  I remarked  to  him  that  I would 
not  oppose  a surrender,  provided  we  could  obtain  an  honorable  ca- 
pitulation— one  on  which  he  could  rely ; that,  if  he  could  not  obtain 
such,  ‘come  back — our  graves  are  already  dug  — let  us  all  be  bu- 
ried together!’  To  these  remarks  the  men  responded  in  a firm  and 
determined  manner,  and  the  colonel  assured  us  that  he  never  would 
surrender  on  any  other  terms.  He  returned  in  a short  time  there- 
after, and  communicated  the  substance  of  an  agreement  entered  into 
by  General  Urrea  and  himself.  Colonel  Holzinger,  a German,  and 
an  engineer  in  the  Mexican  service,  together  with  several  other  offi- 
cers, then  came  into  our  lines  to  consummate  the  arrangement.  The 
first  words  Colonel  Holzinger  uttered,  after  a very  polite  bow,  were, 
‘ Well,  gentlemen,  in  eight  days,  liberty  and  home  !’  I heard  this 
distinctly.  The  terms  of  the  capitulation  were  then  written  in  both 
the  English  and  Mexican  languages,  and  read  two  or  three  times  by 
officers  who  could  speak  and  read  both  languages.  The  instruments 
which  embodied  the  terms  of  capitulation  as  agreed  on  were  then 
signed  and  interchanged  in  the  most  formal  and  solemn  manner,  and 
were  in  substance  as  follows  : — 

“ 1.  That  we  should  be  received  and  treated  as  prisoners-of-war, 
according  to  the  usages  of  the  most  civilized  nations. 

“ 2.  That  private  property  should  be  respected  and  restored  ; that 
the  side-arms  of  the  officers  should  be  given  up. 

“ 3.  That  the  men  should  be  sent  to  Copano,  and  thence  to  the 
United  States  in  eight  days,  or  so  soon  thereafter  as  vessels  could 
be  procured  to  take  them. 

“ 4.  That  the  officers  should  be  paroled,  and  return  to  the  United 
States  in  like  manner. 

“ I assert  most  positively  that  this  capitulation  was  entered  into, 
without  which  a surrender  never  would  have  been  made.” 


“ Here  let  me  remark  that  I have  read  General  Urrea’s  pamphlet. 

On  this  point,  as  well  as  his  denial  of  any  capitulation,  I 

never  read  a more  villanous  falsehood  from  the  pen  of  any  man  who 
aspired  to  the  rank  of  general.”  — lb. 


“ On  passing  from  one  part  of  their  wounded  to  another,  I made 
it  convenient  to  see  Fannin,  and  stated  to  him  how  badly  we  were 


524 


APPENDIX. 


treated.  He  immediately  wrote  to  General  Urrea,  adverting  to  the 
terms  of  the  capitulation,  and  to  our  treatment.”  — lb.,  March  23. 

Urrea  to  Portilla , in  answer  to  the  above. 

“ Treat  the  prisoners  with  consideration,  and  particularly  their 
leader  Fannin.”  — March  26. 


Remarks  on  the  foregoing. 

The  character  of  Dr.  John  Shackleford  for  truth  and  integrity  is 
unquestionable.  He  is  sustained  by  the  statements  of  others,  who 
survived  that  transaction ; he  is  also  sustained  by  the  circumstances 
themselves.  From  a careful  view  of  all  the  facts  and  documents, 
we  are  led  to  the  following  conclusions : — 

1 . Santa  Anna  is  responsible  for  the  several  assassinations  of  pris- 
oners, from  the  taking  of  San  Patricio  on  the  27th  of  February,  1836. 
He  is  also  responsible  for  the  decree  of  the  Mexican  Congress  to 
that  effect ; for  it  was  notorious,  in  and  out  of  Mexico,  that  he  dic- 
tated and  violated  the  laws  at  pleasure. 

2.  The  order  of  the  3d  of  March,  to  Urrea,  advised  him  fully  of 
his  duty  as  public  executioner.  He  asked  for  no  further  orders  as 
to  the  prisoners  taken  at  Agua  Dulce,  Refugio,  or  elsewhere.  He 
kept  no  prisoners ! 

3.  Urrea’s  diary  exhibits  so  many  falsehoods,  that  it  utterly  dis- 
credits him.  For  instance,  as  to  the  number  of  his  killed  and 
wounded  at  the  Coleta,  and  as  to  the  number  of  prisoners  by  him 
there  taken. 

4.  Urrea  agreed  to  the  capitulation  with  Fannin,  intending  at  the 
time  to  violate  it,  for  which  reason  his  intercourse  was  with  Fannin 
himself.  His  force  was  five  times  that  of  Fannin,  and  he  feared  a 
court-martial  if  he  adhered  to  the  capitulation  ; and  he  feared  the 
result  of  a renewal  of  the  battle  if  he  did  not  agree  to  it.  Hence 
treachery  was  resorted  to. 

5.  The  Indian  colonel  Portilla  knew  for  what  purpose  he  and  his 
Indian  command  had  been  sent  to  Goliad*  and  wrote  to  Urrea  as  if 
the  latter  knew. 

6.  The  diary  of  Urrea,  that  of  Portilla,  and  the  manifesto  of  Santa 
Anna,  were  all  manufactured  after  the  civilized  world  had  pronounced 
upon  the  atrocity  of  these  assassinations. 


DOCUMENTS  RELATING  TO  THE  GOLIAD  MASSACRE.  525 


7.  There  is  very  strong  circumstantial  evidence  to  show  that  Santa 
Anna  knew  there  had  been  a capitulation  before  he  sent  the  order 
to  Portilla  to  execute  the  prisoners.  One  circumstance  was,  the  vio- 
lation of  a well-known  military  rule,  in  sending  the  order  directly  to 
Portilla,  and  not  to  Urrea,  on.e  of  the  parties  to  the  capitulation. 
Another  was,  the  statement  of  Santa  Anna  himself  that,  if  he  had 
known  it,  he  would  have  petitioned  the  Congress,  on  the  score  of 
humanity,  and  not  of  good  faith. 


APPENDIX  NO.  V. 


TREATY  OF  VELASCO,  MAY  14,  1836. 

PUBLIC  AGREEMENT. 

Articles  of  Agreement  entered  into  between  His  Excellency 
David  G.  Burnet,  President  of  the  Republic  of  Texas , of 
the  one  part , and  His  Excellency  General  Antonio  Lopez 
de  Santa  Anna,  President-  General-in-  Chief  of  the  Mexican 
Army , of  the  other  part : — 

Article  1.  General  Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa  Anna  agrees  that 
he  will  not  take  up  arms,  nor  will  he  exercise  his  influence  to  cause 
them  to  be  taken  up,  against  the  people  of  Texas,  during  the  pres- 
ent war  of  independence. 

Article  2.  All  hostilities  between  the  Mexican  and  Texan 
troops  will  cease  immediately,  both  on  land  and  water. 

Article  3.  The  Mexican  troops  will  evacuate  the  territory  of 
Texas,  passing  to  the  other  side  of  the  Rio  Grande  del  Norte. 

Article  4.  The  Mexican  army,  in  its  retreat,  shall  not  take  the 
property  of  any  person  without  his  consent  and  just  indemnification, 
using  only  such  articles  as  may  be  necessary  for  its  subsistence,  in 
cases  where  the  owners  may  not  be  present,  and  remitting  to  the 
commander  of  the  army  of  Texas,  or  to  the  commissioners  to  be  ap- 
pointed for  the  adjustment  of  such  matters,  an  account  of  the  value 
of  the  property  consumed,  the  place  where  taken,  and  the  name  of 
the  owner,  if  it  can  be  ascertained. 


TREATY  OF  VELASCO. 


527 


Article  5.  That  all  private  property,  including  horses,  cattle, 
negro  slaves,  or  indentured  persons  of  whatever  denomination,  that 
may  have  been  captured  by  any  portion  of  the  Mexican  army,  or 
may  have  taken  refuge  in  the  said  army,  since  the  commencement 
of  the  late  invasion,  shall  be  restored  to  the  commander  of  the  Texan 
army,  or  to  such  other  persons  as  may  be  appointed  by  the  govern- 
ment of  Texas  to  receive  them. 

Article  6.  The  troops  of  both  armies  will  refrain  from  coming 
into  contact  with  each  other;  and,  to  this  end,  the  commander  of 
the  army  of  Texas  will  be  careful  not  to  approach  within  a shorter 
distance  of  the  Mexican  army  than  five  leagues  * 

Article  7.  The  Mexican  army  shall  not  make  any  other  delay 
on  its  march  than  that  which  is  necessary  to  take  up  their  hospitals, 
baggage,  &c.,  and  to  cross  the  rivers.  Any  delay,  not  necessary  to 
these  purposes,  to  be  considered  an  infraction  of  this  agreement. 

Article  8.  By  express,  to  be  immediately  despatched,  this  agree- 
ment shall  be  sent  to  General  Filisola,  and  to  General  T.  J.  Rusk, 
commander  of  the  Texan  army,  in  order  that  they  may  be  apprized 
of  its  stipulations ; and,  to  this  end,  they  will  exchange  engagements 
to  comply  with  the  same. 

Article  9.  That  all  Texan  prisoners  now  in  possession  of  the 
Mexican  army,  or  its  authorities,  be  forthwith  released,  and  furnished 
with  free  passports  to  return  to  their  homes;  in  consideration  of 
which  a corresponding  number  of  Mexican  prisoners,  rank  and  file, 
now  in  possession  of  the  government  of  Texas,  shall  be  immediately 
released.  The  remainder  of  the  Mexican  prisoners,  that  continue 
in  possession  of  the  government  of  Texas,  to  be  treated  with  due 
humanity : any  extraordinry  comforts  that  may  be  furnished  them 
to  be  at  the  charge  of  the  government  of  Mexico. 

Article  10.  General  Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa  Anna  will  be  sent 
to  Vera  Cruz,  as  soon  as  it  shall  be  deemed  proper. 

The  contracting  parties  sign  this  instrument  for  the  above-men- 
tioned purposes,  by  duplicate,  at  tbe  port  of  Velasco,  this  the  14th 
day  of  May,  1836. 

DAVID  G.  BURNET, 

ANT0.  LOPEZ  DE  SANTA  ANNA. 

James  Collingsworth,  Secretary  of  State. 

Bailey  Hardeman,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

P.  H.  Grayson,  Attorney-General. 


Nearly  thirteen  and  one  Bixtli  miles. 


528 


APPENDIX. 


SECRET  AGREEMENT. 

Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa  Anna,  General-in-Chief  of  the  Army 
of  Operations,  and  President  of  the  Republic  of  Mexico,  be- 
fore the  Government  established  in  Texas,  solemnly  pledges 
himself  to  fulfil  the  Stipulations  contained  in  the  following 
Articles,  so  far  as  concerns  himself:  — 

Article  1.  He  will  not  take  up  arms,  nor  cause  them  to  be  taken 
up,  against  the  people  of  Texas,  during  the  present  war  for  indepen- 
dence. 

Article  2.  He  will  give  his  orders  that,  in  the  shortest  time,  the 
Mexican  troops  may  leave  the  territory  of  Texas. 

Article  3.  He  will  so  prepare  matters  in  the  cabinet  of  Mexico, 
that  the  mission  that  may  be  sent  thither  by  the  government  of 
Texas  may  be  well  received,  and  that  by  means  of  negotiations  all 
differences  may  be  settled,  and  the  independence  that  has  been  de- 
clared by  the  convention  may  be  acknowledged. 

Article  4.  A treaty  of  commerce,  amity,  and  limits,  will  be  es- 
tablished between  Mexico  and  Texas,  the  territory  of  the  latter  not 
to  extend  beyond  the  Rio  Bravo  del  Norte. 

Article  5.  The  present  return  of  General  Santa  Anna  to  Vera 
Cruz  being  indispensable  for  the  purpose  of  effecting  his  solemn  en- 
gagements, the  government  of  Texas  will  provide  for  his  immediate 
embarkation  for  said  port. 

Article  6.  This  instrument,  being  obligatory  on  one  part  as 
well  as  on  the  other,  will  be  signed  in  duplicate,  remaining  folded 
and  sealed  until  the  negotiations  shall  have  been  concluded,  when 
it  will  be  restored  to  his  excellency  General  Santa  Anna ; no  use 
of  it  to  be  made  before  that  time,  unless  there  should  be  an  infrac- 
tion by  either  of  the  contracting  parties. 

Port  of  Velasco,  May  the  14 th,  1836. 

ANT°.  LOPEZ  DE  SANTA  ANNA, 
DAVID  G.  BURNET. 

James  Collingsworth,  Secretary  of  State. 

Bailey  Hardeman,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

P.  H.  Grayson,  Attorney-General. 


TREATY  OF  VELASCO. 


529 


Ratification  of  the  Public  Agreement  by  Filisola,  in  accord- 
ance  with  the  Provision  of  the  8 th  Article . 

Rivulet  of  Mugerero. 

On  the  26th  day  of  the  month  of  May,  of  the  current  year,  Ben- 
jamin F.  Smith,  colonel  in  the  army  of  Texas,  and  Henry  Teal, 
captain  of  the  same,  having  presented  themselves  in  the  tent  of  his 
excellency  Vicente  Filisola,  general-in-chief  of  the  Mexican  army 
of  operations,  and  delivered  a paper,  which  was  directed,  through 
them,  to  said  General  Filisola,  by  his  excellency  the  president-gen- 
eral Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa  Anna ; and  Colonel  Smith,  at  the  same 
time,  making  known  that  he  came  competently  authorized  (accord- 
ing to  his  credentials,  which  he  exhibited  for  the  purpose,  signed  by 
his  general,  Thomas  J.  Rusk),  in  order  to  ratify  in  his  name  the  ful- 
filment of  the  papers  referred  to,  which  contain  the  treaty  of  armis- 
tice concluded  between  General  Santa  Anna  and  the  government  of 
Texas,  on  the  14th  instant : in  consequence,  General  Filisola,  on  re- 
ceiving these  documents,  named,  for  their  examination  and  explana- 
tion with  the  commissioners,  Eugene  Tolsa,  general  of  the  Mexican 
army,  and  Colonel  Augustine  Amat,  who,  after  having  fulfilled  their 
commission  in  the  terms  specified,  informed  his  excellency ; and  he, 
after  having  heard  them,  agreed  on  his  part  religiously  to  comply, 
as  far  as  in  the  ten  articles  of  which  it  consists,  it  has  reference  to  the 
army — in  the  same  manner  as  the  general  and  army  of  the  Texans 
are  bound  on  their  part. 

Both  contracting  parties  also  agreed  that  some  commissioners 
might  be  named  on  the  part  of  General  Rusk,  who  should  march, 
either  with  or  separately  from  the  Mexican  army,  with  the  necessary, 
information,  in  order  that  they  might  make  proper  remonstrances, 
conformably  to  what  is  expressed  in  the  said  treaties,  with  the  un- 
derstanding that  everything  belonging  to  them,  that  exists  in  the 
army  of  operations,  shall  be  delivered  to  them.  And,  for  the  evi- 
dence and  compliance  by  both  parties,  the  two  belligerent  parties 
agreed  to  extend  in  duplicate  the  present  document  with  the  com- 
missioners. 

Eugene  Tolsa,  Henry  Teal, 

Augustine  Amat,  Benjamin  F.  Smith, 

VICENTE  FILISOLA. 

Vol.  II.  — 34 


APPENDIX  NO.  VI. 


GEN.  SANTA  ANNA  TO  GEN.  SAM  HOUSTON 

[translation.] 

Orazimba,  November  5,  1836. 
To  His  Excellency  General  Sam  Houston : — 

My  Esteemed  Sir;  Through  the  channel  of  your  commission- 
ers, and  by  my  conversation  with  you  on  the  2d  instant,  I have 
manifested  to  you  the  importance  of  my  visit  to  Washington  city,  to 
adopt  the  most  effectual  mode  of  terminating  the  Texan  question ; 
and,  as  time  is  passing,  without  any  definite  action,  when  it  is  most 
precious,  I am  desirous  that  you,  who  are  so  deeply  interested  in 
the  welfare  of  this  country,  should  expedite  the  final  determination 
of  this  question — using,  if  you  should  deem  it  advisable,  the  follow- 
ing reasons : — 

When  the  treaty  of  the  14th  of  May  was  entered  into,  it  was 
based  upon  the  principle  that  Texas  should  form  an  independent 
nation,  and  should  acquire  a legal  existence  by  means  of  the  ac- 
knowledgment of  Mexico.  But,  as  that  basis  has  been  changed  by 
the  recent  declaration  of  the  people  of  Texas  in  favor  of  annexation 
to  the  United  States  of  the  North,  it  appears  to  me  that,  by  this 
declaration,  the  question  is  much  simplified ; because,  in  future,  it 
will  appertain  to  the  cabinet  at  Washington  to  regulate  this  matter, 
and  with  whom  Mexico  will  not  hesitate  to  enter  into  explanations, 
as  a definite  treaty  is  desired. 

The  mode  of  effecting  this  important  object,  without  loss  of  time, 
is  what  I hope  to  attain  by  my  conference  with  the  cabinet  at  Wash- 
ington, at  the  same  time  conciliating  all  interests.  Convinced  as  I 


LETTER  FROM  SANTA  ANNA  TO  GENERAL  HOUSTON.  531 


am  that  Texas  will  never  reunite  with  Mexico,  I am  desirous,  on  my 
part,  to  improve  the  advantages  which  may  offer,  and  avoid  the  sac- 
rifices which  will  occur  should  an  imprudent  attempt  be  made  to 
reconquer  this  country,  which  has  hitherto  proved  more  detrimental 
than  beneficial : consequently  reducing  the  Texan  question  to  this 
single  point  — the  regulation  of  the  limits  between  the  United  States 
and  Mexico  ( al  arreglo  de  limites  entre  los  Estados  Unidos  y Mexico ), 
which,  you  are  aware,  has  been  pending  many  years,  and  may  be 
fixed  at  the  Nueces,  del  Norte,  or  any  other  boundary,  as  may  be 
decided  on  at  Washington.  Thus,  disagreeable  discussions,  which 
might  delay  the  definite  termination  of  this  question,  or  cause  a dif- 
ference between  two  friendly  nations,  will  be  avoided. 

This,  in  substance,  is  a plain,  safe,  and  speedy  mode  of  termina- 
ting this  important  matter ; and,  as  all  are  interested,  it  becomes 
necessary  that  you  facilitate  my  journey  to  Washington  with  the 
least  possible  delay. 

In  regard  to  the  stipulation  in  the  secret  treaty,  that  my  journey 
should  be  direct  to  Vera  Cruz,  there  will  be  no  surprise  when  the 
reasons  why  I first  go  to  Washington  city  are  known : and,  should 
I be  sent  the  latter  route,  I would  like  that  Messrs.  Hockley,  Pat- 
ton, and  Bee,  should  accompany  me.  Should  it  meet  your  appro- 
bation, you  can  commission  them  for  that  purpose. 

I conclude  by  repeating  to  you  what  I have  said,  both  verbally 
and  in  writing — that  my  name,  already  known  to  the  world,  shall 
not  be  tarnished  by  any  unworthy  action.  Gratitude  is  my  charac- 
teristic ; so  you  will  have  nothing,  on  your  part,  to  repent.  To  you 
I owe  my  existence,  and  many  favors  of  which  I am  deeply  im- 
pressed ; and  these  I will  endeavor  to  reciprocate  as  they  so  justly 
deserve. 

I have  the  honor  to  remain 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa  Anna. 

P.  S. — If  you  have  no  use  for  General  Jackson’s  letter,  I will 
thank  you  to  return  it  by  Major  Patton. 


L.  de  STA.  Anna. 


APPENDIX  NO.  VII. 


SKETCH  OF  THE  RISE  AND  PROGRESS 

OF  THE  DIFFERENT 

RELIGIOUS  PROTESTANT  DENOMINATIONS  OF  CHRISTIANS 

IN  TEXAS. 


PROTESTANT  EPISCOPAL  CHURCH* 

Prior  to  the  year  1838,  no  effectual  effort  seems  to  have  been 
made  by  the  protestant  episcopal  church  in  the  United  States  to 
introduce  and  establish  her  polity  and  worship  in  a region  so  recently 
gained  from  the  power  of  popery.  True,  there  had  been  instances 
of  'professed  clergymen  speaking  in  her  name ; but  they  were  hire- 
lings, whose  voice  the  sheep  knew  not.  No  missionary  had  yet  been 
sent  forth  with  power  from  her  organized  agencies  to  gather  and 
provide  spiritually  for  the  scattered  sheep  of  her  fold  who  had  found 
a home  in  the  young  republic.  Her  rulers  seem  hardly  to  have 
awakened  to  the  growing  importance  of  the  country.  In  that  year, 
however,  the  Rev.  Caleb  S.  Ives,  a devoted  and  faithful  preacher 
and  teacher,  arrived  as  a missionary  at  Matagorda,  where  he  soon 
gathered  a congregation,  established  a flourishing  school,  and  built 
a church.  He  continued  his  unwearied  efforts  until  1849,  when  he 
died,  leaving  a large  congregation  of  Christian  worshippers  as  the 
result  of  his  labors. 

In  the  fall  of  1838,  another  clergyman,  Rev.  R.  M.  Chapman,  was 


* From  a statement  furnished  by  Peter  W.  Gray,  Esq. 


PROTESTANT  DENOMINATIONS  IN  TEXAS. 


533 


stationed  at  Houston,  the  seat  of  government,  as  a missionary.  He, 
too,  was  zealous  and  faithful,  but  from  his  youth  and  inexperience 
was  unequal  to  the  demands  of  his  position.  He,  however,  organ- 
ized a parish,  and  officiated  for  eight  or  nine  months  at  Houston  and 
neighboring  places.  Early  in  1840  his  place  was  temporarily  sup- 
plied by  Rev.  Henry  B.  Goodwin,  who,  being  on  a visit  to  the  coun- 
try, acted  as  rector  of  the  new  parish  for  several  months,  and  visited 
the  interior  as  far  as  Austin. 

In  the  spring  of  1840,  the  Rt.  Rev.  Leonidas  Polk  (now  of  Lou- 
isiana), then  missionary  bishop,  in  company  with  the  Rev.  Dr.  Page, 
visited  many  of  the  most  prominent  points  between  the  Trinity  and 
Colorado.  He  made  a favorable  report  to  the  church,  of  the  pros- 
pects of  the  country,  and,  in  the  general  convention  of  1841,  urged 
the  appointment  of  a bishop  for  Texas.  In  January  of  that  year, 
the  Rev.  Benjamin  Eaton  was  sent  out  as  a missionary  to  Galveston 
and  Houston.  For  some  time  he  officiated  alternately  at  the  two 
places ; but  having,  in  1842,  organized  a parish  and  built  a church 
at  the  former  place,  he  settled  there  as  rector  of  that  parish. 

In  the  spring  of  1843,  the  parish  at  Houston  was  again  supplied 
by  the  Rev.  Charles  Gillette.  He  had  been  sent  as  a missionary, 
and  by  his  faithful  labors  soon  gathered  a strong  congregation,  and 
erected  a church,  of  which  he  became  rector. 

In  1844,  Bishop  Polk  again  visited  the  churches  in  Texas,  and  in 
the  fall  of  that  year  again  urged  upon  the  general  convention  the 
importance  of  sending  a bishop  for  the  supervision  of  the  interests 
of  the  church  in  Texas,  which  was  increasing  in  numbers  and  influ- 
ence. This  measure,  which  had  miscarried  in  1841,  now  met  with 
more  favor,  and  was  partially  effected  by  the  election  and  consecra- 
tion of  the  Rt.  Rev.  George  W.  Freeman  as  missionary  bishop  of 
Arkansas,  &c.,  “ with  supervision  over  the  churches  in  the  republic 
Texas.”  Bishop  Freeman  has,  accordingly,  visited  the  churches  of 
Texas  annually,  and  greatly  to  their  advantage,  from  the  time  of  his 
appointment. 

During  the  years  1846,  1847,  and  1848,  the  number  of  ministers 
was  increased  by  the  appointment  of  three  missionaries  for  Brazorie 
Washington,  and  San  Augustine  and  Nacogdoches. 

On  the  1st  of  January,  1849,  the  several  churches  and  parishes, 
represented  by  their  ministers  and  lay-delegates,  met  in  convention 
at  Matagorda,  in  pursuance  of  the  call  of  Bishop  Freeman,  and  thore 
organized  a separate  diocese  under  the  constitution  and  canons  of 


534 


APPENDIX. 


the  protestant  episcopal  church  of  the  United  States.  This  organi- 
zation was  approved,  and  the  diocese  admitted  into  union  with  the 
general  convention  at  its  triennial  meeting  in  October,  1850.  At 
the  time  of  this  organization  there  were  six  clergymen  of  this  church 
in  Texas,  six  organized  parishes,  and  thi'ee  churches  built,  two  only 
of  which  supported  their  ministers  without  aid  from  the  missionary 
fund. 

In  1853,  there  were  reported  ten  clergymen  (four  more  were 
added  in  1854),  sixteen  parishes,  four  of  which  are  self-supporting, 
nine  churches,  and  five  hundred  communicants.  Over  fifteen  thou- 
sand dollars  were  contributed  for  church  purposes  (other  than  min- 
isters’ salaries) ; and  there  has  been  established  a diocesan  school  at 
Anderson,  under  the  control  of  the  convention  of  the  church,  having, 
by  charter,  collegiate  powers.  At  this  school  there  were,  in  1854, 
one  hundred  students. 


PRESBYTERIAN  CHURCH* 

The  presbyterian  church  can  hardly  be  claimed  as  a pioneer 
church  in  the  occupation  of  Texas.  About  the  year  1838,  the  Rev. 
Hugh  Wilson  arrived  in  the  new  republic.  He  was  among  the  first, 
if  not  the  very  first,  presbyterian  minister  upon  her  soil.  He  organ- 
ized a presbyterian  church  in  San  Augustine  shortly  after  his  arrival, 
and  the  year  following  another  church  at  Independence.  He  was 
a single-hearted,  laborious,  apostolic  man  ; his  usefulness,  sacrifices, 
perseverance,  and  real  worth,  place  him  in  an  honorable  position 
among  the  first  ministers  of  the  gospel  in  Texas. 

A few  months  later  the  Rev.  Daniel  Baker  landed  as  a missionary 
on  Galveston  island,  for  which  purpose  he  had,  with  the  approbation 
of  his  presbytery,  resigned  the  pastoral  care  of  the  church  in  Tusca- 
loosa, Alabama.  He  found  in  Galveston  the  Rev.  John  M‘Culloch, 
who,  under  great  disadvantages,  had  been  preaching  as  he  had  oppor- 
tunity. At  that  time  the  moral  foundation  of  society  upon  the  island 
was  just  being  laid.  A sabbath-school  had  been  organized,  and  was 
in  successful  operation.  For  some  weeks,  Dr.  Baker  preached  in  the 
place,  and  frequently  united  and  conducted  public  worship  at  the 
military  station,  and  among  the  naval  forces  of  the  republic,  and  had 
the  pleasure  to  see  one  of  the  soldiers  make  a profession  of  religion. 

* Old  school.  — From  notes  furnished  by  Rev.  William  M.  Baker. 


PROTESTANT  DENOMINATIONS  IN  TEXAS. 


535 


This  is  believed  to  have  been  the  first  instance  of  a profession  of 
religion  ever  made  on  the  island.  On  the  last  sabbath  of  his  stay 
there,  the  sacrament  of  the  Lord’s  supper  was  administered,  it  hav- 
ing been,  for  the  first  time,  administered  two  weeks  before  by  a min- 
ister of  another  denomination.  On  this  occasion  some  six  or  seven 
professed  conversion,  two  of  whom  were  publicly  baptized  according 
to  the  form  of  the  presbyterian  church.  These  were  the  first  ever 
baptized  in  Galveston.  Shortly  after  Dr.  Baker’s  departure,  a church 
was  organized  by  Rev.  John  M'Culloch.  _ 

From  Galveston,  Dr.  Baker  visited  and  labored  in  Houston.  He 
had  been  preceded  there  by  Rev.  William  Y.  Allen,  a presbyterian 
minister,  who  had  been  for  some  time  faithfully  preaching  there, 
though  under  great  discouragement.  From  Houston,  Dr.  Baker  vis- 
ited Columbia  and  Washington.  In  the  latter  place,  he  found  the 
magistrate  holding  court  on  sabbath  morning!  In  the  afternoon 
and  at  night,  however,  the  place  of  worship  was  well  attended.  It 
seems  that,  at  that  time,  there  was  not  a single  professor  of  religion 
in  the  town.  The  Rev.  R.  Alexander,  a most  excellent  methodist 
minister,  had  been  preaching  there  occasionally,  but  it  was  with 
some  opposition.  The  people  generally  were  not  at  all  religiously 
inclined  ; some  were  exceedingly  wicked.  In  proof  of  this,  “ mock 
prayer-meetings”  were  held.  At  one  of  these  meetings  a shocking 
accident  occurred.  While  the  mock-worship  was  going  on,  and  one 
half-drunk  was  mimicking  a certain  preacher,  and  the  audience 
laughing  immoderately,  a pistol  was  accidentally  discharged,  which 
killed  one  of  them — so  suddenly  that,  the  features  not  having  time 
to  relax,  he  presented  the  appearance  of  a laughing  corpse  ! The 
beautiful  churches,  now  adorning  that  place,  bear  witness  to  the 
happy  change  iu  Washington. 

From  W ashington,  Dr.  Baker  proceeded  to  Independence.  There, 
at  the  Chrisman  schoolhouse,  on  the  3d  of  April,  1840,  was  organ- 
ized the  presbytery  of  Brasos — the  first  presbytery  in  Texas.  It 
was  composed  of  Rev.  Hugh  Wilson,  presbytery  of  south  Alabama ; 
Rev.  John  M‘Culloch,  Newton  presbytery,  New  Jersey ; Rev.  Wil- 
liam Y.  Allen,  presbytery  of  the  western  district  of  Tennessee ; Mr. 
John  M'Farland,  ruling  elder  from  the  church  at  Independence ; 
and  Rev.  Daniel  Baker,  present  as  corresponding  member. 

For  a time  the  presbytery  remained  independent  of  the  general 
assembly  in  the  United  States,  but  finally  united  with  it.  Soon 
after  this  the  Rev.  William  C.  Blair,  Rev.  P.  H.  Fullenwider,  Rev. 


536 


APPENDIX. 


J.  J.  Henderson,  and  Rev.  Francis  Rutherford,  arrived  and  united 
with  the  presbytery. 

In  1846  the  presbytery  was  received  in  connection  with  the  synod 
of  Mississippi.  In  1850  it  was  divided  into  three  presbyteries,  for 
the  purpose  of  being  organized  into  a synod  of  Texas,  which  met  in 
Austin  city  in  1851.  Since  then  the  growth  of  the  church  in  the 
state  has  been  steady.  In  1854  the  presbytery  of  central  Texas 
was  organized.  Churches  have  been  organized  and  ministers  estab- 
lished in  all  parts  of  the  state,  and  the  future  opens  brightly. 

The  educational  movements  of  the  presbyterian  church  com- 
menced early.  Previous  to  1840,  Rev.  William  L.  M'Calla,  a min- 
ister of  the  church,  had  travelled  extensively  over  the  state,  having 
in  view  the  establishment  of  a university  at  Galveston.  In  1844 
an  institution  of  learning  at  Nacogdoches  was  taken  under  the  care 
of  the  church.  In  1846  steps  were  taken  to  establish  an  institution 
of  a high  character  in  western  Texas,  and  Rev.  John  M'Culloch 
visited  the  United  States  as  agent  for  it.  In  1849  Austin  college 
was  established  at  Huntsville,  through  the  instrumentality  of  Dr. 
Baker,  and  is  now  in  a flourishing  condition.  Earnest  efforts  are 
being  made  to  build  up  another  at  Goliad. 

In  education,  as  in  the  organization  of  churches,  the  presbyterian 
interest  may  seem  slow  in  its  operations ; but  it  is  sure.  The  de- 
nomination, like  the  Texas  live-oak,  gradually,  almost  impercepti- 
bly, extends  its  branches  to  the  light,  the  air,  and  the  dew ; but 
it  tends  to  a sturdy  magnificent  growth,  whose  evergreen-glory,  by 
the  blessing  of  God,  knows  no  alternation  of  season. 


THE  BAPTIST  CHURCH* 

The  first  Baptist  minister  who  preached  in  Texas  was  the  Rev. 
Joseph  Bays,  who  emigrated  from  Missouri,  in  company  with  Joseph 
Bindley,  and  preached  on  Peach  creek,  on  the  west  side  of  the  Bra- 
sos,  in  1826.  In  the  latter  part  of  1827  he  removed  to  San  Au- 
gustine, where  he  continued  his  labors  until  he  was  compelled  by 
the  Mexican  authorities  to  leave. 

In  1829,  Rev.  Thomas  Hanks,  from  Tennessee,  preached  at  Mo- 
ses Shipman’s,  on  the  west  side  of  the  Brasos.  Here  the  wife  of 
James  Allcorn,  a deacon  in  the  baptist  church,  made  a profession 
* From  a statement  furnished  by  Rev.  J.  W.  D.  Creath. 


PROTESTANT  DENOMINATIONS  IN  TEXAS. 


537 


of  religion.  Mr.  Hanks  yet  lives  in  Houston  county  — an  old  pio- 
neer, who,  having  gone  forth  at  an  early  day  to  scatter  the  seeds, 
has  lived  to  see  them  grow  and  ripen  into  an  abundant  harvest. 

In  1830  and  1831,  Elders  George  Woodruff  and  Skelton  Allphine 
emigrated  to  Texas,  and  immediately  commenced  preaching  the 
gospel. 

A number  of  baptists  who  had  emigrated  from  New  York,  estab- 
lished in  1829,  at  San  Felipe,  a sabbath-school  — the  first  in  Texas. 
It  was  taught  by  T.  J.  Pilgrim,  now  of  Gonzales,  but  then  inter- 
preter of  the  Spanish  language  in  Austin’s  colony.  The  same  year 
a similar  school  was  opened  at  Matagorda,  and  the  year  following 
on  “Old  Caney” — all  under  the  auspices  of  the  members  of  the 
baptist  church. 

After  this,  baptist  ministers  and  members  came  in  with  the  con- 
stantly flowing  tide  of  emigration,  and  participated  with  other  emi- 
grants in  the  joys  and  privations  of  a new  country. 

At  this  time  (1853)  there  are  eleven  associations  of  missionary 
baptists,  and  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  churches,  and  a like  num- 
ber of  ministers.  The  anti-mission  baptists  have  three  associations, 
forty  churches,  and  a like  number  of  ministers.  The  oldest  of  these 
associations  is  the  Union , organized  in  1840.  It  now  numbers 
thirty-five  churches  and  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  eleven 
members.  The  first  baptist  church  organized  in  Texas  was  in  1833; 
the  second  in  lS34-’35.  The  number  of  communicants  in  the  baptist 
church  in  Texas  is  between  nine  and  ten  thousand. 

A charter  was  granted  for  the  Baylor  university,  by  the  Texas 
legislature  in  1845.  It  is  located  at  Independence,  and  is  under  the 
control  of  the  baptist  church.  Its  first  session  opened  in  July,  1846, 
with  twenty  students  and  one  teacher.  It  has  now  (1S53)  eight 
professors  and  one  hundred  and  seventy-five  students.  I has  in- 
vested in  buildings  and  an  endowment  fund,  between  forty  and  fifty 
thousand  dollars.  The  Rev.  Mr.  Burleson  is  the  worthy  president 
of  this  institution. 


METHODIST  EPISCOPAL  CHURCH* 

The  first  methodist  preacher  in  regular  standing  that  visited  and 
preached  in  Texas,  was  the  Rev.  Henry  Stephenson,  whose  memory 

* From  a statement  of  Rev.  Robert  Alexander. 


533 


APPENDIX. 


is  yet  cherished  by  some  of  the  early  settlers.  He  was  a man  of 
deep  piety  and  ardent  zeal,  and  abundant  in  labors  and  usefulness 
in  Arkansas,  Louisiana,  and  Texas.  He  preached  in  what  is  now 
Red  river  county,  but  then  claimed  by  the  United  States,  as  early 
as  1818.  The  Rev.  J.  P.  Sneed,  then  of  Mississippi  conference,  but 
now  living  on  the  Brasos,  fixes  the  first  visit  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Ste- 
phenson to  Texas  proper  in  1822.  It  is  probable  he  did  not  visit 
western  Texas  until  1824.  At  that  time  he  preached  the  first  prot- 
estant  sermon  west  of  the  Brasos  near  San  Felipe.  There  were  four 
families  present.  He  also  preached  about  the  same  time  where  the 
town  of  Washington  now  stands. 

The  first  camp-meeting  held  in  Texas  was  in  1833,  ten  miles  east 
of  San  Augustine.  James  Stephenson,  Enoch  Talley  (of  the  Mis- 
sissippi conference),  and  Sumner  Bacon,  were  the  preachers  on  the 
occasion.  There  were  about  eighty  persons  present;  a few  pro- 
fessed religion,  a church  was  organized,  and  a leader  appointed. 
This  was  the  first  methodist,  if  not  the  first  protestant  church  or- 
ganized in  Texas  proper. 

In  1834,  Rev.  Mr.  Stephenson  was  directed  to  devote  one  half 
his  time  to  Texas  and  the  other  to  Louisiana.  This  year  he  held 
a second  camp-meeting  in  the  same  place  as  the  first,  assisted  by 
J.  P.  Sneed,  Whately,  Bacon,  English,  and  one  other  minister.  At 
this  meeting  there  were  twelve  tents,  some  two  hundred  persons  in 
attendance,  and  twenty  conversions.  Colonel  M'Mahon  was  ap- 
pointed class-leader,  which  duty  he  performed  with  fidelity.  Sub- 
sequently he  and  his  two  sons-in-law  became  ministers  of  the  gospel 
At  this  -camp-meeting  a whiskey-shanty  was  set  up,  but  the  audi- 
ence, with  great  unanimity,  drove  the  owner,  with  his  liquors,  away. 
In  the  same  year  (1834)  a camp-meeting  was  held  in  Austin  county, 
on  one  of  the  west  branches  of  Little  Caney  creek.  It  commenced 
on  the  3d  of  September,  under  the  direction  of  Rev.  H.  Stephenson 
and  J.  W.  Kenney,  assisted  by  Rev.  Henry  Fullenwider  and  others. 
There  were  eight  or  ten  conversions,  and  eighteen  joined  the  church 
by  letters.  There  are  many  yet  living  who  delight  in  talking  of 
this  camp-meeting.  Another  was  held  in  the  same  place  in  1835,  a 
quarterly  conference  organized,  of  which  Dr.  William  P.  Smith  was 
secretary,  and  the  methodist  episcopal  church  memorialized  to  send 
regular  missionaries  to  Texas.  This  was  published  in  the  New  York 
Christian  Advocate,  and,  no  doubt,  called  the  attention  of  the  church 
to  this  field  of  labor.  The  revolution,  however,  delayed  efficient 


PROTESTANT  DENOMINATIONS  IN  TEXAS. 


539 


action ; but  in  the  fall  of  1836,  a call  was  made  for  volunteers. 
Rev.  Dr.  M.  Ruter  was  the  first  to  urge  the  importance  of  the  call, 
and  the  first  to  volunteer.  Rev.  Littleton  Fowler  and  Rev.  Robert 
Alexander  also  sent  their  names  to  the  board  of  missions.  Dr.  Ruter 
had  been  president  of  Alleghany  college,  Littleton  Fowler  agent  for 
La  Grange  college,  and  R.  Alexander  had  occupied  Natchez  sta- 
tion. The  latter  set  out  early  in  August,  1837,  for  Texas,  and 
preached  as  he  went,  commencing  near  Gaines’s  ferry.  He  spent  a 
month  in  the  Redlands,  organized  a circuit  and  quarterly  confer- 
ence, and  held  a camp-meeting  in  the  M'Malion  settlement.  In 
this  he  was  assisted  by  the  local  preachers  English,  Crawford,  John- 
son, and  Henry  Stephenson,  jr.  The  meeting  was  interesting,  the 
congregation  showing  an  intense  desire  to  hear  all  the  preachers 
had  to  say.  During  the  service  the  rain  fell  gently  for  an  hour  on 
the  unsheltered  audience,  yet  no  one  left.  As  an  evidence  of  their 
eagerness,  Mr.  Alexander  had  been  invited  to  preach  at  Mr.  Hale’s, 
a few  miles  west  of  San  Augustine.  After  preaching  at  some  length 
to  a crowded  house,  he  dismissed  them,  and  retired  to  lie  down  — 
for  he  was  in  feeble  health,  and  nearly  exhausted.  In  about  an 
hour,  to  his  surprise,  he  was  waited  on  by  Mr.  Hale,  and  informed 
that  the  congregation  were  waiting  to  hear  another  sermon. 

From  San  Augustine,  Rev.  R.  Alexander  proceeded  to  Washing- 
ton, where  he  found  some  who  held  themselves  as  methodists  and 
baptists,  but  the  population  was  recklessly  wicked.  Thence  he 
went  to  Little  Caney  and  arranged  for  a camp-meeting  to  commence 
on  the  19tli  of  October.  With  a few  friends  he  cleared  off  a place 
in  a handsome  grove,  made  a few  rough  seats  of  logs  and  poles,  and 
a preacher’s  stand.  They  had  a cheering  meeting  ; twenty  or  thirty 
professed  religion.  In  the  work,  Mr.  Alexander  was  assisted  by 
Revs.  J.  W.  M‘Kenney,  A.  Roark,  and  A.  J.  M‘Gown,  the  two  lat- 
ter of  the  Cumberland  presbyterian  church.  A few  days  after  this 
meeting,  Mr.  Alexander  met  his  colleague,  Littleton  Fowler,  who 
had  been  detained  by  sickness.  Mr.  Fowler  was  a bland,  affable, 
and  dignified  man,  and  not  only  did  his  work  efficiently,  but  gave 
character  and  influence  to  all  his  plans  and  operations.  He  was  a 
man  of  strong  determination,  sanguine,  fearless,  full  of  faith  and 
zeal  ; he  was  a revivalist.  Among  his  abundant  labors  he  raised  a 
subscription  for  a methodist  church  in  San  Augustine.  On  the  17th 
of  January,  1S3S,  he  attended  the  ceremony  of  laying  the  corner- 
stone of  the  building.  General  Thomas  J.  Rusk  delivered  an  ad- 


540 


APPENDIX. 


dress  on  the  occasion.  It  was  the  corner-stone  of  the  first  protest- 
ant  church  ever  erected  west  of  the  Sabine.  He  continued  his 
labors  in  Texas  till  the  29th  of  January,  1846,  when  he  died  in 
great  peace,  leaving  the  savor  of  a good  name  among  the  early 
settlers  of  Texas. 

Rev.  R.  Alexander,  after  preaching  through  middle  Texas,  ex- 
tending his  labors  into  Robertson’s  colony,  returned  to  attend  the 
Mississippi  conference  at  Natchez.  At  Gaines’s  ferry  he  met  Dr. 
Ruter,  superintendent  of  the  Texas  mission,  just  entering  the  repub- 
lic. Dr.  Ruter  was  a man  of  fine  learning,  and  had  left  a pleasant 
situation  to  enter  on  the  privations  and  hardships  of  the  Texas  mis- 
sion. The  distant  spectator  may  have  fancied  something  of  romance 
in  travelling  over  the  Texan  prairies ; but  to  the  itinerant,  with 
fierce  northers,  swimming  creeks,  scanty  fare,  sleeping  out  of  doors, 
with  the  necessity  of  a sharp  look-out  for  one’s  horse  and  scalp,  the 
romance  gave  place  to  very  solemn  reflections.  But  Dr.  Ruter  had 
counted  the  cost,  before  offering  himself  for  the  Texas  work.  He 
made  himself  at  home  everywhere,  and  as  he  went  he  preached  to 
congregations,  or  families.  In  the  short  space  of  five  months  he 
had  visited  the  towns  and  settlements  as  far  as  the  Colorado.  But 
his  labors  were  too  great  for  him,  and  he  fell  a martyr  at  an  early 
day  of  his  mission.  He  was  buried  on  a piece  of  ground  in  Wash- 
ington, that  he  had  procured  for  the  purpose  of  erecting  on  it  a 
church.  The  church  has  since  been  built  by  his  grave,  and  bears 
the  name  of  the  venerable  missionary. 

Dr.  Ruter  was  well  known  in  the  United  States,  and  the  melan- 
choly news  of  his  death  aroused  a missionary  spirit  in  the  methodist 
church,  which  brought  scores  of  her  ministry  to  the  great  field  of 
labor  in  Texas.  Thus  the  work  was  so  extended  as  to  have  preach- 
ing in  every  settlement.  Among  these  missionaries  was  Paul  Den- 
ton, a remarkable  man.  Left  an  orphan,  and  placed  in  one  of  the 
most  degraded  families  in  Arkansas,  he  performed  the  meanest  work 
of  a servant  such  as  cooking,  washing,  and  scouring.  Until  he  was 
twelve  years  of  age  he  was  a stranger  to  a hat  or  shoes.  So  soon 
as  he  got  old  enough  to  see  his  ignorant  and  wretched  condition,  he 
fled  from  his  oppressors,  and  wrought  for  himself.  At  a very  early 
age  he  married ; and  besides  the  labor  of  supporting  his  family,  he 
learned  the  alphabet,  and  then  to  read.  He  became  a licensed 
preacher.  His  powers  were  unknown  to  himself  as  well  as  to  the 
world,  until  both  were  astonished  alike  at  his  success.  He  was  a 


PROTESTANT  DENOMINATIONS  IN  TEXAS. 


541 


man  of  good  personal  appearance,  agreeable  manners,  and  dignified 
deportment.  In  his  sermons  he  rose  with  his  subject : his  figures 
were  original,  drawn  from  nature,  and  always  apposite.  His  selec- 
tion of  words  was  the  very  best ; and  in  his  ornate  flights  he  seemed 
to  test  the  strength  of  the  English  language.  Mingled  with  his 
lofty  imagery  was  a strength  of  intellect  equal  to  the  importance  of 
his  subject.  Paul  Denton’s  first  efforts  were  in  the  Redlands  of 
eastern  Texas ; but  he  subsequently  removed  to  the  northern  part 
of  the  republic.  To  drive  back  the  savages  he  raised  a company 
and  marched  against  them.  In  a battle  fought  with  them  he  was 
killed.  Texas  has  honored  his  name  by  giving  it  to  one  of  her 
northern  counties. 

On  December,  25th  1839,  the  Texas  conference  was  organized  at 
Rutersville,  Fayette  county,  Bishop  Waugh  of  Baltimore  presiding. 
In  1844  the  Texas  conference  was  divided,  and  the  Eastern  Texas 
conference  laid  off.  The  following  table  will  exhibit  the  numbers, 
&c.,  at  the  periods  stated  : — 

STATISTICS  OF  THE  METHODIST  EPISCOPAL  CHURCH  IN  TEXAS. 


Year. 

No.  Members. 

Loch]  Min- 
isters. 

Increase  of 
Members. 

Increase  of 
Loc.Min’rs. 

Remarks. 

1840 

1,853 

25 

— 



1841 

2,759 

36 

906 

11 

1842 

3,698 

40 

939 

4 

1843 

4,970 

55 

1,272 

15 

1844 

6,090 

64 

1,120 

9 

Conference  divided. 

1845 

6,624 

68 

534 

4 

1846 

6,989 

93 

365 

25 

1847 

8,150 

125 

1,161 

32 

1848 

— 

— 

— 



No  report  from  Con- 

1849 

12,154 

173 

4,004 

48 

ference  of  Eastern 

1850 

12,614 

188 

460 

15 

Texaa 

1851 

13,356 

217 

742 

29 

1852 

14,573 

217 

1,217 



1853 

18,316 

243 

3,743 

26 

In  the  above  table  the  travelling  preachers  are  not  given.  In 
1840  they  were  about  twenty  in  number : in  1853,  about  one  hun- 
dred and  thirty-five.  Total  members  in  1853,  eighteen  thousand 
six  hundred  and  ninety-four. 

The  metliodist  church  in  Texas  have  in  their  charge  the  follow- 
ing institutions,  of  learning  : — 

1.  Rutersville  College,  Fayette  county.  — Wm.  Halsey,  president. 

2.  Chapel  Hill  Male  and  Female  Institute. — A.  Ruter,  president. 

3.  Andrew  Female  College,  Huntsville. — Dr.Follansbee, president. 


542 


APPENDIX. 


4.  Bastrop  Male  and  Female  Academy.  — Mr.  Hancock,  principal. 

5.  Fowler  Institute,  Henderson. 

6.  Paine  Female  Academy,  Goliad. 

7.  Young  Men’s  High  School,  Red  River  county. — Rev.  Mr. 
M'Kenzie,  president. 

8.  Cedar  Mountain  Academy.  — Rev.  R.  Crawford,  principal. 


CUMBERLAND  PRESBYTERIAN  CHURCH* 

This  comparatively  modern  branch  of  the  church  has  not  been 
wanting  in  zeal  in  the  movement  toward  Texas.  As  early  as 
1828,  Rev.  Sumner  Bacon  penetrated  as  far  as  San  Felipe.  He 
was  a native  of  Massachusetts,  had  served  his  period  of  enlistment 
in  the  United  States  army,  and  then  became  a minister  of  the  gos- 
pel. In  his  journeyings  through  Texas  he  preached  wherever  he 
could.  He  was  a man  of  scrupulous  honesty,  of  untiring  energy, 
and  punctual  in  all  his  engagements  and  promises.  Though  of  a 
rough  exterior,  he  had  a soul  of  love,  and  was  utterly  fearless  of  all 
danger.  He  continued  preaching  in  Texas  until  1832,  when  he  ob- 
tained the  appointment  of  bible  agent.  He  scattered  the  word  of 
God  from  San  Antonio  to  the  Sabine.  On  one  occasion,  in  the  Tan- 
ahaw  settlement,  he  was  surrounded  by  a gang  of  rowdies,  who  took 
him,  and  proposed  instantly  to  put  him  to  death.  He  asked  his  cap- 
tors  that  they  should  first  join  him  in  prayer.  They  refused  to  do 
this ; but  while  he  alone  addressed  the  throne  of  grace,  they  were 
silent.  When  he  had  concluded  they  went  away  and  left  him.  On 
another  occasion,  while  he  was  distributing  the  Bible,  Colonel  James 
Gaines  reported  him  to  Colonel  Bean,  then  acting  as  commandant 
at  Nacogdoches.  Hearing  of  the  charge,  he  went  to  see  Bean,  and 
admitted  it.  Bean  told  him  to  go  on  and  distribute  as  many  as  he 
chose,  so  he  did  not  disturb  the  peace. 

While  Bacon  and  others  were  preparing  to  hold  a meeting,  not 
far  from  San  Augustine,  it  was  understood  that  certain  persons 
would  break  it  up.  Colonel  Bowie,  hearing  of  it,  went  to  the  place 
where  the  meeting  was  to  be  held,  and  making  a sign  of  the  cross 
on  the  ground,  informed  them  that  he  was  captain  in  those  parts, 
and  that  the  meeting  should  be  held.  They  knew  Bowie,  and  the 
meeting  proceeded  quietly. 

* From  notes  furnished  by  Rev.  A J.  M*Gown. 


PROTESTANT  DENOMINATIONS  IN  TEXAS. 


543 


About  the  year  1833,  Rev.  Milton  Estill  came  to  Texas,  and  es- 
tablished the  first  church  of  this  order,  in  Red  River  county  — then 
supposed  to  be  Miller  county,  Arkansas.  In  1836  Bacon  organized 
another  church,  in  San  Augustine  county.  In  the  fall  of  that  year 
he  repaired  to  the  Mississippi  synod  of  the  Cumberland  presbyte- 
rian  church,  and  applied  for  and  obtained  an  order  to  organize  a 
presbytery  in  Texas,  so  soon  as  three  of  their  ministers  were  pres- 
ent. On  his  return  he  organized  several  churches  in  eastern  Texas. 

In  the  spring  of  1837,  Revs.  Amos  Roark  and  Mitchell  Smith 
came  to  Texas.  In  the  winter  of  that  year  the  first  presbytery  was 
organized,  five  miles  east  of  San  Augustine.  In  1838,  Revs.  James 
M'Donald,  Milton  Moore,  and  Samuel  W.  Frazier,  came  to  Texas. 
The  latter,  who  was  chaplain  to  the  Texan  Congress,  died  that  win- 
ter. Between  1838  and  1841,  a number  of  other  churches  were 
organized.  In  the  last-named  year  three  presbyteries  were  formed 
out  of  Texas  presbytery.  They  were  called  Texas , Red  River,  and 
Colorado. 

In  the  fall  of  1842,  a synod  was  organized  near  Nacogdoches,  at 
which  Rev.  Sumner  Bacon  presided.  Shortly  afterward  this  good 
man  died.  By  the  year  1849,  there  were  six  presbyteries  in  Texas. 
This  induced  the  church  during  that  year  to  organize  the  Brasos 
synod.  In  1853,  Brasos  synod  was  divided  into  Brasos  and  Colo- 
rado synods. 

At  present  (1854)  there  are  three  synods,  ten  presbyteries,  over 
a hundred  ministers,  and  over  four  thousand  communicants. 

This  church  has  under  its  patronage  Chapel  Hill  college,  in  Titus 
county,  of  which  Rev.  William  E.  Beason  is  president,  Seguin  high 
school,  lately  purchased,  and  some  other  schools  of  minor  character. 


APPENDIX  NO,  VIII. 


LETTER  FROM  HOUSTON  TO  SANTA  ANNA. 


Executive  Department,  City  of  Houston,  March  21,  1842. 
To  His  Excellency  Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa  Anna,  President  of  Mexico : 

Most  Excellent  Sir  : Your  communications  to  Mr.  Bee  and 
General  Hamilton,  dated  at  the  palace  of  the  government  of  Mexico, 
have  been  recently  presented  to  my  notice.  At  the  first  convenient 
leisure,  I have  not  failed  to  appropriate  my  attention  to  the  subjects 
embraced  within  the  scope  of  your  remarks. 

They  would  have  met  a more  ready  attention  had  It  not  been  for 
a marauding  incursion  made  by  a Mexican  force  upon  the  defence- 
less town  of  San  Antonio,  on  the  inhabited  frontier  of  Texas.  Ap- 
prehending that  the  force  had  some  other  character  than  that  of 
bandits  and  plunderers — commanded,  as  it  was  by  regular  officers 
— it  produced  a momentary  excitement,  and  claimed  the  attention 
of  the  executive  ; but,  as  the  bandits  have  withdrawn,  characterizing 
their  retreat  by  pillage  and  plunder,  as  has  been  usual  with  Mexi- 
cans, I am  left  at  leisure  to  resume  in  tranquillity  the  duties  of  my 
station. 

In  reference  to  your  correspondence  with  Mr.  Bee  and  General 
Hamilton,  I have  no  remark  to  make  in  reference  to  the  communi- 
cations which  those  gentlemen  assumed  the  individual  responsibility 
of  making  to  you.  The  very  nature  of  the  correspondence  mani- 
fests the  fact  that  it  was  not  done  under  the  sanction  of  this  govern- 
ment, but  rests  solely  upon  their  action  as  individuals.  Had  your 
response  regarded  them  in  the  light  in  which  they  were  presented 


PRESIDENT  HOUSTON  TO  PRESIDENT  SANTA  ANNA.  545 


to  you,  it  would  have  superseded  the  necessity  of  any  notice  from 
me  ; but,  as  you  have  thought  proper  to  laud  my  conduct  as  an  indi- 
vidual, and  refer  to  transactions  connected  with  this  country  with 
which  I had  official  identity — and  which  I also  at  this  time  possess 
— and  as  you  have  taken  the  liberty,  to  an  unwarrantable  extent, 
to  animadvert  upon  circumstances  connected  with  Texas  as  a nation, 
I feel  myself  impelled  by  a sense  of  duty  to  refute  a portion  of  the 
calumnies  which  you  have  presented  to  the  world,  under  the  sanc- 
tion of  your  official  averment. 

You  appear  to  have  seized  upon  the  flimsy  pretext  of  confidential 
communications,  unknown  to  the  officers  of  this  government,  and  un- 
known to  the  world,  until  divulged  by  you,  for  the  purpose  of  man- 
ufacturing a capital  of  popularity  at  home,  and  which  you  have  sub- 
mitted to  the  world  as  a manifesto  in  behalf  of  what  you  are  pleased 
to  term  the  rights  of  a great  nation,  “ by  so  many  titles  respectable.” 

Whatever  opinions  you  may  have  entertained  in  relation  to  the 
difficulties  existing  between  Mexico  and  Texas,  can  not  materially 
vary  the  facts  and  principles  involved,  nor  will  they  materially  in- 
fluence the  decision  of  mankind  upon  the  justice  of  our  cause. 

Decency  and  self-respect,  at  least,  should  have  induced  on  your 
part  the  pursuit  of  a course  different  from  that  which  you  have 
adopted.  The  abuse  and  ribald  epithets  which  you  have  applied 
to  the  citizens  of  this  country,  as  well  as  those  of  the  Mississippi 
valley  of  the  United  States,  are  doubtless  characteristic  of  the  indi- 
vidual who  gave  them  utterance.  So  far  as  the  people  of  this  coun- 
try are  concerned,  I shall  refer  mankind  to  a history  of  facts  and 
circumstances  connected  with  the  settlement  of  the  country.  I shall 
pass,  with  slight  notice,  your  remarks  relative  to  the  people  of  the 
United  States.  So  far  as  our  origin  is  connected  with  them,  and  a 
unity  of  sympathy  exists,  we  are  proud  to  hail  them  as  our  kindred 
— kindred  in  blood,  kindred  in  laws,  kindred  in  all  the  ennobling 
attributes  of  humanity.  They  will  hear  your  idle  taunts  of  defiance 
with  the  same  contempt  and  derision  that  Texans  regard  your  silly 
gasconade.  If  they  have  heretofore  sympathized  with  us  in  our 
struggle  for  liberty  and  independence,  it  was  from  a knowledge  of 
the  fact  that  we  had  been  deceived  and  oppressed  by  Mexico,  and 
that  the  cause  in  which  we  were  engaged  was  that  of  humanity 
struggling  against  usurpation  and  despotism. 

The  people  of  Texas  were  invited  to  immigrate  to  this  country 
for  the  purpose  of  enjoying  equal  rights  and  constitutional  liberty. 
VOL.  II.  — 35 


546 


APPENDIX. 


They  were  promised  the  shield  of  the  constitution  of  1824,  adopted 
by  Mexico.  Confiding  in  this  pledge,  they  removed  to  the  country 
to  encounter  all  the  privations  of  a wilderness,  under  the  alluring 
promise  of  free  institutions.  Other  reasons  operated  also.  Citizens 
of  the  United  States  had  engaged  in  the  revolution  of  Mexico  in 
1812.  They  fought  gallantly  in  the  achievement  of  Mexican  inde- 
pendence ; and  many  of  them  survive,  and  to  this  day  occupy  the 
soil  which  their  privations  and  valor  assisted  in  achieving.  On  their 
removal  here,  they  brought  with  them  no  aspirations  or  projects  but 
such  as  were  loyal  to  the  constitution  of  Mexico.  They  repelled 
the  Indian  savages,  they  encountered  every  discomfort,  they  sub- 
dued the  wilderness,  and  converted  into  cultivated  fields  the  idle 
waste  of  this  now-prolific  territory.  Their  courage  and  enterprise 
achieved  that  which  the  imbecility  of  your  countrymen  had  either 
neglected  or  left  for  centuries  unaccomplished.  Their  situation  was 
not,  however,  disregarded  by  Mexico  ; though  she  did  not,  as  might 
have  been  expected,  extend  to  them  a protecting  and  fostering  care, 
but  viewed  them  as  objects  of  cupidity,  and  at  last  of  jealousy. 

The  Texans,  enduring  the  annoyances  and  oppressions  inflicted 
upon  them,  remained  faithful  to  the  constitution  of  Mexico.  In 
1832,  when  an  attempt  was  made  to  destroy  that  constitution,  and 
when  you,  sir,  threw  yourself  forward  as  its  avowed  champion,  you 
were  sustained  with  all  the  fidelity  and  valor  that  freemen  could 
contribute.  On  the  avowal  of  your  principles,  and  in  accordance 
with  them,  the  citizens  put  down  the  serviles  of  despotism  at  Ana- 
huac,  Velasco,  and  Nacogdoches.  They  treated  the  captives  of  that 
struggle  with  humanity,  and  sent  them  to  Mexico,  subject  to  your 
orders.  They  regarded  you  as  the  friend  of  liberty  and  free  insti- 
tutions ; they  hailed  you  as  the  benefactor  of  mankind.  Your  name 
and  your  actions  were  lauded,  and  the  manifestations  you  had  given 
in  behalf  of  the  nation  were  themes  of  satisfaction  and  delight  to 
the  Texan  patriots. 

You  can  well  imagine  the  transition  of  feeling  which  ensued  on 
your  accession  to  power.  Your  subversion  of  the  constitution  of 
1824,  your  establishment  of  centralism,  your  conquest  of  Zacatecas, 
characterized  by  every  act  of  violence,  cruelty,  and  rapine,  inflicted 
upon  us  the  deepest  astonishment.  We  realized  all  the  uncertainty 
of  men  awaking  to  reality  from  the  unconsciousness  of  delirium.  In 
succession  came  your  order  for  the  Texans  to  surrender  their  private 
arms.  The  mask  was  thrown  aside,  and  the  monster  of  despotism 


PRESIDENT  HOUSTON  TO  PRESIDENT  SANTA  ANNA.  547 


displayed  in  all  the  habiliments  of  loathsome  detestation.  Then 
was  presented  to  Texans  the  alternative  of  tamely  crouching  to  the 
tyrant’s  lash,  or  exalting  themselves  to  the  attributes  of  freemen. 
They  chose  the  latter.  To  chastise  them  for  their  presumption,  in- 
duced your  advance  upon  Texas  with  your  boasted  veteran  army, 
a force  in  number  nearly  equal  to  the  whole  population  of  the  coun- 
try at  that  time.  You  besieged  and  took  the  Alamo — but  under 
what  circumstances  ? Not  those,  surely,  which  should  characterize 
a general  of  the  nineteenth  century.  You  assailed  one  hundred  and 
fifty  men,  destitute  of  every  supply  requisite  for  the  defence  of  the 
place.  Its  brave  defenders,  worn  down  by  vigilance  and  duty  be- 
yond the  power  of  human  nature  to  sustain,  were  at  length  over- 
whelmed by  a force  of  nine  thousand  men,  and  the  place  taken.  I 
ask  you,  sir,  what  scenes  followed?  Were  they  such  as  should 
characterize  an  able  general,  a magnanimous  warrior,  and  the  presi- 
dent of  a great  nation,  numbering  eight  millions  of  souls?  No!  — 
manliness  and  generosity  would  sicken  at  the  recital  of  the  scenes 
incident  to  your  success ; and  Humanity  herself  would  blush  to  class 
you  among  the  chivalric  spirits  of  the  age  of  vandalism  ! This  you 
have  been  pleased  to  class  in  the  “succession  of  your  victories”  — 
and,  I presume,  you  would  next  include  the  massacre  at  Goliad. 
Your  triumph  there,  if  such  you  are  pleased  to  term  it,  was  not  the 
triumph  of  arms : it  was  the  success  of  perfidy ! Fannin  and  his 
brave  companions  had  beaten  back  and  defied  your  veteran  soldiers. 
Although  outnumbered  more  than  seven  to  one,  their  valiant,  hearty, 
and  indomitable  courage,  with  holy  devotion  to  the  cause  of  freedom, 
foiled  every  effort  directed  by  your  general  to  insure  his  success  by 
arms.  He  had  recourse  to  a flag  of  truce ; and,  when  the  surrender 
of  the  little  patriot-band  was  secured  by  the  most  solemn  treaty 
stipulations,  what  were  the  tragic  scenes  that  ensued  to  Mexican 
perfidy  ? The  conditions  of  their  surrender  were  submitted  to  you, 
and — though  you  have  denied  the  facts — instead  of  restoring  them 
to  liberty,  according  to  the  conditions  of  the  capitulation,  you  ordered 
them  to  be  executed,  contrary  to  every  pledge  given  them,  contrary 
to  the  rules  of  war,  and  contrary  to  every  principle  of  humanity ! 
Yet,  at  this  day,  you  have  the  effrontery  to  animadvert  upon  the 
conduct  of  Texans  relative  to  your  captivity  after  the  battle  of  San 
Jacinto ! 

You  have  presumed  to  arraign  the  conduct  of  the  then  existing 
cabinet,  and  to  charge  it  with  bad  faith  ; and,  though  you  are  pleased 


548 


APPENDIX. 


to  commend  the  conduct  of  the  illustrious  Stephen  F.  Austin,  the 
father  of  Texas,  and  myself,  for  acts  of  generosity  exercised  toward 
you,  you  take  much  care  to  insinuate  that  we  only  were  capable  of 
appreciating  your  proper  merits.  That  you  may  no  longer  be  in- 
duced to  misconstrue  acts  of  generosity  and  appropriate  them  to 
the  gratification  of  your  self-complacent  disposition,  I will  inform 
you  that  they  were  acts  of  magnanimity  characteristic  of  the  nation 
to  which  we  belong.  They  had  nothing  to  do  with  your  merits  or 
demerits.  The  perfidy  and  cruelty  which  had  been  exercised  tow- 
ard our  companions-in-arms  did  not  enter  into  our  calculation.  Your 
sacrifice  would  not  restore  to  our  gallant  companions  their  lives,  nor 
to  our  country  their  services.  Although  the  laws  of  war  would  have 
justified  retaliation  by  your  execution,  yet  it  would  have  character- 
ized the  acts  of  the  nation  as  influenced  by  passion  and  revenge ; 
and  would  have  evinced  to  the  world  that  individuals,  who  had  an 
influence  on  the  destinies  of  a people,  were  subject  to  the  capricious 
impulses  of  vengeance,  of  which  you  had  so  recently  set  an  example. 
So  far  as  I was  concerned  in  preserving  your  life,  and  in  your  sub- 
sequent liberation,  I was  only  influenced  by  considerations  of  mercy, 
humanity,  and  the  establishment  of  a national  character.  Humanity 
was  gratified  by  your  preservation ; the  magnanimous  of  all  nations 
would  have  justified  your  release,  had  they  known  how  little  your 
influence  was  dreaded  by  the  Texans.  If,  upon  your  return  to 
Mexico,  you  should  have  power  and  a disposition  to  redeem  the 
pledges  you  had  voluntarily  made  to  myself,  as  well  as  this  govern- 
ment, of  an  earnest  disposition  to  see  the  independence  of  Texas 
recognised  by  Mexico,  I believed  it  would  have  a tendency  to  restore 
peace  to  the  two  nations,  diminish  the  aggregate  sufferings  of  their 
citizens,  and  promote  the  prosperity  of  both  countries.  In  the  event 
you  were  not  disposed  to  redeem  the  pledges  thus  given,  but  to  urge 
the  prosecution  of  the  war  by  Mexico  against  us,  I wished  to  evince 
to  mankind  that  Texans  had  magnanimity,  resources,  ana  confidence, 
sufficient  to  sustain  them  against  all  your  influence  in  favor  of  their 
subjugation. 

Your  liberation  was  induced  by  principles  such  as  these ; and, 
though  you  tendered  pledges,  doubtless  to  facilitate  and  procure 
your  release,  they  were  received,  but  not  accepted  as  a condition. 
I believed  that  pledges  made  in  duress  were  not  obligatory  upon 
the  individual  making  them ; and  if  you  intended  to  exercise  the 
influence  which  you  declared  you  would  do,  that  unconditional 


PRESIDENT  HOUSTON  TO  PRESIDENT  SANTA  ANNA.  549 


liberty  extended  to  you  would  interpose  no  obstacle  to  their  fulfil- 
ment. 

Without  any  advertence  to  any  treaty  stipulations  which  you  had 
made  with  the  cabinet  of  Texas,  I gave  you  your  entire  liberty,  and 
safe  conduct  to  the  city  of  Washington. 

You  have  asserted  to  the  world  that  you  have  given  no  pledge 
whatever  to  the  Texan  government  of  your  disposition  in  favor  of 
its  separation  from  Mexico.  That  the  tribunal  to  which  you  have 
appealed  may  judge  of  the  validity  of  your  assertion,  I shall  submit, 
with  this  communication,  a letter  of  yours  addressed  to  me  at  Colum- 
bia, dated  the  5th  of  November,  1836,*  after  my  determination  to 
give  you  your  liberty  bad  been  communicated.  I shall  present  it  in 
the  original,  accompanied  with  its  translation  into  English.  I will 
also  give  publicity  to  a veto  which  I communicated  to  the  senate,  in 
consequence  of  a resolution  of  that  honorable  body  respecting  your 
detention  as  a prisoner. 

You  have  spoken  of  events  subsequent  to  the  battle  of  San  Ja- 
cinto, and  endeavor  to  convey  the  idea  that  promises  had  been 
extorted  from  you  “ under  the  rifles  of  a tumultuous  soldiery.”  I 
am  at  a loss  to  comprehend  your  meaning  in  this  reference.  When 
you  were  brought  into  the  encampment  as  a prisoner,  the  day  after 
the  battle,  you  were  conducted  to  the  presence  of  the  commander- 
in-chief — not  amid  noise  and  tumult,  nor  did  any  exist.  When  the 
character  of  the  prisoner  was  known  to  the  army,  much  curiosity 
was  excited ; but  there  was  no  menace  used,  or  violence  offered. 
You  were  treated  with  calmness,  and  every  courtesy  extended  to  you 
that  our  situation  would  afford.  Had  you  been  a private  gentleman 
and  friend,  you  could  have  received  no  greater  facilities  than  those 
that  were  extended  to  you.  As  you  desired,  you  were  placed  near 
my  person,  and  not  sent  with  the  balance  of  the  prisoners.  You 
were  informed  that  you  could  have  your  camp-bed  and  marquee 
brought  to  my  quarters,  where  I lay  confined  with  my  wound.  You 
were  permitted  to  command  the  services  of  your  attendants ; you 
were  informed  also  that  your  baggage  should  be  selected  from  the 
spoils  taken  by  the  army  on  the  field,  which  was  accordingly  done, 
and  never  inspected.  These  privileges  were  granted  by  my  order. 
Your  aide-de-camp,  Colonel  Almonte,  and  your  private  secretary, 
were  permitted  to  remain  with  you  in  your  marquee.  A guard  was 
detailed  for  the  purpose  of  allaying  any  apprehensions  you  might 

* See  a translation  of  this  letter  in  Appendix  No.  VI.,  p.  630,  of  this  volume 


550 


APPENDIX. 


have  for  your  personal  safety,  and  every  liberty  extended  to  you 
except  your  absolute  release. 

You  submitted  propositions  to  me,  embracing  the  questions  of  the 
recognition  of  Texan  independence  and  the  termination  of  our  strug- 
gle. I unequivocally  refused  the  acceptance  of  any  offer  upon  the 
subject  of  a treaty  — alleging,  as  reasons,  that  we  had  a constitu- 
tional government,  and  the  subject  would  properly  come  before  the 
cabinet  of  Texas,  the  members  of  which  would  be  present  in  camp 
within  a few  days.  You  urged  the  further  consideration  of  your 
propositions  upon  me,  declaring  that  you  would  rather  enter  into 
stipulations  with  a general  of  the  army  than  with  the  civil  authori- 
ties of  the  country.  I positively  declined  taking  any  further  action 
upon  them ; and  they  were  referred  to  the  cabinet,  on  its  arrival. 
Declining  the  consideration  of  your  proposals  myself,  I required  you 
to  issue  orders  forthwith,  to  the  general  next  in  command,  to  evacu- 
ate Texas  with  the  troops  composing  the  Mexican  army,  and  to  fall 
back  with  them  to  Monterey.  Orders  to  this  effect  were  issued  by 
you  to  General  Filisola,  and  despatched  by  an  express,  which  could 
not,  however,  overtake  him  until  he  had  reached  the  Colorado,  on 
his  retreat,  conducted  in  the  greatest  panic  and  confusion.  Owing 
to  his  precipitate  flight,  and  your  execution  of  my  orders,  the  Mexi- 
cans were  permitted  to  leave  Texas  without  further  molestation. 

In  the  meantime,  General  Adrian  Woll,  of  the  Mexican  army, 
came  into  the  encampment  at  San  Jacinto,  without  my  knowledge, 
and  not  “upon  my  word  of  honor;”  nor  was  I apprized  of  his  pres- 
ence until  I learned  that  he,  together  with  his  aide,  had  been  trav- 
ersing our  lines.  So  soon  as  I was  advised  of  this  fact,  I ordered 
them  to  my  presence,  and  had  them  instructed  that  such  conduct 
would  not  be  tolerated,  and  caused  them  to  be  placed  under  vigi- 
lance. This  reason  I deemed  sufficient  to  detain  General  Woll  as  a 
prisoner  of  war.  His  subsequent  conduct  to  Captain  Dimit  was  such 
as  to  justify  any  unfavorable  opinion  which  I had  formed  of  his 
character.  He  had  rendered  himself  so  obnoxious  to  the  army,  that, 
from  a desire  for  his  personal  security,  I did  not  permit  his  release 
until  he  could  go  in  perfect  safety.  In  no  respect  had  the  prisoners 
taken  on  that  occasion  reason  of  complaint.  Their  lives  were  all 
forfeited  to  the  laws  of  war,  conformably  to  the  precedent  which  you 
had  exhibited.  General  Cos,  who  had  surrendered,  in  1835,  a pris- 
oner of  war  at  San  Antonio  — where  one  hundred  and  ninety-five 
Texans  stormed  and  took  the  Alamo,  with  the  town,  when  it  was 


PRESIDENT  HOUSTON  TO  PRESIDENT  SANTA  ANNA.  551 


defended  by  seventeen  hundred  regular  troops  of  Mexico  — was 
again  taken  prisoner  at  San  Jacinto,  after  he  had  violated  his  pa- 
role of  honor,  by  which  he  had  forfeited  his  life  to  the  law  of  arms. 
Yet,  such  was  the  lenity  of  the  Texans,  that  even  he  was  spared, 
thereby  interposing  mercy  to  prevent  reclamation  being  made  for 
the  brave  Texans  perfidiousty  massacred. 

From  the  5th  of  May  (1836),  I had  no  connection  with  the  en- 
campment, nor  with  the  treatment  which  the  prisoners  received, 
until  the  month  of  October,  when  I was  inducted  into  the  office  of 
chief  magistrate  of  the  nation.  It  is  true  that  you  were  chained  to 
an  iron  bar  \ but  not  until  an  attempt  had  been  made  to  release  you, 
with  your  knowledge  and  assent.  A vessel  had  arrived  at  Orazimba, 
on  the  Brasos,  where  you  were  confined.  In  possession  of  its  cap- 
tain were  found  wines  and  other  liquors  mixed  with  poison,  for  the 
purpose  of  poisoning  the  officers  and  guard  in  whose  charge  you 
were,  thereby  insuring  your  escape.  In  consequence  of  the  sensa- 
tion produced  by  this  circumstance,  you  were  confined  and  treated 
in  the  manner  you  have  so  pathetically  portrayed. 

While  confined  by  my  wound  in  San  Augustine,  I learned  that  it 
was  the  intention  of  the  army  to  take  you  to  the  theatre  of  Fannin’s 
massacre,  and  there  to  have  had  you  executed.  Upon  the  adver- 
tisement of  this  fact,  I immediately  sent  an  express  to  the  army, 
solemnly  protesting  against  any  such  act,  and  interposing  every 
possible  obstacle  against  your  further  molestation,  or  any  action 
which  might  not  recognise  you  as  a prisoner  of  war. 

Your  recent  communications  have  necessarily  awakened  adver- 
tency to  these  facts ; otherwise  they  would  have  remained  unre- 
cited by  me.  Any  part  which  I bore  in  these  transactions  is  not 
related  in  the  egotistical  style  of  your  communication : it  is  done 
alone  for  the  purpose  of  presenting  the  lights  of  history.  You  have 
sought  to  darken  its  shades,  and  appeal  to  the  sympathies,  an<J  would 
command  the  admiration  of  mankind,  and  have  even  invoked  the 
“ prismatic  tints  of  romance.” 

Now,  the  tribunal  to  which  you  have  appealed  will  have  an  op- 
portunity of  contrasting  the  treatment  which  you  and  the  prisoners 
taken  at  San  Jacinto  received,  -with  that  of  those  who  have  fallen 
within  your  power,  and  particularly  those  perfidiously  betrayed  on 
a recent  trading-excursion  to  Santa  Fe.  You  have  endeavored  to 
give  that  explanation  the  complexion  of  an  invading  movement  upon 
the  rights  of  Mexico.  To  believe  you  serious  in  the  idle  display  of 


552 


APPENDIX. 


words  made  on  this  occasion,  would  be  presenting  an  absurdity  to 
the  common  sense  of  the  age.  Your  fears  may  have  given  it  a char- 
acter different  from  that  to  which  it  was  entitled.  Examine  the  cir- 
cumstances accompanying  it.  It  was  not  an  act  of  Texas ; Congress 
had  refused  to  sanction  any  enterprise  of  the  kind.  A number  of 
individuals  were  anxious  to  open  a lucrative  trade  — as  they  believed 
it  would  be — with  Santa  Fe.  Such  a commerce  has  been  carried 
on  for  years  by  the  citizens  of  the  United  States,  from  Missouri ; 
and  the  preparations,  connected  wdth.  the  fact  that  the  citizens  took 
with  them  a considerable  amount  of  merchandise,  show  that  their 
enterprise  was  not  one  of  conquest  or  invasion.  You  may  allege 
that  it  had  connection  with  the  government,  from  the  fact  that  the 
president  identified  himself  with  it,  by  furnishing  arms  to  those  con- 
nected with  the  project.  This  may  have  induced  you  to  character- 
ize the  expedition  as  you  have  in  your  tirade  against  Texas.  What- 
ever part  the  president  bore  in  this  transaction  was  contrary  to  law 
and  in  violation  of  his  duty.  A large  portion  of  the  people  of  Texas 
were  not  apprized  of  the  existence  of  such  an  enterprise.  You 
doubtless  would  insist  that  it  had  means  of  offence  against  Mexico. 
So  far  as  their  preparation  could  give  character  to  the  undertaking 
by  carrying  with  them  artillery  and  other  munitions  of  war,  it  can 
be  accounted  for  most  readily.  They  had  to  pass  through  a wilder- 
ness six  hundred  miles  from  the  frontier  of  Texas  before  they  could 
reach  Santa  Fe.  It  was  reasonable  to  suppose  they  would  encoun- 
ter many  hostile  tribes  of  Indians  ; and  it  was  proper  and  necessary 
that  they  should  be  in  a situation  to  repel  any  attack  made  upon 
them ; and,  as  their  objects  were  pacific,  they  were  justified  in  re- 
sisting aggression  from  any  quarter.  The  instructions  given  to 
them  by  the  president  did  not  contemplate  hostilities,  but  that  the 
enterprise  would  terminate  without  bloodshed  or  violence.  Scientific 
gentlemen  from  Europe  and  the  United  States  accompanied  them, 
not  for  warlike  purposes,  but  for  the  purpose  of  adding  rich  stores  to 
the  treasury  of  science.  It  had  likewise  been  communicated  to  the 
people  of  Texas,  that  all  the  inhabitants  east  of  the  Rio  Grande 
were  anxious  to  enjoy  the  benefits  of  our  institutions.  You  can  not 
allege  that  you  ’were  not  willing  to  admit  the  justice  of  our  claims 
to  the  Rio  Grande,  or  that  you  w^re  not  anxious  to  facilitate  the 
object.  Your  communication  to  me  on  that  subject  is  conclusive  ; 
Texans  were  apprized  of  it  from  your  repeated  declarations  to  that 
effect,  w’hile  in  this  country,  and  on  your  way  to  Washington  city. 


PRESIDENT  HOUSTON  TO  PRESIDENT  SANTA  ANNA.  553 


At  the  time  the  expedition  started,  no  hostilities  were  earned  on 
between  this  country  and  Mexico.  Commissioners  from  General 
Arista  were  at  Austin  at  the  time  the  party  started  from  Santa  Fe. 
They  were  kindly  received,  and  made  the  most  sincere  professions 
of  amity  and  reconciliation  with  this  government.  They  were 
treated  with  kindness,  and  corresponding  commissioners  appointed 
to  General  Arista  To  them  every  civility  was  extended,  and  they 
were  permitted  to  return  without  molestation.  This  was  the  atti- 
tude of  the  two  countries  at  that  time.  Will  you  allege  that  this 
was  not  sanctioned  by  your  government?  — or  will  you  insist  that  it 
was  a trick  of  diplomacy  ? For  myself,  I would  not  have  been  de- 
luded by  any  professions  which  might  have  been  tendered  to  Texas 
by  Mexico,  when  a departure  from  the  most  solemn  pledges  would 
result  in  injury  to  the  former,  and  benefit  to  the  latter.  That  the 
ministers  of  General  Arista  played  their  parts  with  fidelity  to  their 
instructions,  I have  no  doubt ; and  that  all  the  information  which 
could  be  derived,  in  relation  to  the  trading  company,  was  faithfully 
transmitted  to  the  government  of  Mexico.  Nor  do  I doubt  but  that 
the  population  of  the  northern  parts  of  your  country,  so  soon  as  the 
intelligence  was  received,  were  thrown  into  the  utmost  consternation ; 
and  a nation  numbering  eight  millions  of  people,  inhabiting  “ val- 
leys, mountains,  towns,  and  large  cities,”  “ by  so  many  titles  re- 
spectable,” was  convulsed  at  the  apprehended  approach  of  three  hun- 
dred Texan  traders.  But  what  has  been  the  sequel  of  this  expedi- 
tion ? On  their  approach  to  the  settlements  of  the  Rio  Grande,  they 
obtained  supplies  from  the  inhabitants,  not  as  a hostile  and  maraud- 
ing party,  but  paid  a valuable  consideration  for  every  supply  which 
they  obtained.  They  were  met  by  the  Mexican  authorities  with 
overtures  of  peace,  assurances  of  friendship,  and  pledges  of  security, 
provided  they  would  give  up  their  arms,  for  the  purpose  of  tranquil- 
lizing the  Mexican  population.  Detached,  as  the  company  was,  into 
parties  remote  from  each  other,  and  deluded  by  pledges,  they  acqui- 
esced in  the  wishes  of  the  authorities  of  the  country ; thereby  evin- 
cing to  them,  that  they  had  no  disposition  to  disturb  the  tranquillity 
of  the  inhabitants,  and  that  their  objects  were  pacific.  But  no  sooner 
were  they  in  the  power  of  the  authorities,  than  they  were  stripped 
of  their  clothing,  deprived  of  everything  valuable,  treated  in  the 
most  barbarous  manner,  and  marched  like  convicts  to  the  capital  of 
Mexico.  On  their  route  every  act  of  inhumanity,  cruelty,  and 
hatred,  was  evinced.  When  their  sick  and  helpless  condition  re- 


554 


APPENDIX. 


quired  the  assistance  of  Christian  charity  and  humanity,  it  was 
denied  them.  They  were  barbarously  shot,  their  bodies  mangled, 
and  their  corpses  left  unburied.  The  butchery  of  M'Allister,  Gal- 
phin,  Yates,  and  others,  appeals  to  Heaven  and  this  nation  for  retri- 
bution on  the  heads  of  their  inhuman  murderers.  You  may  allege 
that  you  did  not  authorize  the  perpetration  of  these  outrages,  com- 
mitted upon  men  who  had  violated  no  rule  of  law  known  to  this  civ- 
ilized age.  This  will  he  no  excuse  for  you ; your  sanction  to  these 
acts  is  as  culpable  as  their  perpetration  was  degrading  to  their 
authors.  Their  detention,  by  you,  as  prisoners,  may  gratify  the 
malignity  of  little  minds;  but  the  just,  the  cbivalric,  the  brave 
and  generous  of  all  nations,  may  pity,  but  must  despise  your 
conduct. 

Had  it  not  been  for  the  faithless  professions  tendered  to  them,  and 
their  two  credent  belief,  they  could  haVe  maintained  their  position 
against  all  the  forces  of  northern  Mexico  ; and,  if  necessary,  could 
have  made  good  their  retreat  to  their  homes,  defying  the  “generous 
effort  of  the  people  of  New  Mexico.”  Your  conduct  on  this  occa- 
sion will  present  your  humanity  and  sense  of  propriety  in  very  awk- 
ward contrast  with  the  treatment  extended  to  you  and  your  follow- 
ers after  the  victory  of  San  Jacinto  — being,  not  as  you  suppose, 
one  of  the  “ freaks  of  fortune,”  but  one  of  the  accompaniments  of 
that  destiny  which  will  mark  the  course  of  Texas  until  the  difficul- 
ties between  the  two  countries  shall  be  satisfactorily  adjusted. 

But  you  declare  that  you  will  not  relax  your  exertions  until  you 
have  subjugated  Texas ; that  you  have  “weighed  its  possible  value,” 
and  that  you  are  perfectly  aware  of  the  magnitude  of  the  task  you 
have  undertaken  ; that  you  “ will  not  permit  a colossus  within  the 
limits  of  Mexico;”  that  our  title  is  that  of  “theft  and  usurpation;” 
and  that  the  “ honor  of  the  Mexican  nation  demands  of  you  the  rec- 
lamation of  Texas;”  that,  “if  it  were  an  unproductive  waste,  use- 
less, sterile,  yielding  nothing  desirable,  and  abounding  only  in  thorns 
to  wound  the  feet  of  the  traveller,”  you  would  not  permit  it  to  exist 
as  an  independent  government,  in  derision  of  your  national  charac- 
ter, your  hearths,  and  your  individuality.  Allow  me  to  assure  you 
that  our  title  to  Texas  has  a high  sanction;  that  of  purchase  — 
because  we  have  performed  our  conditions;  that  of  conquest  — be- 
cause we  have  been  victorious.  It  is  ours,  because  you  can  not  sub- 
due us ; it  has  been  consecrated  ours,  by  the  blood  of  martyred 
patriots ; it  is  ours,  by  the  claims  of  patriotism,  superior  intelligence, 


PRESIDENT  HOUSTON  TO  PRESIDENT  SANTA  ANNA.  555 


and  unsubduable  courage.  It  is  not  a sterile  waste,  or  a desert ; it 
is  the  home  of  freemen ; it  is  the  land  of  promise ; it  is  the  garden 
of  America. 

Every  citizen  of  Texas  was  born  a freeman,  and  he  would  be  a 
recreant  to  the  principles  imbibed  from  his  ancestry,  if  he  would  not 
freely  peril  his  life  in  defence  of  his  home,  his  liberty,  and  his  coun- 
try. Although  you  are  pleased  to  characterize  our  occupation  of 
Texas  and  defence  of  our  imprescriptable  right,  as  the  “ most  scan- 
dalous robbery  of  the  present  age,”  it  is  not  one  fourth  of  a century 
since  Mexico  perpetrated  a similar  robbery  upon  the  rights  of  the 
crown  of  Spain.  The  magnitude  of  the  theft  may  give  dignity  to 
the  robbery ; in  that  you  have  the  advantage.  That  you  should 
thus  have  characterized  a whole  nation,  I can  readily  account. 
Heretofore  you  entertained  the  opinion  that  Mexico  could  never 
conquer  Texas ; that  if  it  were  possible  for  her  to  drive  every  Texan 
from  the  soil,  Mexico  could  not  maintain  her  position  on  the  Sabine  ; 
and  the  retreat  of  her  army  would  be  the  signal  for  the  return  of 
the  Anglo-Saxon  race,  who  would  re-occupy  their  homes,  and  pur- 
sue the  Mexicans  as  far  as  the  Rio  Grande ; and  that  Mexico,  in 
preservation  of  the  integrity  of  the  territory  she  then  possessed, 
would  gain  an  advantage  by  abandoning  all  hope  of  conquering 
Texas,  and  directing  her  attention  to  the  improvement  of  her  inter- 
nal condition.  Your  recent  opinions,  as  declared  by  you,  appear  to 
be  at  variance  with  these  speculations ; and  are  most  vehemently 
avowed.  It  is  an  attribute  of  wisdom  to  change  opinions  upon  con- 
viction of  error,  and  perhaps,  for  it  you  are  justifiable — at  least,  I 
discover  you  have  one  attribute  of  a new  convert ; you  are  quite 
zealous  and  wordy  in  the  promulgation  of  the  doctrine  you  have 
espoused. 

Sir,  from  your  lenity  and  power  Texas  expects  nothing — from 
your  humanity  less ; and  when  you  invade  Texas  you  will  not  find 
thorns  to  wound  the  foot  of  the  traveller ; but  you  will  find  opposed 
to  Mexican  breasts,  arms  wielded  by  freemen,  of  unerring  certainty, 
and  directed  for  a purpose  not  to  be  eluded.  Texans  war  not  for 
gewgaws  and  titles.  They  battle  not  to  sustain  dictators  or  despots. 
They  do  not  march  to  the  field  unwillingly : nor  are  they  dragged 
to  the  army  in  chains,  with  the  mock  title  of  volunteers.  For  a 
while  they  lay  by  the  implements  of  husbandry,  and  seize  their  rifles. 
They  rally  in  defence  of  their  rights,  and  when  victory  has  been 
achieved,  they  return  to  the  cultivation  of  the  soil.  They  have 


556 


APPENDIX. 


laws  to  protect  their  rights;  their  property  is  their  own.  They  do 
not  bow  to  the  will  of  a despot ; but  they  bow  to  the  majesty  of  the 
constitution  and  laws.  They  are  freemen  indeed.  It  is  not  so  with 
your  nation;  from  the  alcalde  to  the  dictator,  all  are  tyrants  in 
Mexico ; and  the  community  is  held  in  bondage,  subject,  not  to  the 
law,  but  the  will  of  a superior,  and  confined  in  hopeless  subjection 
to  usurpation. 

In  an  individual  so  intelligent  as  yourself,  it  does  seem  to  me  that 
you  have  evinced  very  bad  taste  in  adverting  to  the  subject  of 
slavery  in  the  internal  affairs  of  this  country.  Your  opinions,  while 
here,  on  this  subject,  were  freely  and  frankly  avowed.  You  then 
believed  that  it  would  be  of  great  advantage  to  Mexico  to  introduce 
slave-labor  into  that  country ; that  it  would  develop  her  resources, 
by  enabling  her  to  produce  cotton,  sugar,  and  coffee,  for  purposes 
of  exportation ; and  that,  without  it,  she  would  be  seriously  retarded 
in  her  march  to  greatness  and  prosperity.  Your  sympathy  and 
commiseration,  at  present  expressed,  are  no  doubt  very  sincere ; and 
I only  regret  that  they  partake  so  little  of  consistency.  You  boast 
that  Mexico  gave  the  noble  and  illustrious  example  of  emancipating 
her  slaves.  The  fact  that  she  has  the  name  of  having  done  so,  has 
enabled  you  to  add  another  flourish  to  your  rhetoric ; but  the  ex- 
amination of  facts,  for  one  moment,  will  disclose  the  truth.  The 
slaves  of  Mexico,  you  say,  were  emancipated : Did  you  elevate 
them  to  the  condition  of  freemen?  No,  you  did  not  — you  gave 
them  the  name  of  freemen,  but  you  reduced  the  common  people 
to  the  condition  of  slaves.  It  is  not  uncommon  in  Mexico  for  one 
dignitary,  upon  his  hacienda,  to  control  from  one  hundred  to  ten 
thousand  human  beings  in  a state  of  bondage  more  abject  and  intol- 
erable than  the  negroes  on  any  cotton  plantation  in  this  country. 
If  any  individual  in  Mexico  owes  but  twenty -five  cents,  the  creditor, 
by  application  to  an  alcalde,  can  have  him,  with  his  family,  decreed 
to  his  service,  and  remain  in  that  state  of  slavery  until  he  is  able  to 
pay  the  debt  from  the  wages  accruing  from  his  labor — after  being 
compelled  to  subsist  his  dependent  family.  This  you  call  freedom; 
and  graciously  bestow  your  sympathy  upon  the  African  race.  The 
abolitionists  of  the  present  day  will  not  feel  that  they  are  indebted 
to  you  for  your  support  of  their  cause.  Had  some  one  else  than 
the  dictator  of  Mexico,  the  self-styled  “Napoleon  of  the  West,” 
the  subverter  of  the  constitution  of  1824,  the  projector  of  cen- 
tralism, and  the  man  who  endeavors  to  reduce  a nation  to  slavery, 


PRESIDENT  HOUSTON  TO  PRESIDENT  SANTA  ANNA.  557 


become  their  advocate,  they  might  have  been  more  sensible  of 
their  obligation.  So  far  as  its  increase  can  be  prevented,  our  con- 
stitution and  laws  have  presented  every  obstacle.  They  will  be 
maintained  to  the  letter;  and,  on  account  of  slavery,  Texas  will 
incur  no  reproach. 

You  touchingly  invite  “ Texas  to  cover  herself  anew  with  the  Mex- 
ican flag.”  You  certainly  intend  this  as  a mockery.  You  denied 
us  the  enjoyment  of  the  laws  under  which  we  came  to  the  country. 
Her  flag  was  never  raised  in  our  behalf ; nor  has  it  been  seen  in 
Texas  except  when  displayed  in  an  attempt  at  our  subjugation. 
We  know  your  lenity  — we  know  your  mercy — we  are  ready  again 
to  test  your  powers.  You  have  threatened  to  plant  your  banner 
on  the  banks  of  the  Sabine.  Is  this  done  to  intimidate  us  ? Is  it 
done  to  alarm  us  ? Or  do  you  deem  it  the  most  successful  mode 
of  conquest?  If  the  latter,  it  may  do  to  amuse  the  people  sur- 
rounding you.  If  to  alarm  us,  it  will  amuse  those  conversant  with 
the  history  of  your  last  campaign.  If  to  intimidate  us,  the  threat 
is  idle.  We  have  desired  peace — you  have  annoyed  our  frontier; 
you  have  harassed  our  citizens ; you  have  incarcerated  our  traders, 
after  your  commissioners  had  been  kindly  received,  and  your  citi- 
zens allowed  the  privileges  of  commerce  in  Texas  without  moles- 
tation. You  continue  aggression ; you  will  not  accord  us  peace. 

We  will  have  it.  You  threaten  to  conquer  Texas ; we  will  war 
with  Mexico.  You  pretensions  with  ours  you  have  referred  to  the 
social  world,  and  to  the  God  of  battles.  We  refer  our  cause  to  the 
same  tribunals — the  issue  involves  the  fate  of  nations.  Destiny 
must  determine  — its  event  is  only  known  to  the  tribunal  of 
Heaven.  If  experience  of  the  past  will  authorize  speculations  of 
the  future,  the  attitude  of  Mexico  is  more  “problematical”  than 
that  of  Texas. 

In  the  war  which  will  be  conducted  by  Texas  against  Mexico, 
our  incentive  will  not  be  a love  of  conquest ; it  will  be  to  disarm 
tyranny  of  its  power.  We  will  make  no  war  upon  Mexicans,  or 
their  religion.  Our  efforts  shall  be  made  in  behalf  of  the  liberties 
of  the  people ; and  directed  against  the  authorities  of  the  country, 
and  against  your  principles.  We  will  exalt  the  condition  of  the 
people  to  representative  freedom.  They  shall  choose  their  own 
rulers — they  shall  possess  their  property  in  peace ; and  it  shall  not 
be  taken  from  them  to  support  an  armed  soldiery  for  purposes  of 
oppression. 


558 


APPENDIX. 


With  these  principles  we  will  march  across  the  Rio  Grande,  and 
— believe  me,  sir — ere  the  banner  of  Mexico  shall  triumphantly 
float  on  the  banks  of  the  Sabine,  the  Texan  standard  of  the  Single 
Star,  borne  by  the  Anglo-Saxon  race,  shall  display  its  bright  folds, 
in  Liberty’s  triumph,  on  the  isthmus  of  Darien. 

With  the  most  appropriate  consideration,  I have  the  honor  to 
present  you  my  salutations. 

Sam  Houston. 


APPENDIX  NO.  IX. 


LIST  OF  THE  GOVERNORS  OF  TEXAS. 

[This  list  is  not  given  as  perfect.  Many  of  those  acting  as  governors,  in  the 
early  history  of  the  country,  were  the  commandants  of  the  Presidio  of  Bexar, 
and  officiating  ad  interim .] 

I.  — FRENCH  DOMINATION. 

Robert  Cavalier,  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle 1686 

The  Sieur  Barbier 1687 

II.  — SPANISH  DOMINATION. 

Domingo  Teran  de  los  Rios  (Coahuila  and  Texas  until  1726) 1691 

Don  Martin  D’Alarconne 1718 

Marquis  of  San  Miguel  de  Aguayo 1720 

Fernando  Perez  de  Alraazan 1723 

Melchior  de  Mediavilla  y Arcona  (Texas  alone  until  1824) 1725 

Juan  Antonio  Bustillos  y Cevallos 1731 

Manuel  de  Sandoval 1734 

Carlos  de  Franquis 1736 

Prudencio  de  Oribio  de  Basterra 1788 

Justo  Boneo 1740 

Jacinto  de  Barrios  y Jaurequi 1756 

Antonio  de  Martos  y Navarrete 1762 

Juan  Maria  Baron  de  Ripperda 1770 

Domingo  Cabello 1778 

Rafael  Pacheco 1789 

Manuel  Munoz  . „ 1790 

Juan  Bautista  Elguezabal 1803 

Antonio  Cordero 1806 

Manuel  de  Salcedo 1810 


560 


APPENDIX. 


Juan  Bautista  Casas  assumed  the  command  of  the  Province,  and  was  con- 
firmed in  the  same  by  General  Matias  Ximenes,  one  of  Hidalgo’s  Lieu- 
tenants, January  22 1811 

A Spanish  Provisional  Junta,  under  the  Presidency  of  the  Sub-Deacon  Juan 
Manuel  Zambrano,  overthrew  Governor  Casas,  and  reinstated  Manuel 

de  Salcedo  1811 

Salcedo  killed  by  the  Republican  General  Bernardo  Gutierres,  in  1813,  and 
Texas  in  a disorganized  condition  until  after  the  Battle  of  Medina. 

Christoval  Dominguez 1813 

Antonio  Martinez 1818 

III. MEXICAN  DOMINATION. 

Trespalacios 1822 

By  the  Decree  of  the  Sovereign  Junta  of  January,  1822,  Texas  came  under 
the  Government  of  the  Eastern  Captaincy-General,  in  which  position 
it  remained  until  the  State  of  “ Coahuila  and  Texas”  was  organized 
under  the  Constitution  of  1824. 

Don  Lwciana  Garcia  (acting) 1823 

Rafael  Gonzales  {ad  interim  — Coahuila  and  Texas  united  until  1835)  ....  1824 

Victor  Blanco 1826 

Jos6  Maria  Viesca 1828 

Jos6  Maria  Letona 1831 

Francisco  Vidauri  y Villasenor  (acting) 1834 

A Civil  War  broke  out  in  the  State  of  Coahuila  and  Texas.  — Saltillo  pro- 
nounced, and,  on  the  19th  of  July,  1834,  appointed  Jos6  Maria  Goribar 
as  Governor. — On  the  30th  of  August,  1834,  the  Party  of  Monclova 
appointed  Juan  Jos4>  Elguezabal  Governor. — The  matter  was  referred 
to  Santa  Anna,  who  ordered  a new  Election. 

Augustin  Viesca 1835 

Revolutionary  Councils  until  November  13 1835 

Henry  Smith,  Provisional  Governor  until  March  17 1836 

IV.  — independent  domination. 

David  G.  Burnet,  President  {ad  interim) 1836 

Sam  Houston,  **  (constitutional) 1836 

Mirabeau  B.  Lamar,  “ “ 1838 

Sam  Houston,  “ “ 1841 

Anson  Jones,  “ “ 1844 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


Abduction  of  Captain  Dimit,  vol.  it,  p. 
319. 

Adaea  Mission  of,  i.,  50 ; discontinued, 

1.,  94 ; further  History,  i.,  109  ; Span- 
iards driven  from,  i.,  181. 

Agua  Dulce,  Battle  of,  ii.,  84. 

Aguayo,  Marquis  de,  Governor  of  Coa- 
huila  and  Texas,  i.,  67  ; recommends 
Colonists,  i.,  74. 

Ahumada,  Col.  Mateo,  marches  against 
the  Fredonians,  i.,  249. 

Alamo,  History  of  the,  i.,  107 ; Siege  of, 

11.,  76,  211  ; Notes  on  the,  i.,  468. 
Albuquerque,  Scene  at,  in  1806,  i.,  139. 
Almont6,  Juan  N.,  visits  Texas,  i.,  827 ; 

his  View  of  the  War,  ii.,  82;  a Pris- 
oner at  San  Jacinto,  ii.,  145. 
Anahnac,  Affair  at,  i.,  290. 

Anastase  Douay,  attends  La  Salle,  i.,  40. 
Andrews,  Richard,  killed  at  Concepcion, 

1.,  375. 

Anglo-American  Colonies,  Progress  of, 

1.,  98. 

Annexation  discussed,  ii.,  208  ; Instruc- 
tions to  Texan  Charge  in  regard  to, 

11.,  345 ; brought  forward  by  United 
States,  ii.,  423  ; Treaty  of,  ii.,  428 ; 
rejected  by  the  United  States  Senate, 

ii.,  431 ; Effect  of  it,  ii.,  431 ; Resolu- 
tions of,  passed  United  States  Con- 
gress, ii.,  440. 

Apaches,  i.,  78. 

Apodaca,  the  Viceroy,  Policy  of,  L,  216. 
Archer,  Branch  T.,  in  the  Convention 
of  1838,  i.,  311 ; President  of  the  Con- 
sultation, ii.,  12;  one  of  the  Commis- 
sioners to  the  United  States,  ii.,  13. 
Archives,  Public,  Removal  o£  ii.,  866. 
Arkokisa,  Spanish  Troops  at,  L,  128. 

Vol.  II.— 36 


Armijo,  Governor,  his  Conduct,  ii.,  326. 

Armistice  between  the  Parties  of  Mon- 
clova  and  Saltillo,  i.,  323 ; proposed 
bv  Santa  Anna  to  Texas,  ii.,  408 ; pro- 
claimed by  President  Houston,  ii.,  409; 
Correspondence  relating  to,  ii.,  413; 
Instructions  on,  ii.,  414;  signed  by 
Texan  Commissioners,  ii.,  422 ; reject- 
ed by  the  President  of  Texas,  ii.,  422. 

Army,  Texan,  occupies  Head  of  San  An- 
tonio River,  ii.,  14 ; Regular  proposed, 

ii.,  241 ; strange  Letter  from,  to  Presi- 
dent Burnet,  ii.,  172;  Disorders  in, 

ii.,  183;  Condition  in  August,  1836, 

ii.,  191 ; at  the  Close  of  1836,  ii.,  206 ; 
furloughed,  ii.,  215;  Mexican,  at  the 
Close  of  1836,  ii.,  206. 

Arredondo,  General,  commands  at  the 
Battle  of  Medina,  i.,  174. 

Artillery,  first  seen  in  Texas,  i.,  22;  the 
“Twin-Sisters,”  ii.,  123. 

Atasco  Sito  Road,  i.,  128. 

Aury,  Don  Luis,  occupies  Galveston  Is- 
land, i.,  180 ; Sketch  of  him,  i.,  181 ; 
sails  to  Soto  la  Marina,  i.,  185  ; puts 
in  at  Matagorda  Bay,  i.,  193 ; sails  to 
Amelia  Island,  i.,  194. 

Austin,  City  of,  selected  as  the  Capital, 
iL,  273. 

Austin,  John,  defeats  Ugartachea  at  Ve- 
lasco, i.,  294;  dies  of  Cholera,  i.,  314. 

Austin,  Moses,  Sketch  of,  i.,  209 ; ob- 
tains first  Colony  Contract,  ii.,  210. 

Austin,  Stephen  F.,  explores  Texas,  L, 
212;  Visit  to  Mexico,  i.,  214 ; Return 
to  the  Colony,  i.,  227  ; Regard  for  his 
Colony,  i.,  309;  in  the  Convention 
of  1833,  L,  311 ; first  Interview  with 
Houston,  i.,  809 ; sent  with  the  Me- 


562 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


morial  to  the  Supreme  Government, 

i.,  312;  Ill's  Advice  to  the  Texans,  i., 
314  ; in  Prison  in  Mexico,  i.,  315 ; re- 
leased from  the  Prison  of  the  Inqui- 
sition, i.,  324;  View  of  Santa  Anna’s 
Policy,  i.,  826;  returns  from  Mexico, 

i.,  357  ; elected  to  the  Command  of 
the  Texan  Army,  i.,  368;  invites  the 
Consultation  to  repair  to  the  Army, 

1.,  370;  Interview  with  Houston  at 
the  Salado,  i.,  372;  one  of  the  Com- 
missioners to  the  United  States,  ii., 
14  ; holds  a Council  of  War  at  Sau 
Antonio,  ii.,  16 ; resigns  the  Com- 
mand, ii.,  18;  his  Advice,  ii.,  67; 
Success  in  the  United  States,  ii.,  176 ; 
Return  to  Texas,  ii.,  181 ; Death  of, 

11.,  202. 

Austin,  William  T.,  aids  in  the  Descent 
on  San  Antonio,  ii.,  14;  despatched 
for  Artillery,  ii.,  108,  110. 

Baker,  Mosely,  Disorganizing  Movement 
of,  December  19, 1835,  i.,  40 ; ordered 
to  defend  the  Pass  of  San  Felipe,  ii., 
115;  reinforced,  ii.,  118. 

Barbier,  the  Sieur,  left  in  Command  at 
St.  Bernard,  i.,  37. 

Barradaa,  General,  invades  Mexico,  i., 
269. 

Barragan,  Defeat  of,  ii.,  375. 

Barrataria,  Sketch  of,  i.,  187  ; Bucca- 
neers driven  from,  i.,  188. 

Barrett,  D.  C.,  Commissioner  to  General 
Cos,  i.,  341 ; Attempt  to  make  him 
Judge- Advocate-General,  ii.,  44. 

Battle  of  Nolan’s  River,  March  22, 1801, 

1.,  114;  at  Salitre  Prairie,  i.,  153 ; of 
Rosalia,  March  28,  1813,  i.,  166;  of 
the  Alazan,  i.,  171;  of  the  Medina, 
1813,  i.,  174;  of  the  “Three  Trees,” 

i.,  197  ; near  San  Saba  in  1831,  i.,  282; 
of  Guadalupe  Zacatecas,  i.,  333 ; of 
Gonzales,  October  2,  1835,  i.,  363  ; 
of  Concepcion,  October  28,  1835,  i., 
373;  called  the  “Grass-Fight,”  No- 
vember 26,  1835,  ii.,  18;  over  House’s 
Body,  November  8,  1835,  ii.,  19  ; of 
Refugio,  March  14,  1836,  ii.,  88;  of 
the  Coleta,  March  19,  1836,  ii.,  92; 
of  San  Jacinto,  ii.,  142  ; with  the  In- 
dians, November  10,  1837,  ii.,  228; 
at  Jos6  Maria  Village,  October  25, 
1838,  ii.,  247;  at  Kickapoo  Village, 
October  16,  1838,  ii.,  247;  with  Flo- 
res, May  14,  1838,  ii.,  259;  with  Cor- 
dova, March  26,  1839,  ii.,  261  ; with 
the  Camanches,  February  15,  1839, 
ii  261 ; with  the  Indians  above  Bas- 


trop, February,  1839,  ii.,  262  ; on  Lit- 
tle River,  May  27,  1839,  ii.,  262;  with 
the  Cherokees,  July  16,  1839,  ii.,  268  ; 
with  the  same,  July  16,  1839,  ii.,  269; 
of  Alcantro,  October  3,  1839,  ii.,  275 ; 
of  Morales,  March  15,  1840,  ii.,  289; 
of  Saltillo,  October  23,  1840,  ii.,  293; 
of  Plum  Creek,  August  12,  1840,  ii., 
302;  of  the  Red  Fork  of  the  Colorado, 
October  24,  1840,  ii.,  304  ; near  Lare- 
do, April  7,  1841,  ii.,  320;  of  Lipan- 
titlan,  July  7,  1842,  ii.,  361 ; of  the 
Salado,  September  17,  1842,  ii.,  364; 
of  Mier,  December  25  and  26,  1842, 

11.,  362 ; of  the  Hacienda  Salado,  Feb- 
ruary 11,  1843,  ii.,  374;  by  Snively 
on  the  Plains,  June  20,  1843,  ii.,  402; 
Bird’s  Fight,  ii.,  262. 

Beales  and  Grant,  Colony  of,  i.,  317. 

Bean,  Ellis  P.,  Expedition  to  Texas, 1800, 

1.,  Ill;  imprisoned  at  Chihuahua,  i., 
166;  at  Acapulco,  i.,  158;  Attempt 
to  escape,  i.,  160;  in  Command  in 
the  Patriot  Army,  i.,  161 ; Connection 
with  Lafitte,  i.,  191  ; History  after 
leaving  Mexico,  i.,  236 ; takes  part 
against  the  Fredonians,  i.,  250;  In- 
dian Agent  in  Texas,  i.,  272  ; a Colo- 
nel in  Mexico,  i.,  327  ; Influence  over 
the  Indians,  i.,  358  ; Memoir  of,  writ- 
ten by  Himself,  i.,  404 ; arrested,  ii, 
130. 

Beaujeau, Captain, accompanies  La  Salle, 

i.,  16;  they  quarrel,  i.,  17. 

Bee,  Barnard  E.,  accompanies  Santa  An- 
na to  Washington  City,  ii.,  204  ; sent 
to  Mexico,  ii.,  256. 

Belisle,  Wanderings  of,  i.,  70. 

Bexar,  selected  by  Governor  Viesca  as 
the  Seat  of  Government,  i.,  335 ; Tex- 
ans march  upon,  i.,  368;  Old  Record 
of,  i.,  382;  Works  at  ordered  to  be 
demolished,  January  17,  1836,  ii.,  58. 

Bird,  Captain  John,  Fight  with  the  In- 
dians, ii.,  262. 

Blanco,  Governor  Victor,  annuls  Ed- 
wards’s Grant,  i.,  243;  opposes  the 
Texan  Memorial  of  1833,  i.,  825. 

Bolivar  Point,  occupied  by  General 
Long,  i.,  202. 

Boneo,  Doc  Justo,  Governor  of  Texas, 

i.,  83. 

Bonham,  J.  B.,  enters  the  Alamo  during 
the  Siege,  ii.,  79. 

Boundary  between  Spain  and  Great 
Britaiu  by  the  Treaty  of  1763,  i.,  93 ; 
Western  of  Texas,  i.,77  ; ii.,  156,  343 ; 
j Eastern  of  Texas,  L,  80,  102  ; in  1837, 

| ii.,  217,  307,  332. 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


563 


Bowie,  Colonel  James,  Sketch  of,  i., 
270;  Battle  near  San  Saba,  i.,  282; 
at  the  Battle  of  Nacogdoches,  i.,  298 ; 
commands  at  Concepcion,  i.,  873  ; in 
advance  at  the  “ Grass-Fight,”  ii.,  18; 
ordered  west,  ii.,  46  ; ordered  to  Bex- 
ar, January  17,  1836;  killed  in  the 
Alamo,  ii.,  81. 

Bradburn,  Colonel,  Quarrels  of  at  Ana- 
liuac,  i.,  290,  272. 

Bradley,  Captain  John  M.,  of  the  “Mod- 
erators,” ii.,  440. 

Brasos,  Indian  Name  of,  i.,  27. 

Breeze,  Captain  of  the  New  Orleans 
Grays,  ii.,  33. 

Brenham,  R.  F.,  Commissioner  to  Santa 
F6,  ii.,  322. 

Brown,  Captain  Henry  S.,  Campaign 
against  the  Indians,  i.,  260. 

Buccaneers,  i.,  34. 

Bullock,  Colonel  James  W.,  commands 
at  Nacogdoches,  i.,  298. 

Burleson,  Colonel  Edward,  elected  to 
the  Command  at  San  Antonio,  ii.,  18 ; 
Efforts  to  aid  Travis,  ii.,  104;  sent  to 
watch  the  Retreat  of  Filisola,  ii.,  164; 
Fight  with  Cordova, ii., 261;  defeats  the 
Indians  above  Bastrop,  ii.,262 ; march 
against  the  Cherokees,  ii.,  267  ; Affair 
with  the  Cherokees  on  the  Colorado, 

ii.,  283 ; elected  Vice-President,  ii., 
331  ; in  command  at  San  Antonio, 

ii.,  363. 

Barnet,  David  GM  Empresario,  i.,  262  ; 
in  Convention  of  1833,  i.,  311 ; draws 
up  the  Memorial,  i.,  312 ; writes  the 
Liberty  Address,  i.,  371  ; Memorial 
to  Mexico,  i.,  469 ; elected  President 
ad  interim , ii.,  71;  Appeal  to  the 
People,  ii.,  Ill;  Narrow  Escape  of, 

ii.,  136  ; Order  to- Houston  to  retreat 
to  Galveston,  ii.,  153  ; requested  to 
repair  to  the  Camp  at  San  Jacinto, 

ii.,  153;  Negotiations  with  Santa  An- 
na, ii.,  154  ; Affair  with  the  Army, 

ii.,  171;  elected  Vice-President,  ii., 
245. 

Burnham,  Captain,  Fight  with  the  Ca- 
raukawaes,  i.,  226. 

Burr,  Aaron,  his  Expedition,  i.,  144. 

Burton,  Major  Isaac  W.,  Success  in  cap- 
turing Vessels,  ii.,  180. 

Bustamente,  General,  declares  against 
Guerrero,  i.,  270;  prohibits  Colonists 
from  the  United  States,  i.,  270 ; forced 
by  Santa  Anna  to  resigD,  i.,  293 ; they 
make  peace,  i.,  303 ; return  from  Exile 
in  France,  and  elected  President  of 
Mexico,  1837,  ii.,  204. 


Cadena,  Royalist  General  in  Mexico,  i., 
150. 

I Calhoun,  John  C.,  concludes  Treaty  of 
Annexation,  ii.,  428. 

Calleja,  Royalist  General  in  Mexico,  i., 
150. 

Camanches,  i.,  78  ; Insolence  of,  in  1785, 

i.,  107 ; Massacre  of,  ii.,  298;  Descent 
of,  on  Victoria  and  Linnville,  ii.,  300; 
defeated  at  Plum  Creek,  ii.,  302;  on 
Red  Fork  of  the  Colorado,  ii.,  305. 

Cameron,  Captain,  leads  in  the  Battle 
of  the  Hacienda  Salado,  ii.,  376  ; shot 
— Cause  of  it,  ii.,  377. 

Campaign,  Federal,  of  1839,  ii.,  274;  of 
1840,  ii.,  290. 

Cam  peachy,  Lafitte’s  Town  of,  on  Gal- 
veston Island,  i.,  197. 

Canales,  General  L.  Antonio,  commands 
in  the  Federal  War,  ii.,  274,  288 ; 
Treachery  of,  ii.,  297. 

Candelle,  Col.  Nicholas,  at  Goliad,  i.,365. 

Capital  of  Texas,  Selection  of,  ii.,  273. 

Caraukawaes,  Battle  with,  i.,  197  ; fur- 
ther Battles  with,  i.,  221 ; peace  with, 

i.,  226. 

Carson,  Samuel  P.,  Letter  from,  ii.,  118. 

Casa  de  Contractacion,  i.,  96. 

Casa  Fuerte,  Viceroy  of  Mexico,  i.,  80. 

Castenado,  Captain,  defeated  at  Gonza- 
les, i.,  361. 

Cession  of  Louisiana  to  Spain  in  1762, 

i.,  92;  receded  in  1800,  i.,  116  ; ceded 
to  the  United  States  in  1803,  i.,  119. 

Cevallos,  Governor  of  Texas,  i.,  80. 

Chambers,  Thomas  J.,  Sketch  of,  i.,  274; 
appointed  Judge,  i.,  321 ; Address  to 
the  People  of  Texas,  i.,  324 ; Power 
to  raise  an  Army  of  Reserve,  ii.,  67. 

Charles  IV.  of  Spain,  i.,  146. 

Charles  V.,  Decree  of,  i.,  63. 

Cherokees,  in  Mexico,  i.,  215;  Declara- 
tion in  Favor  of,  ii.,  62 ; their  Threat- 
ening Attitude,  ii.,  127  ; War  with,  ii., 
263 ; Defeat  of,  ii.,  269. 

Chihuahua,  Settlement  of,  i.,  26. 

Christy,  Colonel  William,  Efforts  for 
Texas,  ii.,  22;  aids  in  procuring  a 
Loan,  ii.,  62. 

Claiborne,  Governor,  calls  out  the  Mili- 
tia, i.,  132;  Proclamation  of,  against 
the  Barratarians,  i.,  188. 

Clay,  Henry,  against  Annexation,  ii., 
429  ; Defeat  of,  ii.,  429. 

Clergy  of  New  Spain,  i.,  62  ; Influence 
in  Mexico,  i.,  818. 

Coaliuila,  first  settled,  i.,  26 , Population 
of,  in  1806,  i.,  141 ; Limits  of,  in  1744, 
i,  77. 


564 


GENITAL  INDEX. 


Coahuila  and  Texas,  State  o£  L,  231  ; 
its  Poverty,  i.,  258;  Civil  War  in,  L, 

316  ; Legislature  of,  its  Corruption 
and  End,  i.,  325. 

Cooke,  William  G.,  Commissioner  to 
Santa  Fe,  ii.,  322. 

Coleta,  Battle  of  the,  ii.,  92. 

Coldwell,  Colonel  Matthew,  commands 
at  the  Salado,  ii.,  364. 

Colonists,  recommended  by  De  Aguayo, 

1.,  174;  from  Canary  Islands,  L,  77  ; ! 
Tlascala,  i.,  79;  first  Anglo-Saxon,  i., 
212;  their  Privations,  L,  229;  Laws  j 
favoring  the,  L,  262  ; forbidden  from  j 
the  Lnited  States,  L,  270. 

Colonization  Law,  General,  i.,  216;  of 
Coahuila  and  Texas,  i.,  233. 

Colony,  brought  to  Texas  by  La  Salle, 
L,  19;  Fate  of  it,  i.,  42;  Contract 
first  L,  210;  of  Beales  and  Grant  L, 

317  ; Contracts,  Texan,  ii.,  436. 
Collingsworth, Capt,  takes  Goliad, 1,367. 
Collingsworth,  James,  Commissioner  to 

the  United  States,  ii.,  176  ; Death  of, 

11.,  250. 

Colorado  River,  Indian  Name  o£  L,  27. 
Columbia,  Meeting  of  August  15,  1835, 
L,  354. 

Commerce  of  Texas  in  1806,  L,  140;  in 
1834,  L,  327. 

Commercial  Policy,  exclusive,  of  Spain, 

L,  95. 

Commissioners  to  Cos,  i.,  341. 

Committee  of  Safety,  first  in  Texas,  i., 
337. 

Common  Law,  Provision  for  its  Intro- 
duction, ii.,  74,  287. 

Company  of  the  Indies,  i.,  66. 
Concepcion,  Mission  of,  founded,  L,  79; 
Battle  of,  i.,  373. 

Congress,  Mexican  Constituent  i.,  219;  i 
first  Texan,  ii.,  199;  Reform  Congress, 
ii.,  340;  Extra  Session  of  June,  1842, 
ii.,  354 ; passes  a Secret  Act  to  sell  the 
Navy,  ii.,  381;  Attempt  to  obtain  the  j 
Correspondence  of  Government  ii, 
424;  Mexican,  dismissed  by  Santa  i 
Anna,  i.,  318. 

Constitution  of  1824,  i.,  200;  ita  Char-  ! 
acter,  i,  230;  of  Coahuila  and  Texas, 

L,  252;  of  1824,  reinstated  by  Santa  1 
Anna  in  1832,  i.,  393 ; of  the  Republic 
of  Texas,  ii.,  73. 

Consultation,  General,  Origin  ofj  i.,  354 ; 
met  October  16,  1835,  and  adjourned,  j 

i,  370 ; reassembled  at  San  Felipe, 
November  1, 1835,  iL,  11 ; adjourned,  ' 
to  meet  at  Washington,  March  1, 1836,  j 

ii,  13. 


Convention  of  1832,  at  San  Felipe,  L, 
302;  of  1833,  i.,  311  ; at  Washington, 
on  the  Brasos,  1836,  ii.,  71 ; Delegates 
to,  ii.,  Appendix  No.  IIL,  p.  512. 

Convents  of  Queretaro  and  Zacatecas, 
L,  54. 

Cordero.  Governor  Antonio,  i.,  127, 129. 

Correo  Mexicans,  Capture  of  the,  L,  356. 

Correspondence  of  the  Commander-in- 
Chief  of  the  Texan  Army,  in  1835- 
’36,  ii.  Appendix  No.  L,  p.  445. 

Cos,  General  Martin  P,  takes  part  in 
the  Civil  War  at  Monclova,  L,  331 ; 
disperses  the  Legislature,  i,  334 ; Let- 
ter of  to  Political  Chief  of  Brasos,  L, 
343;  advance  into  Texas,  i,  361 ; de- 
feated at  San  Antonio,  iL,  30 ; rein- 
forces Santa  Anna,  ii,  140;  captured 
at  San  Jacinto,  ii,  142;  Commission- 
ers to,  L,  341. 

Council  of  the  Indies,  i,  61  ; jealous  of 
the  French,  L,  74. 

Council,  Permanent,  first  in  Texas,  L, 
367  ; of  the  Provisional  Government, 
iL,  14 ; Usurpation  of,  iL,  50 ; Quarrel 
with  Governor  Smith,  iL,  43,  53 ; they 
depose  him,  iL,  54,  67 ; of  War  at  San 
Antonio,  iL,  16  ; of  War  held  by  Fan- 
nin, iL,  78;  of  War  held  by  Santa 
Anna,  iL,  79 ; of  War  held  by  Hous- 
ton on  the  21st  of  April,  iL,  140. 

Counties,  Creation  of,  ii.,  74. 

Creek  Indians  attempt  to  settle  in  Tex- 
as, i.,  328. 

Crockett,  David,  arrives  at  Nacogdo- 
ches, iL,  70;  killed  in  the  Alamo,  iL,  8L 

Crozat,  Grant  to,  by  Louis  XI V.,  L,  47  ; 
Surrender  of  it,  L,  66. 

Cuernavaca,  Plan  of  i.,  318. 

Customhouses  in  Texas,  i.,  272. 

IVAlareonne,  Governor  of  Texas,  L,  68. 

Dangerfield,  W.  EL,  Commissioner  to 
the  United  States,  iL,  352. 

Davenport,  Samuel,  Spanish  Indian 
Agent,  L,  153. 

Davis,  Adju tan t- General  James,  in  com- 
mand on  the  Nueces,  ii.,  355  ; at  the 
Battle  of  Lipantitlan  iL,  361. 

Dawson,  Captain  and  Company,  killed 
at  the  Salado,  iL,  365. 

Dawson,  Frederick,  Contract  with  for 
Navy,  iL,  243. 

De  Ay  Hon,  Voyage  o£  L,  31. 

Debt,  Puhlie,  iL,  197,  218,  249,  281,  333. 

Declaration  of  Adherence  to  the  Con- 
stitution of  1824,  iL,  12  ; of  Indepen- 
dence, at  Goliad,  iL,  47  ; by  the  Con 
vention  of  March,  1836,  iL,  7L 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


565 


De  Leon,  Captain  Alonzo,  Expedition  to 
Texas,  i.,  44. 

De  Leon,  Martin,  Empresario,  i.,  234. 

De  Leon,  Voyage  of,  i.,  31. 

Delgado,  Colonel,  executed  at  San  An- 
tonio, i.,  151;  Vengeance  taken  by 
his  Son,  i.,  168. 

De  Narvaez,  Voyage  of,  i.,  31. 

De  Nava,  Don  Pedro,  secularizes  the 
Missions,  i.,  108. 

Do  Onis,  Bad  Faith  in  the  Discussion 
with  J.  Q Adams,  i.,  86. 

Descent  upon  San  Antonio,  ii.,  24. 

De  Soto,  Voyage  of,  i.,  31. 

Despotism  organized  by  Santa  Anna,  i., 
850. 

De  Tonti,  in 'Search  of  La  Salle,  i.,  43. 

De  Ulloa,  Governor  of  Louisiana,  In- 
structions to,  i.,  96. 

De  Witt,  Green,  Empresario,  i.,  234. 

Dickinson, Mrs., saved  in  theAlarao,ii,81. 

Dimit,  Captain  Philip,  in  command  at 
Goliad,  ii.,  12;  ordered  to  raise  Men 
for  Bexar,  ii.,  59;  his  Capture  and 
Death,  ii.,  319. 

Diplomacy,  Mysterious,  ir  Texas,  ii.,  409. 

Disaffected  Persons  on  the  Coast,  ii.,  132. 

Disarming  the  Inhabitants,  Decree  for, 
L,  330. 

Documents  in  Relation  to  the  Appoint- 
ment of  Commander-in-Chief,  ii.,  Ap- 
pendix No.  II.,  p.  507. 

Douglas,  Brigadier-General,  commands 
in  the  Cherokee  War,  ii.,  268. 

Duhaut,  Mutinous,  r.,  36 ; kills  La  Salle, 

i.,  40 ; is  killed  by  Heins,  i,  41. 

Eastern  Texas,  Condition  of,  in  April, 
1836,  ii.,  108. 

Eaton,  Lieutenant  William,  Assistant- 
Quartermaster-General,  ii.,  48. 

Education  in  Texas,  i.,  267. 

Edwards,  Benjamin  W.,  commands  in 
the  Fredonian  War,  i.,  244. 

Edwards,  Hayden,  arrives  in  Mexico, 
i,  215:  Empresario,  i.,  234;  Dispute 
with  the  Political  Chief,  i.,  237  ; Con- 
tract with  Mexico,  i.,  462 ; Difficulties 
in  his  Colony,  if.  236;  Grant  to  an- 
nulled, i.,  243. 

Edwards,  Monroe,  imprisoned  at  Ana- 
huac,  i.,  291;  in  the  Slave-Trade,  ii, 
809. 

EJguezabal,  Juan  Jos6,  qua»i  Governor, 

i.,  328. 

Elisondo,  Don  Y.,  betrays  Hidalgo,  L, 
160;  defeated  at  the  Alazan,  i,  171. 

Elliot,  Captain  Charjes,  on  the  Armis- 
tioe,  ii.,  412;  Explanation*  to,  ii,  427. 


Ellis,  Richard,  President  of  the  Conven- 
tion of  1836,  ii.,  71. 

Empresarios,  Provisions  for,  i.,  217. 

Enemy,  Attempt  to  draw  him  out,  ii., 
112;  Position  of  the,  on  the  15th  of 
April,  1836,  ii.,  112. 

English,  Captain  George,  commands  a 
Company  from  Eastern  Texas,  ii.,  24. 

Evans,  Major,  Master  of  Ordnance,  shot 
in  the  Alamo,  ii.,  81. 

Exchequer-Bills,  Worth  of,  ii.,  348,  379. 

Expedition  of  Lieutenant  Pike,  i.,  125; 
to  Santa  F6,  ii.,  231 ; to  Mier,  ii.,  370 ; 
of  Colonel  Snively,  ii.,  399. 

Falcon,  Miguel,  appointed  Governor  by 
Santa  Anna,  i,  338. 

Fannin  and  Bowie,  ordered  to  examine 
the  Missions,  i.,  871. 

Fannin,  J.  W.,  appointed  to  raise  Sup- 
plies, ii.,  42;  ordered  to  Velasco,  iL, 
49;  appointed  “Agent”  to  march  on 
Matamoras,  ii.,  51 ; Proclamation  of, 

ii.,  60 ; Attempt  to  aid  Travis,  ii.,  78 ; 
repairs  Fort  Defiance,  at  Goliad,  ii, 
85;  his  Orders  from  Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor Robinson,  ii,  86  ; ordered  by 
Houston  to  fall  back,  ii.,  84 ; sets  out 
on  his  Retreat,  ii.,  91 ; surrenders  at 
the  Coleta,  ii.,  96;  shot  at  Goliad,  ii, 
98;  Effect  of  his  Defeat  on  the  Texan 
Army,  ii.,  112. 

Farias,  Gomez,  Conduct  of,  i,  315. 

Farnese,  Charles  Compt6,  Propositions 
of,  ii.,  224. 

Federal  War,  ii,  274,  290. 

Ferdinand  VI.,  Decree  of,  against  the 
Monks,  i.,  63. 

Filisola,  General  Vicente,  opposes  Santa 
Anna’s  Views,  ii.,  108;  approves  San- 
ta Anna’s  Public  Treaty,  ii.,  165. 

Fisher,  Captain  William  S.,  arrives  with 
his  Company,  ii,  114;  in  the  Federal 
War  of  1840,  ii.,  290;  commands  the 
Mier  Expedition,  ii.,  371. 

Fisher  S.  Rhoads,  in  the  Affair  of  the 
“ William  Robbins,”  ii,  89. 

Fletcher,  Joshua,  first  Treasurer  of  Tex- 
as, ii.,  84. 

Flores,  Gaspar,  Commissioner  to  grant 
Titles;  i,  266. 

Flores,  Mauuei,  Mexican  Agent  among 
the  Indians,  U.,  258;  his  De4th,  ii, 
260. 

Florida,  Spam  concludes  to  cede  to  the 
United  States,  i,  194. 

Florida,  West,  Convention  of,  at  Baton 
Rouge,  i,  177 ; annexed  to  the  United 
States,  i,  177. 


566 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


Forbes,  Major  John,  despatched  to  Ve- 
lasco for  Troops,  ii.,  110,  114;  ap- 
pointed Indian  Commissioner,  ii.,  50. 

Franciscans,  Notice  of  the  Order,  i.,  54. 

Franklin,  Benjamin  C.,  first  Texas  Judge, 

11.,  199. 

Franks,  Colonel  Midland,  aids  in  the  De- 
scent. on  San  Antonio,  ii.,  26. 

Franquis,  Carlos  de,  Governor  of  Texas, 

1.,  82  ; Tyranny  of,  i.,  83. 

Fredonians,  i.,  247 : Treaty  with  the  In- 
dians, i.,  247 ; Battle  with  Norris,  i., 
249. 

Freeman,  Colonel,  arrested  by  the  Span- 
iards, i.,  124. 

French  blockade  Mexican  Ports,  ii.,  242. 

French  of  Louisiana,  Movement  of,  i.,  47. 

Frontenac  aids  La  Salle,  i.,  15 

Gael) u pin  War,  Plan  of,  i.,  153  ; Prog- 
ress of,  i.f  163. 

Gaines,  Captain  James,  aids  the  Patri- 
ots in  1812,  i.r  165;  at  the  Battle  of 
Rosalia,  i.,  166  ; of  the  Alazan,  i.,  172; 
visits  Lafitte,  i.,  200. 

Gaines,  General  Edmund  P.,  Instruc- 
tions from  the  United  States,  i.,  167 ; 
Correspondence  with  Houston,  ii., 
182  ; Letter  as  to  the  Disposal  of  San- 
ta Anna,  ii.,  195. 

Galleons,  Spanish,  i.,  96. 

Galveston  Island,  first  occupied  by  Don 
Luis  Aury,  in  1816,  i.,  180  ; D6pdt  for 
Prizes  and  Slaves,  i.,  183  ; occupied 
by  Lafitte  in  1817,  i.,  190;  flourish- 
ing, i.,  196  ; Pirates  broken  up  by  the 
United  States,  i.,  203;  again  unoccu- 
pied, i.,  208  ; Register  of  Proceedings 
at,  in  1817,  i.,  454;  in  1836,  ii.,  198. 

Galveston,  Town  of,  ii.,  241 ; Growing 
Commerce  of,  ii.,  311. 

Galvez,  Don  Jos4,  Governor  of  Louisi- 
ana, i.,  101;  Death  o£  i.,  110. 

Gardoqui,  Don  Diego,  Spanish  Minister 
to  the  United  States,  i.,  103. 

Garita  at  San  Antonio,  ii.,  16. 

Gil  y Barbo,  Commandant  at  Nacogdo- 
ches, i.,  100. 

Goliad,  Name  of  La  Bahia  changed  to, 

i.,  234;  Capture  of,  i.,  369;  Massacre 
at,  March  27,  1836,  ii:,  98;  Declara- 
tion of  Independence  at,  ii.,  47. 

Gonzales,  Colonel  Jose  Maria,  takes  part 
with  Texas,  ii.,  38;  in  the  Federal 
War,  ii.,  274. 

Gonzales,  Don  Jos6,  Lieutenant  of  Gov- 
ernor Sandoval,  i.,  81. 

Gonzales,  Eusign,  at  Adaes  in  1806,  i., 
128. 


Gonzales,  Rafael,  first  Governor  of  Co- 
ahuila  and  Texas,  i.,  234. 

Gonzales,  Town  of,  Dispute  about  the 
Cannon  there,  i.,  361  ; Battle  of,  i.f 
363  ; Texan  Troops  at,  March,  1836, 

ii.,  104;  Effect  there  of  the  News  of 
the  Fall  of  the  Alamo,  ii.,  105. 

Goribar,  Jos6  Maria,  appointed  Govern- 
or by  a Faction,  i.,  322. 

Gorostiza,  Mexican  Minister  at  Wash- 
ington, Interview  with  President 
Jackson,  ii.,  169. 

Government,  Seat  of,  Retreat  to  Harris- 
burg, ii.,  113;  to  Galveston,  it,  162; 
to  Velasco,  ii.,  155;  to  Columbia,  ii., 
197  ; to  Houston,  ii.,  913  ; Permanent 
Selection  of,  ii.,  273. 

Governor  and  Council,  Dispute  between, 

ii.,  43. 

Governors  of  Texas,  List  of,  ii.,  Appen- 
dix No.  IX.,  p.  559. 

Grant,  Dr.  James,  urges  the  Descent  on 
Matamoras,  ii.,  21  ; aids  in  taking  San 
Antonio,  ii.,  26 ; his  Motive  in  carry- 
ing on  the  War,  ii.,  44;  his  March  to 
Matamoras,  ii.,  56 ; his  Capture  and 
Death,  ii.,  84. 

Grass-Fight,  ii.,  18. 

Grays,  New  Orleans,  Sketch  of,  ii.,  22. 

Grayson,  Peter  W.,  Commissioner  to  the 
United  States,  ii.,  176;  his  Death,  it, 
245. 

Green,  General  T.  J.,  resists  the  Return 
of  Santa  Anna,  ii.,  171. 

Gritton,  Edward,  Commissioner  to  Gen- 
eral Cos,  i.,  341  ; returns  for  further 
Powers,  i.,  347  ; Attempt  to  make  him 
Collector  for  Copano,  ii.,  44. 

Guerrero,  Republican  Chieftain,  i.,  205; 
Death  of,  i.,  270. 

Hall,  Sims,  Army  Contractor,  i.,  379. 

Hamilton,  General  James,  invited  to 
the  Command  of  the  Texan  Army,  ii., 
205  ; Loan-Agent  for  Texas,  ii.,  282; 
Letter  to  Monroe  Edwards,  ii.,  811; 
Efforts  to  obtain  a Loan,  ii.,  314;  in 
Brussels,  ii.,  339 ; Correspondence 
with  Santa  Anna,  ii.,  357. 

Handy,  R.  E.,  despatched  to  Bexar,  ii., 
106. 

Hanks,  Wyatt,  Report  of,  in  Favor  of 
Matamoras  Expedition,  ii.,  60. 

Hannah  Elizabeth,  the,  captured  by  the 
Bravo,  ii.,  89. 

Harcourt,  Colonrel  Edward,  ordered  to 
'Velasco,  ii.,  114. 

Hardiman,  Bailey,  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  ii.,  74. 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


567 


Harrisburg,  Retreat  of  the  Government 
co,  ii.,  113. 

Hawkins,  Captain  Charles,  Sketch  of, 

ii.,  37. 

Hays,  Captain  J.  C.,  defeats  Garcia  near 
Laredo,  ii.,  320 ; in  command  at  San 
Antonio,  ii.,  349;  at  the  Battle  of  the 
Salado,  ii.,  364. 

Heins  kills  Duhaut,  i.,  41. 

Henderson,  J.  P.,  Commercial  Arrange- 
ment through,  with  Great  Britain  and 
France,  ii.,  272;  aids  in  making  the 
Treaty  of  Annexation,  ii.,  427. 

Herrera,  Governor  of  New  Leon,  i.,  129. 

Herrera,  Manuel,  Commissioner  to  the 
United  States,  i.,  178. 

Hidalgo,  the  Curate  of  Dolores,  i.,  148; 
executed,  i.,  160. 

Hockley,  G.  W.,  of  Houston’s  Staff,  ii., 
75;  accompanies  Santa  Anna  to  Wash- 
ington City,  ii.,  203;  Commissioner  to 
arrange  the  Armistice,  ii,,  414. 

Holzinger,  Colonel,  had  charge  of  Colo- 
nel Fannin  at  Goliad,  ii.,  97. 

Horton,  A.  C.,  comes  to  the  Aid  of  Fan- 
nin, ii.,  90;  at  the  Coleta,  ii.,  92. 

“Horse-Marines,”  Success  of,  ii.,  180. 

Houston,  Fort,  Indian  Murders  at,  ii., 
213. 

Houston,  Sam,  arrives  in  Texas,  i.,  305; 
Sketch  of  him,  i.,  305 ; in  the  Conven- 
tion of  1833,  i.,  31 1 ; appointed  Com- 
missioner to  prevent  the  Creeks  from 
settling  in  Texas,  i.,  328;  Resolutions 
at  San  Augustine,  i.,  350  ; nominated 
to  command  the  Troops  of  Eastern 
Texas,  i.,  367  ; Interview  with  Austin 
at  the  Salado,  i.,  372;  Letter  to  Presi- 
dent Jackson  in  1833,  i.,  465;  to  the 
Indian  Commissioners  in  1833,  i.,  467  ; 
elected  Commander-in-Chief  by  the 
Consultation,  ii.,  13  ; Reply  to  Mosely 
Baker  at  the  Meeting  of  December 
19,  1835,  ii.,  41 ; Proposed  Demon- 
stration on  Matamoras  or  Copano,  ii., 
46  ; Headquarters  removed  to  Wash- 
ington, ii.,  49 ; Order  of  December  30 
to  Fannin,  ii.,  49  ; appointed  to  treat 
with  the  Cherokees,  ii.,  50;  ordered 
to  proceed  to  the  Frontier,  ii.,  54;  at 
Goliad,  January  16,  1836,  ii.,  58;  di- 
rects Colonel  Neill  to  demolish  the 
Works  at  Bexar,  and  bring  off  the 
Artillery,  ii.,  68;  at  Refugio,  ii.,  61; 
returned  to  Washington,  and  report- 
ed to  Governor  Smith,  ii.,  62;  fur- 
loughed till  the  1st  of  March,  ii.,  63; 
elected  Commander-in-Chief  by  the 
Convention,  March 4, 1836,  ii.,  72;  Ap- 


pendix No.  II.,  p.  508  ; Official  Corre- 
spondence as  Commarfder-in-Chief,  it, 
Appendix  No.,  I.,  p.  445  ; Delegate  to 
the  Convention,  ii.,  74;  sets  out  for 
the  Army,  March  6,  ii.,  75;  orders 
Fannin  to  fall  back,  ii.,  84  ; reaches 
Gonzales,  March  11,  ii.,  104;  Retreat 
from  Gonzales,  ii.,  104;  letter,  to  from 
the  President  of  the  Convention,  ii., 
110;  Defences  on  the  Colorado,  ii., 
112;  on  the  Brasos,  opposite  Groce’s, 

ii.,  115;  crosses  the  Brasos,  April  12, 

ii.,  120;  confers  with  Secretary  Rusk, 

ii.,  131 ; March  from  Donoho’s  to  Har- 
risburg, ii.,  132 ; crosses  Buffalo  Bayou 
on  the  19th,  ii.,  136;  wounded  on  the 
21st,  ii.,  144  ; Interview  with  Santa 
Anna,  ii.,  147  ; President’s  Order  to 
retreat  to  Galveston,  ii.,  153;  Projet 
of  a Treaty  with  Santa  Anna,  ii.,  154 ; 
surrenders  the  Command  of  the  Army 
to  Rusk,  May  5,  ii.,  165  ; Correspond- 
ence with  General  Gaines,  ii.,  182 ; 
opposes  an  Attack  on  Matamoras,  ii., 
190;  View  of,  as  to  the  Disposal  of 
Santa  Anna,  ii.,  195;  installed  as 
President  of  Texas,  ii.,  198;  releases 
Santa  Anna,  ii.,  203  ; elected  the  Sec- 
ond Time  to  the  Presidency,  ii.,  331 ; 
Policy  toward  Mexico,  ii.,  336 ; Policy 
toward  the  Indians,  ii.,  337  ; recom- 
mends Exchequer-Bills,  ii.,  339  ; Ef- 
forts in  behalf  of  Prisoners  in  Mexico, 

ii.,  342  ; Efforts  to  invade  Mexico,  ii., 
352;  Le.tter  of  March  21,  1842,  to 
Santa  Anna,  ii.,  358 ; Message  to  Con- 
gress, ii.,  352;  vetoes  the  War-Bill, 

ii.,  360 ; Proclamation  as  to  the  Texan 
Navy,  ii.,  383 ; dictates  Robinson's 
Letter  to  Santa  Anna,  ii.,  388;  pro- 
claims an  Armistice,  ii.,  409 ; Corre- 
spondence with  General  Murphy,  ii., 
415;  rejects  the  Armistice  agreed  on 
by  Commissioners,  ii.,  442 ; Secret 
Annexation  Message,  ii.,  426 ; Reply 
to  Jackson  on  the  Rejection  of  the 
Treaty,  ii.,  433;  Letter  to  Santa  An- 
na, ii.,  Appendix  No.  VIII.,  p.  544. 

Houston,  Town  of,  ii.,  196  ; Growth  of, 

ii.,  311. 

Hunt,  General  Memucan,  Commissioner 
to  run  Boundary-Line,  ii.,  307. 

Hunter,  John  Dunn,  Sketch  of,  i.,  236 ; 
Treaty  for  the  Indians  made  by,  i., 
248  ; Death  of,  i.,  250. 

Hurd,  Captain,  commands  the  “William 
Robbins,”  ii.,  39. 

Huston,  Colonel  A.,  Agent  to  New  Or* 
leans,  ii.,  36  ; Quartermaster-General, 


568 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


iL.  48  ; ordered  to  remove  Stores  from 
Coxe’s  Point,  iL,  115. 

Hnston,  General  Felix,  Account  of  La- 
mar’s Reception  as  Commander-iu- 
Chief,  ii.,  183  ; commands  at  the  Bat- 
tle of  Plum  Creek,  ii.,  302. 

Immigrants,  first  European,  to  Texas, 
L,  13;  Landing  of,  L,  19. 

Immigration,  ii,  436. 

"Independence”  Schooner  taken,  ii.,212. 

Independence,  Texan  Declaration  of,  ii., 
71 ; List  of  the  Signers  to,  ii.,  Appen- 
dix No.  III.,  p.  512;  Prospect  of  its 
Acknowledgment,  ii.,  176;  acknowl- 
edged by  the  United  States,  ii.,  207 ; 
by  France,  ii.,  273  ; by  Great  Britain, 
Holland,  and  Belgium,  ii.,  309. 

Indians,  first  Hostility  of,  i.,  30 ; in  Tex- 
as in  1685,  i.,  27  ; Names  of  Tribes, 

i.,  27 ; Cenis,  i.,  27  ; Hospitality  of 
the,  i.,  36;  Wars  o£  L,  42;  Nasson- 
ites,  i.,  36 ; Servitude  of  the,  i.,  61 ; 
Difficulty  of  Christianizing,  i.,  59; 
Strength  of,  in  1730,  i.,  78;  Caman- 
ches  and  Apaches,  i.,  78  ; Proposal  to 
treat  with  them  in  1835,  i.,  350;  Ex- 
pedition against,  in  1835,  i.,  352 ; 
Mention  of  their  Rights,  i.,  358,  377  ; 
Declaration  of  Consultation  in  Favor 
of.  ii.,  62 ; Messenger  from  Groce’s  to 
the  Cooshatties,  iL,  132;  seduced  by 
the  Mexicans,  ii.,  227. 

Inhabitants,  Flight  of,  ii.,  106;  Panic 
of.  East  of  the  Trinity,  iL,  108. 

Insubordination,  Effect  of,  ii.,  394. 

Invasion  of  Texas  by  Vasquez,  March, 
1842,  ii.,  348 ; by  Woll,  September, 
1842,  ii.,  363. 

Iturbide,  his  Pronunciamento,  i.,  206 ; 
his  Victories,  i.,  206;  Treaty  with 
O’Donoju,  L,  207  ; declares  himself 
Emperor,  L,  216  ; quarrels  with  San- 
ta Anna,  i.,  218;  abdicates,  i.,  219. 

Iturigaray,  Viceroy  of  Mexico,  L,  147. 

Jack,  Patrick  H.,  Imprisonment  at  An- 
ahuac,  i.,  291. 

Jackson,  President,  Letter  to  Houston 
in  1829,  i.,  307 ; Interview  with  Go- 
rostiza,  ii.,  169;  View  of,  as  to  the 
Disposal  of  Santa  Anna,  ii.,  195;  An- 
swer to  Santa  Anna’s  Letter,  ii.,  200 ; 
Letter  on  the  Rejection  of  the  Texas 
Treaty  of  Annexation,  iL,  432;  re- 
joices at  Annexation,  ii.,  441 ; his 
Death,  ii.,  442. 

Jealousy  between  the  United  States  and 
Great  Britain,  iL,  406,  409. 


Jesuits,  i.,  63. 

Johnson,  Colonel  F.  W.,  marches  to  the 
Relief  of  the  Texans  at  Anahuac,  L, 
291 ; commands  a Division  in  the  De- 
scent on  San  Antonio,  iL,  26;  elected 
to  the  Chief  Command  on  the  Death 
of  Milam,  ii.,  31 ; applies  to  the  Coun- 
cil for  Leave  to  march  on  Matamoras, 

ii.,  51 ; his  Proclamation,  ii.,  60. 

Johnson,  General  A.  S.,  appointed  to  the 
Command  of  the  Texan  Army,  ii.,  207. 

Jones,  Captain  Randal,  his  Expedition 
against  the  Caraukawaes,  i.,  224. 

Jones,  Dr.  Anson,  elected  President  of 
Texas,  ii.,  437. 

Jones,  John  Rice,  first  Postmaster-Gen- 
eral, ii.,  33. 

Jordan,  Colonel,  in  the  Federal  War, 

11.,  274. 

Joutel  accompanies  La  Salle  to  Texas, 

1.,  15;  left  in  command  at  Fort  St. 
Louis,  L,  21,  33;  returns  to  France, 

i.,  42. 

Jury,  Trial  by,  instituted,  ii.,  321. 

Karnes,  Captain  Henry,  Sketch  of,  i., 
373  ; at  the  Siege  of  San  Antonio,  ii., 
28 ; despatched  to  Bexar,  iL,  106 ; 
Affair  with  the  Enemy  at  Rocky 
Creek,  iL,  111 ; Pursuit  of  the  Enemy 
at  San  Jacinto,  ii.,  143. 

Kemper,  Major,  commands  in  the  Ga- 
chupin  War  of  1812,  i.,  165;  returns 
home,  i.,  168. 

Kerr,  James,  presides  at  the  Navidad 
Meeting,  i.,  342. 

Kerr,  Peter,  taken  in  the  “ Hannah 
Elizabeth,”  ii.,  39. 

Kimball,  H.  S.,  Secretary  of  the  Con- 
vention, ii.,  71. 

King,  Captain,  sent  to  Refugio,  ii.,  86; 
Attempt  of  Major  Ward  to  relieve 
him,  ii.,  87  ; King  and  his  Command 
taken  and  shot,  ii.,  90. 

Kuykendall,  Colonel  A,  his  Campaign 
against  the  Indians,  L,  260. 

La  Bahia,  Mission  o£  i.,  74. 

Labranche,  Alcee,  Charge  cT Affaires 
from  the  United  States,  iL,  208. 

Lafitte,  Sketch  of,  i.,  186;  occupies  Gal- 
veston, i.,  190;  his  Operations  there, 

i.,  195  ; Battle  with  the  Caraukawaes, 

i.,  197  ; declines  aiding  General  Long, 
L,  200;  appointed  Governor  of  Gal 
ves^on  Island,  i.,  202 ; driven  from 
Galveston,  i.,  203 ; his  Death,  in  Yu- 
catan, i.,  204. 

Laguna,  Marquis  o£  i.,  44. 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


569 


La  Harpe,  i.,  fi8 ; Correspondence  with 
D’Alarconne,  i.,  68 ; in  command  at 
Matagorda  Bay,  i.,  *73. 

Lallemand,  General,  settles  in  Texas,  i., 
195. 

Lamar,  Mirabeau  B.,  distinguished  in 
the  Affair  of  the  20th  of  April,  ii., 
139;  appointed  Commander-in-Chief, 

11.,  183  ; elected  President  of  the  Re- 
public, ii.,  245 ; Message,  ii.,  252 ; In- 
dian Policy,  ii.,  280. 

Land-Certificates,  Fraudulent,  ii.,  283. 

Lands,  Law  for  Sale  ofj  i.,  320;  Frauds 
in,  i.,  321,  330. 

Land-Office,  Effort  to  open,  ii.,  228 ; 
Frauds,  ii.,  228;  closed  in  1842,  ii.,  366. 

Land-Titles,  Order  of  Ugartachea,  sus- 
pending Issuance  of,  i.,  359 ; Sketch 
of,  ii.,  230. 

Laredo,  Settlement  of,  ii.,  60 ; Plunder 
of,  ii.,  368. 

Larrison,  Captain,  despatched  from  Gon- 
zales for  Ammunition,  ii.,  105. 

La  Salle  brings  first  Colony  to  Texas,  i., 
13;  his  Troubles,  i.,  22;  his  Neigh- 
bors, i.,  27  ; Journey  to  the  Interior 
of  Texas,  i.,  33 ; Tragic  Death,  i.,  40. 

Law,  John,  i.,  66. 

Leftwich,  Robert,  Empresario,  i.,  234. 

Legislature  of  Coahuila  and  Texas,  de- 
clares for  Santa  Anna,  i.,  322 ; Cor- 
ruption of,  i.,  321,  330,  335  ; Members 
of,  from  Saltillo,  retire,  i.,  821 ; resists 
Santa  Anna,  i.,  333  ; Final  Sitting,  i., 
333 ; its  Decrees  annulled  by  Mexican 
Congress,  i.,  336. 

Legislatures  of  the  Mexican  States  abol- 
ished, i.,  366. 

Les  Veches,  River,  named  by  the  French, 

1.,  23. 

Letona,  Jos6  Maria,  Governor  of  Coahu- 
ila and  Texas,  i.,  270. 

Lewis,  Captain  William  P.,  Treachery 
of,  ii.,  828. 

Liberty,  Settlement  of,  i.,  266  ; Munici- 
pality of,  i.,  276 ; Ayuntiamento  of,  op- 
poses the  War-Party,  i.,  339;  comes 
over  to  the  War-Party,  i.,  370. 

Lipantitlan,  Battles  of,  ii.,  19,  861. 

Loan  proposed,  ii.,  314;  its  Failure,  ii., 
316;  Gigantic  Projects,  ii.,  317;  Effort 
to  make  one  in  Brussels,  ii.,  339  ; Loan 
Laws  repealed,  ii.,  340;  Revolutiona- 
ry obtained  by  Texas  Commissioners, 

11.,  62. 

Long,  David,  killed  on  the  Trinity,  in 
1819,  i.,  201. 

Long,  General,  invades  Texas,  i.,  199; 
driven  out,  i.,  202;  his  Death,  i.,  207. 


Louisiana,  ceded  to  Spain  in  1 762,  i.,  92 ; 
ceded  to  France,  in  October,  1800,  i., 
116 ; ceded  to  the  United  States,  April 
30,  1803,  i.,  119;  Discussions  of  1806 
as  to  its  Boundaries,  i.,  123. 

M'Allister,  Shooting  of,  ii.,  336. 

M‘Culloch,  Colonel  Ben,  Sketch  of,  ii., 
300. 

M'Donald,  Lieutenant  William,  at  the 
Siege  of  San  Antonio,  ii.,  28. 

M'Farland,  John,  Spanish  Indian  Agent, 

i.,  153. 

M‘Kinney,  Thomas  F.,  Loan-Agent,  L, 
379. 

M‘Leod,  Brigadier-General  Hugh,  com- 
mands Santa  Fe  Expedition,  ii.,  322. 

M‘Mullen  and  M‘Gloin,  Empresarios,  i., 
266. 

M‘Nutt,  Major,  left  with  the  Sick,  ii., 
134. 

Madero,  Commissioner  to  grant  Land- 
Titles,  arrested  by  Teran,  i.,  275. 

Madison,  Captain,  observing  the  Move- 
ments of  Lafitte,  i.,  203. 

Magee,  Augustus  W.,  in  command  of  an 
Escort,  i.,  152;  elected  Colonel  of  the 
Patriots,  i.,  162;  his  Death,  i.,  165. 

Mail,  Mexican,  broken  open  at  San  Fe- 
lipe, i.,  338. 

Major-General, -Law  creating,  ii.,  384. 

Manchaca  takes  part  in  the  Gachupin 
War,  i.,  173. 

Manuel  Godoy,  Spanish  Minister,  i.,  106, 
124,  146. 

Marin,  Bishop  of  New  Leon,  visits  Texas, 

1.,  129. 

Marquette,  Exploration  of  the  Mississip- 
pi by,  i.,  14. 

Martin,  Wylie,  Chairman  of  the  Revo- 
lutionary Meeting  at  San  Felipe,  L, 
341 ; Political  Chief  pro  tein.,  i.,  344; 
presides  at  the  Meeting  of  December 
19,  1835,  ii.,  40. 

Massacre  at  Goliad,  ii.,  98;  Burial  of 
their  Remains,  ii.,  177  ; Documents 
in  Relation  to,  ii.,  Appendix  No.  IV., 
p.  514 ; at  Fort  Parker,  May,  1836, 

11.,  170;  of  Camanches  at  San  Anto- 
nio, ii.,  298. 

Matagorda  Bay,  first  Settlement  in  Tex- 
as, i.,  13;  Belisle  occupies  it  for  the 
French,  i.,  73. 

Matamoras, projected  Enterprise  against, 

ii.,  21,  23;  Fever  at  Goliad,  January 
16,  1836,  ii.,  58;  its  Origin,  ii.,  60 
Proposal  to  attack,  July,  1836,  ii.,  190. 

Medina,  Ancient  Western  Boundary  of 
Texas,  i.,  77 ; Battle  of,  i.,  174. 


570 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


Meeting,  Revolutionary,  of  Ji^y  17,1 835, 
L,  340;  on  theNavidad,  July  19, 1835, 

1.,  342. 

Memorial  of  T833,  to  Mexico,  L,  469. 

Message  of  President  Tyler  in  1843,  iL, 
417 ; Effect  olj  iL,  418;  Annexation, 
iL,  426. 

Mexia,  General,  supports  Santa  Anna  in 
1832,  L,  295;  fails  in  the  Descent  on 
Tampico, |L,  36;  aided  by  the  Coun- 
cil of  Texas,  iL,  42;  Governor  Smith’s 
Opinion  of  him,  iL,  43 ; his  Death,  ii., 
256. 

Mexicans  advance  on  the  Colorado,  ii., 
109 ; concentrate  west  of  the  Brasos, 

11.,  162  ; their  Sufferings,  iL,  162  ; Re- 
treat oL  ii.,  163. 

Mexico,  Independence  of,  L,  207  ; Gua- 
dalupe Victoria  first  President  of,  L, 
255  ; Pedraza,  second,  L,  265 ; Vincent 
Guerrero  installed,  i.,  265 ; Discus- 
sions with  the  United  States  as  to  the 
Boundary,  L,  276 ; Plan  of  Vera  Cruz 
adopted  by,  L,  293 ; Santa  Anna  elect- 
ed President,  i.,  310;  what  she  re- 
quired of  Texas  L,  350 ; Despotism 
established  in  by  Santa  Anna,  L,  351 ; 
State  Legislatures  abolished,  L,  366 ; 
Population  and  Resources  o£  in  Jan- 
uary, 1836,  ii.,  63;  Generals  of,  with 
Santa  Anna  in  Texas,  ii.,  66  ; Com- 
plaints of,  to  the  United  States,  iL, 
158  ; Instructions  of  the  Government  . 
of,  to  Filisola,  iL,  166;  Differences 
with  the  United  States,  iL,  200;  Ef-  ! 
forts  to  excite  the  Indians,  ii.,  227, 
257  ; Differences  with  France,  ii.,  242; 
Reference  of  Differences  with  the  Uni-  ’ 
ted  States,  iL,  242 ; Civil  W ar  in,  1840, 
iL,  287  ; Earnest  Preparation  for  inva- 
ding Texas,  1841,  ii.,  318;  Suspension 
of  Diplomatic  Relations  with  Great 
Britain,  iL,  416 ; Beginning  of  the 
Revolution  in,  L,  147.  ] 

Mier,  Expedition,  Origin  o£  iL,  370; 
Battle  of,  iL,  372;  Texans  surrender,  ] 
iL,  374  ; escape  at  the  Hacienda  Sala- 
do,  ii.,  374;  retaken,  ii.,  376;  deci- 
mated, iL,  376;  Effect  of,  in  other  ] 
Countries,  iL,  395 ; their  Treatment,  3 
iL,  398 ; released,  iL,  437.  1 

Milam,  Benjamin  R.,  leads  the  Assault' 
on  San  Antonio,  iL,  25  ; killed  during 
the  Battle,  iL,  28. 

Millard,  Henry,  Chairman  of  Committee  3 
on  the  Provisional  Government,  iL, 

12. 

Miller,  Dr.  James  H.  C.,  Letter  from,  L, 
844. 


Miller,  Major,  captured  with  his  Com- 
mand  at  Copano,  iL,  97. 

Miles,  Lieutenant,  killed  in  an  Indian 
Battle,  ii.,  228. 

Mina,  Xavier,  Sketeh  of,  i.,  182;  arrives 
at  Galveston,  L,  183 ; sails  for  Mexico, 
i.,  185 ; captured  and  shot,  L,  186. 

Miranda,  History  and  Expedition  of,  L, 
143. 

Missionaries,  first  to  Texas,  L,  16,  53; 
Duties  of,  L,  58 ; Correspondence  o£ 
i.,  88 ; Protestant,  iL,  220. 

Missions,  Year  o£  L,  50;  Catholic,  L,  60; 
of  Concepcion,  San  Juan,  and  La  Es- 
pada,  ii.,  231  ; San  Jose,  ii.,  234. 

Mississippi  River,  Discovery  of  the 
Mouth  of,  L,  13  ; Free  Navigation  of 
i.,  103. 

Mobile,  Dispute  about,  L,  123. 

Moderators,  War  with  the  Regulators, 
iL,  440. 

Monasterio,  Jos6  Maria  Ortis,  Letter  to 
Santa  Anna,  ii.,  82. 

Monclova,  in  1744,  L,  87  ; Seat  of  Gov- 
ernment of  Coahuila  and  Texas,  L, 
262  ; appoints  a Governor,  L,  323. 

Moore,  Colonel  John  H,  commands  Ex- 
pedition against  Indians  in  1835,  L, 
352 ; in  command  at  Gonzales,  i.,  363 ; 
defeats  the  Camanches,  ii..,  261 ; also 
on  Red  Fork  of  the  Colorado,  iL,  304. 

Moore,  Commodore,  Orders  to,  iL,  380. 

Moorman,  Captain  Wat,  of  the  Regula- 
tors, iL,  440. 

Morelos  the  Priest,  his  Victories,  L,  156; 
Further  Efforts  for  Independence,  L, 
178. 

Morfit,  Henry  M.,  sent  by  the  United 
States  to  examine  the  Condition  of 
Texas,  ii.,  191. 

Morgan,  Colonel  James,  ordered  to  the 
Defence  of  Galveston,  iL,  115;  Com- 
missioner to  sell  the  Navy,  iL,  383. 

Morehouse,  Captain,  removing  Families 
east  of  the  Brasos,  iL,  119. 

Morris,  Captain  Robert,  of  the  New  Or- 
leans Grays,  iL,  23 ; in  the  Descent 
on  San  Antonio,  iL,  25. 

Muldoon,  Father,  L,  268. 

Municipalities,  Law  creating,  L,  304. 

Murphy,  General  W.  S.,  Charge  from  the 
United  States  to  Texas,  iL,  415  ; an- 
nounces the  Rejection  of  the  Treaty 
of  Annexation,  iL,  432. 

Mustang  Horses,  Catching  of,  L,  112. 

Nacogdoches,  Rise  of,  L,  99 ; in  1806,  L, 
137  ; taken  in  1812,  L,  155;  by  Gen- 
eral Long  in  1819,  L,  199 ; Return  of 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


571 


the  Citizens  in  1821,  i.,  221 ; Trouble 
at,  in  1826,  i.,  238  ; Battle  at,  in  1832, 
i,  298;  Proceedings  and  Alarm  there 
in  April,  1836,  ii.,  128 ; Revolt  of  Mex- 
icans at,  ii.,  245. 

Natchez,  Spanish  Settlement  at,  i.,  106; 

Surrender  of  to  Americans,  i.,  116. 
Natchitoches,  Post  established  at  by  the 
French,  i.,  48. 

Naturalization,  Spanish,  i.,  211. 
Navarro,  J.  A.,  Commissioner  to  Santa 
FA  ii.,  322. 

Navidad,  Meeting  of  July  19,  i835,  at, 

1.,  342. 

Navy,  Mexican,  in  November,  1835,  ii., 
38. 

Navy,  Texan,  in  April,  1836,  ii.,  124; 
captures  the  Montezuma  and  Pocket, 

11.,  124;  Condition  of  in  August,  1836, 
ii.,  192;  Losses,  ii.,  212;  takes  the 
Alispa,  Telegraph,  and  Eliza  Russell, 
ii.,  213;  Battle  off  Galveston  Harbor, 
ii.,  216;  Contract  with  Dawson  for, 

11.,  243  ; Delivery  of  Vessels,  ii.,  271  ; 
placed  in  Ordinary,  ii.,  308 ; Secret 
Message  concerning,  ii.,  380;  Com- 
missioners to  sell,  ii.,  381  ; Proclama- 
tion in  regard  to,  it.,  383. 

Neill,  Colonel  J.  C.,  Efforts  to  aid  Tra- 
vis, ii.,  104;  ordered  to  demolish 
Works  at  Bexar,  and  bring  off  the 
Artillery,  ii.,  58;  aids  in  the  Descent 
on  San  Antonio,  ii.,  26  ; ordered  to 
the  Command  at  Bexar,  ii.,  49. 
Neutral  Ground,  Origin  of  the,  i.,  133; 
Character  of  its  Occupants  in  1812, 

1.,  151. 

New  Mexico,  first  Settled,  L,  26  ; Trade 
with,  i.,  264. 

New  Orleans,  Port  of,  i.,  118. 

New  Philippines,  i.,  50. 

New  Spain,  Clergy  of,  i.,  62. 
Newspapers  in  Texas,  ii.,  196,  308. 
Nolan,  Philip,  Expedition  to  Texas,  i., 
Ill ; his  Death,  i.,  114. 

Norris,  Alcalde  at  Nacogdoches,  i.,  243. 

O’Donoju,  General,  Spanish  Commis- 
sioner, arrives  at  Vera  Cruz,  i.,  206; 
Treaty  with  Iturbide,  i.,  207. 
Orquizaco,  Mission  of,  i,  49 ; discontin- 
ued, i.,  94. 

Padilla,  Juan  Antonio,  Commissioner- 
General  to  Texas,  i.,  274. 

Parker,  Fort,  Massacre  at,  May  19,  1836, 
it,  170. 

Parmer,  Colonel  Martin,  Commander  of 
Frcdoninns,  Sketch  of,  i.,  247. 


Parties  in  Texas,  January,  1836,  ii.,  55. 

Paso  del  Norte,  first  settled,  26 ; Con- 
dition of,  in  1806,  i.,  141. 

Patriots  take  Nacogdoches  in  1812,  i., 
155  ; their  Progress,  L,  162;  take  La 
Bahia,  November  14,  1812  i.,  163. 

Patton,  William  H.,  accompanies  Santa 
Anna  to  Washington  City,  ii.,  204. 

Peacock,  Captain,  in  command  of  Mis- 
sissippi Volunteers,  ii.,  24. 

Pease,  Elisha  M.,  Secretary  to  the  Coun- 
cil, ii.,  34. 

Pedraza,  second  President  of  Mexioo,  i., 
265. 

Peonage,  i.,  262. 

Peraza,  Colonel  Martin  F.,  Envoy  from 
Yucatan  to  Texas,  ii.,  318. 

Perez,  Colonel,  expels  General  Long 
from  Texas,  i.,  202. 

Perier,  Governor  of  Louisiana,  i.,  76. 

Perry,  Colonel,  at  the  Battle  of  the  Ala- 
zan,  i.,  171  ; of  Medina,  L,  175;  rallies 
a Force  at  Galveston,  i.,  180;  at  the 
Capture  of  Soto  la  Marina,  i.,  186  ; 
killed  at  La  Bahia,  i.,  186. 

Piedras,  Colonel,  Commandant  at  Nac- 
ogdoches, i.,  272;  marches  to  the  Re- 
lief of  Bradburn,  i.,  29 1 ; defeated  and 
captured,  i.,  297  ; Death  of,  ii.,  255. 

Pike,  Lieutenant  Zebulon  M.,  Expedi- 
tion of,  L,  125,  134. 

Pilar,  Nuestra,  Sefiora  del,  Mission  of, 
i,  67. 

Plaza  of  the  Constitucion  in  San  Anto- 
nio, ii.,  15;  Military  Plaza,  i.,  107. 

Poinsett,  Joel  R.,  Minister  to  Mexico* 

i.,  256 ; organizes  Masonry  in  Mexico, 

1.,  256. 

Polk,  James  K.,  in  Favor  of  Annexation, 

11.,  431 ; nominated  for  President  of 
the  United  States,  ii.,  430;  elected,  ii., 
440. 

Population  of  Texas,  in  1744,  i.,  87  ; in 
1766,  i.,  97  ; in  1806,  i..  137  ; in  1831, 

1.,  274;  in  1834,  i.,  327  ; in  September, 
1836,  ii.,  192. 

Porter,  Major,  at  Natchitoches,  in  1806, 

i.,  127  ; corresponds  with  Governor 
Cordero,  i.,  131. 

Portilla,  Colonel,  executes  the  Prisoners 
at  Goliad,  ii.,  98. 

Potter,  Robert*  Secretary  of  the  Texan 
Navy,  ii.,  74. 

Powers,  James,  Empresario,  i.,  266. 

Prairie,  Great  Western,  ii.,  60. 

“ Prince  of  Peace,”  Main-spring  of  Span- 
ish Politics,  i.,  106. 

Printing-Press,  established  by  Baker 
and  Borden,  L,  378. 


572 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


Prisoners  in  Mexico  released,  ii.,  437. 

Proscribed  in  Texas,  List  of,  i.,  360. 

Protestant  Christians,  Rise  and  Progress 
in  Texas,  ii.,  Appendix  No. VII.,  p.532. 

Provisional  Government  established,  ii., 
13. 

Raguet,  Colonel  Henry,  Letter  to,  from 
Houston,  ii.,  134. 

Ramon,  Don,  i.,  48 ; visits  Natchitoches, 

1.,  60. 

Red-Lands,  organized,  i.,  360. 

Red  River,  Early  Settlements  on,  i.,  126. 

Refugio,  Mission  of,  i.,  109. 

Regulators,  War  with  the  Moderators, 

11.,  438. 

Religion,  Roman  Catholic,  i.,  213 ; in 
Texas,  ii.,  219;  Meeting  of  Ministers 
of  the  Gospel,  ii.,  223 ; Propositions 
of  Count  Farnese,  ii.,  224 ; Protestant, 
its  Rise  and  Progress,  ii..  Appendix 
No.  VII.,  p.,  632. 

'*  Republic  of  the  Rio  Grande”  organ- 
ized, ii.,  288. 

Retreat  of  the  Army  from  Gonzales,  ii., 
107  ; of  the  Government  to  Harris- 
burg, ii.,  113  ; of  the  Army  from  Gon- 
zales, ii.,  114  ; of  the  Enemy  from  the- 
Brasos,  ii.,  163. 

Revolutionary  Meeting  in  Texas,  first, 

1.,  329. 

Rice,  Lieutenant  James  O.,  attacks  and 
kills  Flores,  ii.,  259. 

Rio  Bravo,  ) Origin  of  these  Names, 

Rio  del  Norte,  > i.,  46  ; Prairie  situ- 

Rio  Grande,  ) ated  on,  ii.,  60. 

Robberies  on  the  “ Neutral  Grouud,”  i., 
151. 

“Robbins,  William,”  the,  commanded 
by  Captain  Hurd,  ii.,  39. 

Robinson,  Lawyer,  Letter  to  Santa  An- 
na, ii.,  385 ; second  Letter,  ii.,  388. 

Robinson,  Lieutenant-Governor  James 
W.,  ii.,  13. 

Roman,  Captain  Richard,  arrives  with 
his  Company,  ii.,  114. 

Rosalia,  Battle  of,  i.,  166. 

Ross,  Colonel  Reuben,  in  the  Federal 
War,  ii.,  274. 

Ross,  Major,  leaves  the  Patriot  Army, 

i.,  168. 

Royall,  R.  R.,  Chairman  of  first  Perma- 
nent Council,  i.,  367. 

Rueg,  Henry,  Political  Chief  of  Naoog- 
doehes,  i.,  343;  his  Circular,  i.,  350. 

Rusk,  Thomas  J.,  at  the  Siege  of  San 
Antonio,  ii.,  17;  appointed  to  raise 
Supplies,  ii.,  42  ; called  to  Headquar- 
ters, ii.,  55 ; elected  Secretary  of  War, 


ii.,  74 ; Energy  in  forwarding  Arms 
and  Supplies,  ii,  111;  joins  the  Army, 

11.,  117 ; confers  with  Houston,  ii.,  181; 
Address  of  April  19,  1836,  ii.,  186; 
invites  President  Burnet  to  San  Ja- 
cinto, ii.,  163;  appointed  to  the  Tem- 
porary Command  of  the  Army,  ii., 
156  ; buries  the  Remains  of  the  Slain 
at  Goliad,  ii.,  177  ; in  Houston’s  Cabi« 
net,  ii.,  205;  active  in  defeating  a Re- 
volt at  Nacogdoches,  ii.,  246;  Battles 
of,  with  the  Indians,  ii.,  247  ; disarms 
the  Caddoes,  ii.,  260;  takes  part  in 
the  Cherokee  War,  ii.,  268  ; appointed 
Major-General,  ii.,  885. 

Rutel,  lost  in  1682,  i.,  38. 

i , p ~ v-  o 

SL  Denis,  Huchean,  Expedition  of,  to 
Mexico,  i.,  48 ; second  Expedition,  i., 
65 ; invades  Texas  i.,  67  ; in  Confi- 
dence with  the  Indians,  i.,  75;  defeats 
the  Natchez,  i.,  79. 

Salado,  Hacienda,  Battle  of,  ii.,  874. 

Salcedo,  Governor  of  Texas,  Defenee 
against  the  Patriots,  i.,  155 ; defeated 
by  the  Patriots,  i.,  163 ; Capture  and 
Death  of,  i.,  168. 

Salezar,  Barbarity  of,  ii.,  331. 

Saligny,  M.  De,  French  Charge , offended, 
ii,  316. 

Salitre  Prairie,  Battle  of,  June,  1812,  i., 
154. 

Saltillo,  Seat  of  Government  of  Coahuila 
and  Texas,  i.,  231 ; pronounces,  and 
appoints  Goribar  Governor,  i,  322; 
Battle  of,  ii.,  293. 

San  Antonio,  Fort  and  Mission  of,  i.,  49; 
in  1806,  i.,  137;  taken  by  the  Patriots, 
L,  168;  Return  of  Exiles  to,  i.,  221  ; 
Description  of,  ii,  15;  Assault  on,  by 
Milam,  ii.,  26 ; Surrender  of,  ii.,  30. 

San  Augustine  nominates  Houston  to 
command  the  Eastern  Troops,  L.  367. 

Sandoval,  Lieutenant-Colonel,  captured 
at  Goliad,  i.,  369;  proposes  to  join  the 
Texans,  ii.,  38. 

Sandoval,  Manuel  de, Governor  of  Texas, 

1.,  80;  Quarrel  with  St.  Denis,  iM  80; 
End  of  his  Lawsuit,  i.,  84,  85. 

San  Felipe  de  Austin  laid  out  in  1828, 
i,  227  ; Convention  at,  in  1832  and 
1833,  i.,  302  ; Revolutionary  Meeting 
at,  July  17,  1835,  i.,  340. 

“San  Felipe,”  the,  captures  the  Correo 
Mexicana,  i.,  356. 

San  Fernando  de  Bexar  founded,  i.r  79. 

San  Francisco,  Mission  of,  first  in  Texas, 
i„  45. 

San  Juciuto,  Buttle  of,  ii.,  142, 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


573 


San  Juan  Bautista,  Mission  of,  i.,  46. 

San  Patricio,  Colony  of,  ii.,  61. 

San  Saba,  Mission  of,  i.,  87 ; Destruction 
of,  i.,  88;  Battle  near,  in  1831,  i., 
282. 

Santa  Anua,  his  first  Appearance,  i., 
218  ; pronounces  in  Favor  of  Guerre- 
ro, L,  266  ; overthrows  Bustamente, 

1.,  293  ; makes  Peace  with  him,  i.,  303; 
elected  President  in  1833,  i.,  312;  dis- 
misses the  Mexican  Congress,  i.,  318; 
Decision  on  the  Texan  Memorial,  i., 
325  ; Decision  between  Saltillo  and 
Monclova,  i.,  326  ; decrees  the  Dis- 
arming of  the , Inhabitants  i.,  330; 
temporizes  with  Texas,  i.,  332;  de- 
feats the  Zacatecans,  L,  334  ; Plan  of 
subjugating  Texas,  i.,  361  ; abolishes 
the  State  Legislatures,  i.,  366;  reaches 
the  Rio  Grande  with  Six  Thousand 
Men,  February  12,  1836,  ii.,  64;  Plan 
for  disposing  of  Texas,  ii.,  64 ; reaches 
the  Alazan  on  the  23d  of  February, 

11.,  66 ; enters  San  Antonio,  ii.,  76 ; be- 
sieges the  Alamo,  ii.,  76 ; storms  it,  ii., 
80 ; his  Views  after  taking  it,  ii.,  82  ; 
orders  Prisoners  at  Goliad  to  be  shot, 

ii.,  98 ; Orders  to  his  Generals  after 
the  Battle  of  Coleta,  ii.,  102;  changes 
his  Orders,  ii.,  103 ; marches  in  ad- 
vance of  his  Army,  ii.,  117;  crosses 
the  Brasos  on  the  12th  of  April,  ii., 
121 ; reinforced  by  Cos,  ii.,  140 ; Ex- 
ouse for  his  Defeat  on  the  2l6t,  ii., 
142;  captured  on  the  22d,  ii.,  146; 
Interview  with  Houston,  ii.,- 147  ; Or- 
der to  Filisola  to  retreat,  ii.,  149 ; ne- 
gotiates with  the  Texan  Government, 

ii.,  164;  Treaty  with  Texas,  ii.,  165; 
Attempt  of  President  Burnet  to  send 
him  home,  ii.,  171;  Farewell  to  the 
Texan  Army,  ii.,  172;  his  Value  as  a 
Prisoner,  ii.,  177  ; Letters  of,  to  Aus- 
tin and  Jackson,  ii.,  181 : removed  to 
Oraziraba,  ii.,  192;  Attempt  to  release 
him,  it,  192;  Attempt  to  take  him  to 
the  Army,  ii.,  194;  released  and  sent 
to  Washington  City,  ii.,  203  ; lost  his 
Leg  at  Vera  Cruz,  il,  256;  Corre- 
spondence with  General  Hamilton, 
iL,  357 ; Interview  with  Lawyer  Rob- 
inson, ii.,  887 ; releases  him  and  sends 
him  to  Texas,  ii.,  887 ; proposes  an 
Armistice,  ii.,  408 ; Letter  to  Houston, 
it,  Appendix  No.  VI.,  p.  630. 

Banta  F6,  first  settled,  i.,  26  ; Road  to, 
proposed,  ii.,  312;  Expedition  to,  ii., 
281 ; Treatment  of  Prisoners  there, 
iL,  824. 


Saucedo,  Jos6  Antonio,  first  Political 
Chief  of  Texas,  i.,  232;  Steps  against 
the  Fredonians,  i.,  249. 

Schools  in  Texas,  i.,  267. 

Seguin,  Colonel  John  N.,  Treachery  of, 

ii.,  366. 

Seguin,  Don  Erasmo,  a Friend  of  Aus- 
tin, i.,  212. 

Sesma,  General,  joins  Cos  at  Laredo,  ii., 
46. 

Settlements  in  Texas,  first,  i.,  51  ; first 
American,  i.,  136;  at  Gonzales,  i., 
251. 

Shackleford,  Captain  John,  at  the  Bat- 
tle of  the  Coleta,  ii.,  92  ; saved  from 
the  Massacre  at  Goliad,  ii.,  98. 
Sherman,  Colonel,  Charge  of,  April  20, 

11.,  138 ; Affair  on  the  Evening  of  the 
20th,  ii.,  139. 

Siege  of  San  Antonio,  ii.,  25. 

Signers  of  the  Texan  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence, if.,  Appendix  No.  III., 

p.  612. 

Slaves,  Abduction  of,  by  the  Spaniards, 

1.,  124;  captured  from  the  Spaniards, 
and  brought  into  Galveston,  i.,  183  ; 
in  Texas,  i.,  264;  abolished  in  Mexico, 

1.,  269 ; Importation  of,  forbidden  by 
the  Convention  of  1833,  i.,  312. 

Smith,  Captain  John  W.,  takes  a Rein- 
forcement to  Travis,  ii.,  78. 

Smith,  Colonel  Benjamin  F.,  i.,  368  ; sent 
with  Santa  Anna’s  Treaty  to  Filisola; 

11.,  165. 

Smith,  Deaf,  Sketch  of,  i.,  258 ; reports 
Ugartachea,  ii.,  18;  wounded  at  the 
Siege  of  San  Antonio,  ii.,  27 ; de- 
spatched to  Bexar,  ii.,  106;  sent  out  to 
reconnoitre  at  Harrisburg,  and  takes 
the  Mexican  Mail;  sent  to  cut  down 
Vince’s  Bridge,  ii.,  1 11 ; Conduct  in 
the  Battle,  ii.,  144;  sent  with  Santa 
Anna’s  Order  to  Filisola,  ii.,  150; 
Skirmish  near  Laredo,  ii.,  210. 

Smith,  Governor  Henry,  ii.,  13;  Mes- 
sage to  the  Council,  ii.,  83 ; Quarrel 
with  the  Council,  ii.,  63  ; deposed  by 
it,  ii.,  54  ; gives  Houston  a Furlough, 

ii.,  63. 

Smuggling,  i.,  50,  76. 

Snively’s  Expedition,  ii.,  399  ; disarmed 
by  Captain  Cooke,  ii.,  403. 

Somervell,  General,  commands  Texans 
at  San  Antonio  in  1842,  ii.,  351  ; Vol- 
unteers refuse  to  obey  him,  ii.,  353 ; 
ordered  on  a second  Campaign,  ii., 

367  ; March  to  the  Rio  Grande,  ii., 

368  ; Order  to  the  Troops  to  return, 
ii0  370. 


574 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


Spain,  Rise  and  Decline  of,  i.,  31  ; Dis- 
pute with  France,  i.,  32  ; Grant  to  by 
the  Popes,  i.,  63  ; joins  Great  Britain 
ogainet  France,  i.,  105;  hostile  to  the 
United  States  in  1805,  i.,  127  ; with 
the  Bonapartes,  i.,  147 ; overshadowed 
by  Napoleon,  i.,  177  ; passes  again  in- 
to the  Hands  of  the  Bourbons,  i.,  178 ; 
Negotiations  with,  as  to  Bouudary,  i., 
197  ; Revolution  in,  i.,  206;  Attempt 
of  Texas  to  open  Relations  with,  ii., 
338. 

Spaniards  march  upon  the  Sabine,  i., 
132;  Expulsion  of,  from  Mexico,  i., 
258. 

Spanish  Bluff,  or  Trinidad,  i.,  128. 

Spanish  Regulations,  i.,  61 ; Expedition 
to  Missouri,  i.,  71. 

State  of  Coahuila  and  Texas,  i.,  231. 

Sterne,  Adolphus,  aids  in  raising  the 
New  Orleans  Grays,  ii.,  23. 

Stewart,  Charles  B.,  Secretary  of  Meet- 
ing at  San  Felipe,  i.,  341 ; Secretary 
to  Governor.  Smith,  ii.,  34. 

Sylvester,  James  A.,  captures  Santa  An- 
-na,  ii.,  146. 

Tampico,  Failure  in  the  Descent  on,  ii., 
36. 

Teal,  Captain  Henry,  Commissioner  to 
Filisola  with  Santa  Anna’s  Treatv,  ii., 
165. 

Telegraph,  Newspaper,  ii.,  196,  878. 

Tenorio,  Captain,  driven  from  Anahuao, 
i.,  337. 

Teran,  Don  Domingo,  Governor,  i.,  45. 

Teran,  General,  Commandant  of  the 
Eastern  States,  i.,  272;  arrests  Made- 
ro,  the  Land-Commissioner,  i.,  275; 
kills  himself,  i.,  300. 

Texas,  first  Population,  i.,  25;  first  Im- 
migrants, i.,  13 ; Name  of,  i.,  50  ; Ori- 
ginal Ownership  of,  i.,  29 ; Spanish 
Order  for  the  Reduction  of,  L,  45 ; 
Indian  Town  of,  i.,  62,  74;  Eastern 
Boundary  of,  i.,  80;  Commerce  of,  in 
1763,  i.,  95;  Trade  with  Natchez,  i., 
106  ; flourishes  in  1806,  i.,  136  ; Pop- 
ulation in  1806,  i.,  138;  Condition  of, 
in  1816,  i.,  183  ; surrendered  to  Spain 
in  1819,  i.,  198;  Department  of,  i., 
232;  United  States  tries  to  purchase, 
i.,  266;  first  opposition  to  Mexican 
Troops,  i.,  281  ; Department  of,  di- 
vided, i.,  282 ; takes  sides  with  Santa 
Anna  in  1832,  i.,  293;  complains  of 
her  Union  with  Coahuila,  i.,  301 ; 
first  Revolutionary  Meeting  in,  i., 
329  ; Santa  Anna’s  Plan  for  subjuga- 


ting, i.,  351 ; resists  the  Collection  of 
Taxes,  i.,  337  ; Memorial  of,  in  1833, 
i.,  369 ; Lethargy  in,  ii.,  66 ; Improve- 
ments in,  ii.,  193;  Treaty  with  Yuca- 
tan, ii.,  318;  applies  to  the  three 
Powers  to  mediate,  ii.,  392;  List  of 
the  Governors  of,  ii.,  Appendix  No. 
IX.,  p.  559. 

Thomas,  David,  Letter  of,  ii.,  125;  At- 
torney-General, ii.,  74. 

Thompson,  Captain,  captured  and  sent 
to  New  Orleans,  i.,  356. 

Thompson,  General  Waddy,  despatched 
as  Special  Minister  to  Mexico  by  Pres- 
ident Tyler,  ii.,  348. 

“ Three  Trees,”  Battle  of,  i.,  197 ; second 
Battle  of,  i.,  222. 

Tiascalan  Colonists,  i.,  79. 

Toledo,  Don  Jos6  Alvarez,  Sketch  of,  i., 
173  ; defeated  at  the  Medina,  i.,  174; 
further  Efforts  to  raise  Troops,  i.,  178; 
deserts  the  Republicans,  i.,  182. 

Toluca,  Plan  of,  i.,  352. 

Tornel,  Order  to  Cos,  i.,  347. 

Travis  William  B.,  imprisoned  at  Ana- 
huac,  i.,  291 ; Letter  to  James  Bowie, 
i.,  343  ; captures  a Caballada  at  San 
Antonio,  ii.,  18;  ordered  to  San  Fe- 
lipe, ii.,  49 ; sent  by  Governor  Smith 
to  Bexar — there  killed,  ii.,  80;  Letter 
of,  from  the  Alamo,  ii.,  76;  Letter  tc 
Fannin,  ii.,  78;  Letter  to  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  Convention,  ii.,  79. 

Treasury-Notes,  ii.,  217,  244,  286,  334. 

Treat,  Mr.,  Private  Agent  of  Texas  in 
Mexico,  ii.,  306. 

Treaty  of  Utrectht,  in  1713,  i.,  90;  of 
Vienna,  in  1731,  i.,  91 ; of  Aix-la-Cha- 
pelle,  in  1748,  i.,  92;  of  Paris,  in  1763, 
i.,  92 ; of  Paris,  in  1783,  i.,  102 ; secret, 
transferring  Louisiana  to  France,  i., 
116;  of  Amiens,  in  1802,  i.,  117;  of 
Purchase  of  Louisiana,  i.,  118;  of  Cor- 
dova, in  1821,  L,  207;  with  the  Ca- 
raukawaes,  i.,  226;  of  Boundary  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  Mexico, 
in  1828,  i.,  266;  Commercial  with  the 
United  States,  rejected,  ii.,  894 ; of 
Velasco,  May  14,  1836,  with  Santa 
Anna,  ii.,  Appendix  No.  V.,  p.  626; 
of  Annexation,  April  12,  1844,  reject- 
ed, ii.,  428,  431. 

Trinidad,  a Military  Station  in  1812,  i., 
155. 

Troops,  Spanish,  in  Texas,  i.,  7 6 ; among 
the  Missionaries,  i.,  76;  Mexican  Reg- 
ular, destined  for  Texas,  i.,  254,  272; 
ordered  to  Texas,  i.,  838;  opposed, 
i.,  842. 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


575 


Turner,  Captain  Amasa,  arrives  with 
his  Company,  ii.,  114. 

“Twin-Sisters,”  the,  ii.,  123. 

Tyler,  President,  his  Position,  ii.,  346; 
his  strong  Texas  Message,  ii.,  417  ; 
Care  for  Texas,  ii.,  434  ; approves  of 
Joint  Resolution  of  Annexation,  ii., 
440. 

Ugartachea, Colonel  Dominic,  commands 
at  Velasco,  i.,  272 ; defeated  there,  i., 
338;  replies  to  the  Meeting  of  July 
17,  1835,  i.,  341  ; orders  the  arrest  of 
the  Texan  Leaders,  i.,  345 ; writes  to 
Austin  after  the  Battle  of  Gonzales, 

1.,  365  ; despatched  by  Cos  to  Mata- 
moras  for  Aid,  ii.,  16;  reinforces  Cos, 

11.,  31. 

United  States,  Controversy  with  Spain 
as  to  Boundary,  i.,  1 02 ; claims  the 
Navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  i.,  103  ; 
Negotiations  with  Spain  as  to  Bound- 
ary, i.,  197  ; Designs  of,  feared  by 
Mexico,  i.,  276  ; Texan  Convention 
appeals  to  the  People  of,  for  Aid,  ii., 
73  ; Sympathy  there  for  Texas,  ii., 
158  ; Instructions  to  General  Gaines, 

ii.,  167  ; Differences  with  Mexico,  ii., 
200 ; Troops  of,  at  Nacogdoches,  ii., 
201 ; Efforts  in  Behalf  of  Santa  F6 
Prisoners,  ii.,  342 ; jealous  of  Great 
Britain,  ii.,  406  ; deep  Interest  in  Tex- 
as, ii.,  415. 

Upshur,  Abel  P.,  negotiating  Treaty  of 
Annexation,  ii.,  425. 

Urrea,  General  Jos6,  arrives  at  Mata- 
moras,  ih,  65  ; captures  San  Patricio, 

ii.,  84;  defeats  Grant  at  Agua  Dulce, 

11.,  84 ; enters  Refugio,  ii.,  90  ; Agree- 
ment with  Fannin,  ii.,  96;  in  advance 
on  the  Retreat  to  Matamoras,  ii.,  163 ; 
removed  from  the  Command  of  the 
Army,  ii.,  202. 

Van  Buren,  Martin,  Views  on  Annexa- 
tion, ii.,  429. 

Van  Zandt,  Isaac,  Discussions  with  the 
United  States,  ii.,  395  ; negotiates  the 
Treaty  of  Annexation,  ii.,  426. 

Vedoya,  Attorney-General  of  Mexico, 

1.,  84. 

Vehlin,  Joseph,  Empresario,  i.,  252. 

Velasco,  Treaty  of,  ii.>  Appendix  No. 
V.,  p.  626 ; Battle  of,  i.,  294. 

Vera  Cruz  captured  by  the  French,  ii., 
263. 

Viceroy  of  Mexico  fakes  Steps  to  occupy 
Texas,  i.,  44 ; Casa  Fuerte,  i.,  80 ; Itur- 
igaruy,  L,  147  ; Venegas,  i.,  148. 


Victoria,  Settlement  of,  i.,  252. 

Viesca,  Governor,  attempts  to  unite  the 
People,  i.,  331 ; his  Flight  from  Mon- 
clova,  i.,  336;  arrives  at  Nacogdoches, 

11.,  70. 

Villescas,  Commandant  of  the  Presidio 
de  Rio  Grande,  i.,  48  ; Father-in-law 
of  St.  Denis. 

Volunteers  encouraged  by  the  Conven- 
tion, ii.,  72;  Arrival  of,  after  the  Bat- 
tle of  the  21st  of  April,  1837,  ii.,  157  ; 
Order  in  1837,  in  regard  to,  ii.,  209. 
Vuavis,  Lieutenant,  deserts  from  the 
Enemy,  ii.,  26. 

War  declared  by  France  against  Spain, 

1.,  67 ; of  the  Succession,  in  Europe, 

1.,  90;  in  the  American  Colonies,  in 
1755,  i.,  92;  Gachupin,  Plan  of,  i., 
153;  Progress  of,  i.,  163;  End  of,  i., 
175 ; Party  for,  in  Texas,  i.,  339 ; what 
excited  them,  i.,  349 ; Council  of,  ii.,  1 6. 

War-Bill,  Veto  of,  ii.,  360. 

Walker,  Robert  J.,  Efforts  in  Behalf  of 
Texas,  ii.,  208. 

Ward,  Major  William,  arrives  at  San 
Felipe  with  one  hundred  and  twelve 
Men,  ii.,  49 ; sent  to  Refugio,  ii.,  87  ; 
surrendered,  ii.,  89. 

Webb,  James,  Commissioner  to  Mexico, 

11.,  318. 

Westover,  Captain,  commands  at  Lipan- 
titlan,  ii.,  19. 

Wharton,  John  A.,  Letter  to  Houston, 
in  1829,  i.,  808  ; moves  for  a Call  of 
a General  Council,  i.,  341 ; Chairman 
of  the  Committee  on  the  Declaration, 

11.,  12;  Agent  to  New  Orleans,  ii.,  36; 
Attempt  to  release  his  Brother,  im- 
prisoned at  Matamoras,  ii.,  216;  his 
Death,  ii.,  250. 

Wharton,  William  H.,  Commissioner  to 
the  United  States,  ii.,  14;  President 
of  the  Convention  of  1833,  i.,  308  ; 
captured,  ii.,  212. 

Wilkinson,  General  James,  March  upon 
the  Sabine,  i.,  133. 

Williams,  John  A.,  takes  part  against 
Texas,  i.,  340. 

Williams,  Samuel  M.,  Commissioner  to 
purchase  Vessels,  ii.,  243  ; sent  to  ar- 
range the  Armistice,  ii.,  414. 
Williamson,  R.  M.,  his  stirring  Address, 

1.,  339. 

Woll,  General  Adrian,  comes  within  the 
Texan  Lines,  after  the  Battle  of  San 
Jacinto,  and  is  detained,  ii.,  164;  an- 
nounces the  Resumption  of  Hostili- 
ties, ii.,  434. 


576 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


Wyatt,  Colonel,  arrives  with  two  Com- 
panies, il,  49. 

" Yellowstone,”  Steamer,  pressed  into 
Service,  ii.,  195. 

Yucatan  declares  her  Independence  of 
Mexico  iL,  318  ; Texas  treats  with  her, 
ii.,  318. 

Zacatecas,  State  of,  refuses  to  acknow-  i 


ledge  the  Plan  of  Cuernavaca,  i.,  329 ; 
her  Troops  defeated  by  Santa  Anna, 
in  1833,  i.,  334. 

Zavala,  Lorenzo  D.,  4.,  813;  arrives  in 
Texas,  i.,  344 ; pursued  by  Santa  An- 
na, i,  334 ; suggests  a General  Con- 
sultation, i.,  354  ; elected  Vice-Presi- 
dent ad  interim,  ii.,  74;  joins  the 
Texan  Army,  ii.,  116  ; his  Death,  il, 
202. 


THE  END. 


REDFIELD’S  PUBLICATIONS. — POETRY  AND  THE  DRAMA.  1 


POETBY  AND  THE  LBAMA. 

The  Works  of  Shakespeare,  reprinted  from  the  newly- 

discovered  copy  of  the  Folio  of  1632,  in  the  possession  of  J.  Patn» 
Collier,  with  numerous  Illustrations.  One  vol.  Imperial  8vo.  Cloth, 
$4 ; sheep,  $4  25 ; half  morocco,  plain,  $5  00 ; marble  edges,  $5  50 ; half 
calf,  or  morocco  extra,  $6  00 ; full  morocco,  antique,  $7  00. 

Same  as  above,  cheap  edition,  cloth,  $3  00 ; sheep,  $3  50 ; imitation  morocco, 
full  gilt,  $4  00. 

The  Works  of  Shakespeare,  same  as  above.  Uniform  in 

size  with  the  celebrated  Chiswick  Edition,  8 vols.  16mo,  cloth,  $6  00; 
half  calf  or  morocco,  plain,  $ld  00 ; half  calf  or  morocco,  extra,  $12  00. 

Kates  and  Emendations  of  Shakespeare.  Notes  and 

Emendations  to  the  Text  of  Shakespeare’s  Plays,  from  the  Early  Manu- 
script Corrections  in  a copy  of  the  folio  of  1632,  in  the  possession  of  John 
Payne  Collier,  E.  S.  A.  Third  edition,  with  a fac-simile  of  the  Manu- 
script Corrections.  1 vol.,  12mo.,  cloth.  Price  $1  50. 

Lilian,  and  other  Poems.  By  Wintiirop  Mackworth 

Praed.  Now  first  collected.  1 vol.,  12mo.  Price  $1  00. 

Lays  of  the  Scottish  Cavaliers.  By  William  E.  Aytoun, 

Professor  of  Literature  and  Belles-Lettres  in  the  University  of  Edinburgh, 
and  Editor  of  Blackwood’s  Magazine.  1 vol.,  12mo,  cloth.  Price  $1  00. 

Firmilian;  a Spasmodic  Tragedy.  By  T.  Percy  Jones 

[W.  E.  Aytoun].  Price  50  cents. 

The  Book  of  Ballads.  By  Bon  Gaultier.  1 vol.  12mo, 

cloth.  Price  75  cents. 

Poetical  Works  of  Fitz-Greene  Halleck.  New  and  only 

Complete  Edition,  containing  several  New  Poems,  together  with  many 
now  first  collected.  1 vol.,  12mo.  Price  $1  00. 

Simms’  Poetical  Works.  Poems:  Descriptive,  Drama- 
tic, Legcnuary,  and  Contemplative.  By  Wm.  Gilmore  Simms.  With  a 
Portrait  on  steel.  2 vols.,  12mo,  cloth.  Price  $2  50. 

Lyra,  and  other  Poems.  By  Alice  Carey.  1 vol., 

12mo,  cloth.  Price  75  cents. 

The  Poetical  Works  of  W.  H.  C.  Hosmer.  Now  first 

collected.  With  a Portrait  on  steel.  2 vols.,  12mo.  Price  $2  00. 

Scottish  Songs,  Ballads,  and  Poems.  By  Hew  Ainslie, 

author  of  “ The  Iugleside,”  “ On  with  the  Tartan,”  “ Rover  of  Loch- 
Ryan,”  &c.,  &c.  1 vol.,  12mo.  Price  $1  00. 

The  Poets  and  Poetry  of  Ireland.  1 vol.,  8vo,  with 

Plates.  Edited  by  Dr.  R.  Shelton  Mackenzie.  [In  Press.] 

Oliatta,  and  other  Poems.  By  Howard  H.  Caldwell. 

12mo,  cloth.  Price  $1  00. 


2 REDFIELD’s  PUBLICATIONS. — HISTORY  AND  BIOGRAPHY. 


HISTORY  AND  BIOGRAPHY 

Ancient  Egypt  under  the  Pharaohs.  By  John  Kenrick, 

M.  A.  In  2 vols.,  12mo.  Price  $2  50. 

Newman’s  Begal  Borne.  An  Introduction  to  Boman 

History.  By  Francis  W.  Newman,  Professor  of  Latin  in  the  University 
College,  London.  12mo,  cloth.  Price  63  cents. 

The  Catacombs  of  Borne,  as  Illustrating  the  Church  of 

the  First  Three  Centuries.  By  the  Right  Rev.  W.  Incraham  Kip,  D.D., 
Missionary  Bishop  of  California.  Author  of  “ Christinas  Holidays  in 
Rome/'  “ Early  Conflicts  of  Christianity,”  &c.,  &c.  With  over  100  Illus- 
trations. 12mo,  cloth.  Price  75  cents. 

The  History  of  the  Crusades.  By  Joseph  Francois 

Michatjd.  Translated  by  W.  Robson.  3 vols.,  12mo,  Maps.  Price 
$3  75. 

Napoleon  in  Exile  ; or,  a Voice  from  St.  Helena.  Being 

the  Opinions  and  Reflections  of  Napoleon,  on  the  most  important  Events 
in  his  Life  and  Government,  in  his  own  words.  By  Barry  E.  O’Meara, 
his  late  Surgeon ; with  a Portrait  of  Napoleon,  after  the  celebrated  picture 
of  Delaroche,  and  a view  of  St.  Helena,  both  beautifully  engraved  on  steel. 
2 vols.,  12mo,  cloth.  Price  82  00. 

Jomini’s  Campaign  of  Waterloo.  The  Political  and 

Military  History  of  the  Campaign  of  Waterloo,  from  the  French  of  Gen- 
eral Baron  Jomini.  By  Lieut.  S.  V.  Benet,  U.  S.  Ordnance,  with  a Map. 
12mo,  cloth.  Price  75  cents. 

Napier’s  Peninsular  War.  History  of  the  War  in  the 

Peninsula,  and  in  the  South  of  France,  from  the  Year  1807  to  1814.  By 
W.  F.  P.  Napier,  C.  B.,  Colonel  43d  Regiment,  &c.  Complete  in  1 vol., 
8vo.  Price  82  50. 

Napier’s  Peninsular  War.  History  of  the  War  in  the 

Peninsula,  and  in  the  South  of  France,  from  the  Year  1807  to  1814.  By 
W.  F.  P.  Napier,  C.  B.,  Colonel  43d  Regiment,  &c.  In  5 vols.,  12mo, 
with  Portraits  and  Plans.  Price  $5  00.  [In  Press.] 

Discovery  and  Exploration  of  the  Mississippi  Valley. 

With  the  Original  Narratives  of  Marquette,  Alloucz,  Membre,  Hennepin, 
and  Anastase  Douay.  By  John  Gilmary  Shea.  With  a fac-simile  of 
the  Original  Map  of  Marquette.  1 vol.,  8vo,  cloth,  antique.  Price  $2. 

Narrative  of  a Voyage  to  the  Northwest  Coast  of  Ameri- 
ca, in  the  Years  1811-’12-T3  and  1814;  or,  the  First  Settlement  on  the 
Pacific.  By  Gabriel  Franchere.  Translated  and  Edited  by  J.  V.*  Hunt- 
ington. 12mo,  cloth.  Plates.  Price  81  00. 

Las  Cases’  Napoleon.  Memoirs  of  the  Life,  Exile,  and 

Conversations  of  the  Emperor  Napoleon.  By  the  Count  Las  Cases. 
With  Portraits  on  steel,  woodcuts,  &c.  4 vols.,  12mo,  cloth,  84  00;  half 

calf  or  morocco  extra,  88  00. 


REDFIELD'S  PUBLICATIONS. HISTORY  AND  BIOGRAPHY  3 


Life  of  the  Rt.  Hon.  John  Philpot  Curran.  By  his  Son, 

Wm.  Henry  Curran ; with  Notes  and  Additions,  by  Dr.  R.  Shelton  Mac- 
kenzie, and  a Portrait  on  Steel.  12rao,  cloth.  Price  $1  25. 

Sketches  of  the  Irish  Bar.  By  th6  Eight  Hon.  Eichard 

Lalor  Sheil,  M.  P.  Edited,  with  a Memoir  and  Notes,  by  Dr.  R.  Shelton 
Mackenzie.  Fourth  Edition.  In  2 vols.  Price  $2  00. 

Barrington’s  Sketches.  Personal  Sketches  of  his  Own 

Time.  By  Sir  Jonah  Barrington,  Judge  of  the  High  Court  of 
Admiralty  in  Ireland;  with  Illustrations  by  Darley.  Third  Edition. 
12mo,  cloth.  Price  $1  25. 

Moore’s  Life  of  Sheridan.  Memoirs  of  the  Life  of  the 

Rt.  Hon.  Richard  Brinsley  Sheridan.  By  Thomas  Moore  ; with  Por- 
trait after  Sir  Joshua  Reynolds.  2 vols.,  12mo,  cloth.  Price  $2  00. 

Men  of  the  Time,  or  Sketches  of  Living  Hotables,  Au- 
thors, Architects,  Artists,  Composers,  Demagogues,  Divines,  Dramatists, 
Engineers,  Journalists,  Ministers,  Monarchs,  Novelists,  Politicians,  Poets, 
Philanthropists,  Preachers,  Savans,  Statesmen,  Travellers,  Voyagers,  War- 
riors. 1 vol.,  12mo.  Containing  nearly  Nine  Hundred  Biographical 
Sketches.  Price  $1  50. 

Lorenzo  Benoni ; or,  Passages  in  the  Life  of  an  Italian. 

Edited  by  a Friend.  1 vol.,  12mo.  $1  00. 

The  Workingman’s  Way  in  the  World.  Being  the  Au- 
tobiography of  a Journeyman  Printer.  By  Charles  Manby  Smith, 
Author  of  “ Curiosities  of  London  Life.*’  12mo,  cloth.  Price  $1  00. 

Classic  and  Historic  Portraits.  By  James  Bruce. 

12mo,  cloth.  Price  $1  00. 

Ladies  of  the  Covenant.  Memoirs  of  Distinguished 

Scottish  Females,  embracing  the  Period  of  the  Covenant  and  the  Perse- 
cution. By  Rev.  James  Anderson.  1 vol.,  12mo.  Price  $1  25. 

Tom  Moore’s  Suppressed  Letters.  Hotes  from  the  Let- 
ters of  Thomas  Moore  to  his  Music-Publisher,  James  Power  (the  publica- 
tion of  which  was  suppressed  in  London),  with  an  Introductory  Letter 
from  Thomas  Crofton  Croker,  Esq.,  F.  S.  A.  With  four  Engravings  on 
steel.  12mo,  cloth.  Price  $1  50. 

Fifty  Years  in  Both  Hemispheres;  or,  Eeminiscences  of 

a Merchant’s  Life.  By  Vincent  Nolte.  12mo.  Price  $1  25.  (Eighth 
Edition.) 

Men  and  Women  of  the  Eighteenth  Centurv.  By 

Arsene  Houssaye.  With  beautifully-engraved  Portraits  of  Louis  XV. 
and  Madame  de  Pompadour.  2 vols.,  12mo,  450  pages  each,  extra  super- 
fine paper.  Price  $2  50. 

Philosophers  and  Actresses.  By  Arsene  Houssaye. 

With  beautifully-engraved  Portraits  of  Voltaire  and  Madame  Parabdre. 
2 vols.,  12mo.  Price  $2  50. 

Life  of  the  Honorable  William  H.  Seward,  with  Selec- 
tions from  his  Works.  Edited  by  George  E.  Baker.  12mo,  cloth 
Portrait.  Price  $1  00. 


4 REDFIELD’S  PUBLICATIONS. — HISTORY  AND  BIOGRAPHY. 


The  History  of  Texas,  from  its  Settlement  in  1GS5  to  its 

Annexation  to  the  United  States.  By  H.  Yoakum,  Esq.,  of  the  Texas 
Bar;  with  Pcrtraits,  Maps,  and  Plans.  2 vols.,  8vo,  cloth  or  sheep. 
Price  $5  00. 

The  History  of  Louisiana — Spanish  Domination.  By 

Charles  Gay4rre.  8vo,  cloth.  Price  $2  50. 

The  History  of  Louisiana — French  Domination.  By 

Charles  Gayarre.  2 vols.,  8vo,  cloth.  Price  S3  50. 

The  Life  of  P.  T.  Barnum,  written  by  himself ; in  which 

he  narrates  his  early  history  as  Clerk,  Merchant,  and  Editor,  and  his  later 
career  as  a Showman.  With  a Portrait  on  steel,  and  numerous  Illustra- 
tions by  Darley.  1 vol.,  12mo.  Price  $1  25. 

A Memorial  of  Horatio  Greenough,  consisting  of  a 

Memoir,  Selections  from  his  Writings,  and  Tributes  to  his  Genius,  by 
Henry  T.  Tuckerman,  Author  of  “ Sicily,  a Pilgrimage,”  “ A Month 
in  England,”  &c.,  &c.  12mo,  cloth.  Price  75  cents. 

Minnesota  and  its  Besources ; to  which  are  appenued 

Camp-Fire  Sketches,  or  Notes  of  a Trip  from  St.  Paul  to  Pembina  and 
Selkirk  Settlements  on  the  Red  River  of  the  North.  By  J.  Wesley  Bond. 
With  a New  Map  of  the  Territory,  a View  of  St.  Paul,  and  one  of  the 
Falls  of  St.  Anthony.  I vol.,  12mo,  cloth.  Price  SI  00. 

The  Private  Life  of  an  Eastern  King.  By  a Member  of 

the  Household  of  his  Late  Majesty,  Nussir-u-deen,  King  of  Oude.  12mo 
cloth.  Price  75  cents.  [In  Press.] 

Doran’s  Queens  of  England.  The  Queens  of  England, 

of  the  House  of  Hanover.  By  Dr.  Doran,  Author  of  “Tible  Traits,” 
“Habits  and  Men,”  &c.  2 vols.,  12mo,  cloth.  Price  82  00  [In  Press.] 


REDFIELD’S  PUBLICATIONS. — VOYAGES  AND  TRAVELS.  5 


VOYAGES  AND  TRAVELS. 

The  TJ.  S.  Japan  Expedition.  Japan  and  Around  the 

World.  An  Account  of  Three  Visits  to  the  Japanese  Empire,  with 
Sketches  of  Madeira,  St.  Helena,  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  Mauritius,  Ceylon, 
Singapore,  China,  Loo  Choo,  &c.,  1852  to  1855.  By  J.  W.  Spalding, 
Captain’s  Clerk  of  the  Flagship  “Mississippi.”  1 vol.,  12mo,  with  Hlus- 
trations.  Cloth.  Price  $1  25. 

Cosas  de  Espaha.  (Strange  Things  of  Spain.)  Going  to 

Madrid  via  Barcelona.  12mo,  cloth.  Price  $1  00. 

A Month  in  England.  By  Henry  T.  Tuckerman,  Author 

of  “ Sicily,  a Pilgrimage,”  “ The  Optimist,”  &c.  12mo,  cloth.  Price  75  cts. 

Sicily,  a Pilgrimage,  by  Henry  T.  Tuckerman,  Author 

of  “ A Month  in  England,”  &c.,  &c.  12mo,  cloth.  Price  75  cents. 

A Tennessean  Abroad  ; or,  Letters  from  Europe,  Asia, 
and  Africa.  By  Randall  W.  McGavock,  A.  M.,  L.  L.  B.,  Member  of 
the  Nashville  Bar.  12mo,  cloth.  Price  $1  00. 

Life  in  the  Mission,  the  Camp,  and  the  Zenana.  By  Mrs. 

Colin  Mackenzie.  2 vols.,  12mo,  cloth.  Price  $2  00. 

The  Russian  Shores  of  the  Black  Sea,  with  a Voyage 

down  the  Volga,  and  a Tour  through  the  Country  of  the  Cossacks.  By 
Laurence  Oliphant,  Author  of  “A  Journey  to  Nepaul.”  Fourth 
Edition.  12mo,  cloth.  Two  maps  and  eighteen  cuts.  Price  75  cents. 

A Year  with  the  Turks;  or,  Sketches  of  Travel  in  the 

European  and  Asiatic  Dominions  of  the  Sultan.  By  Warrington  W. 
Smyth,  A.  M.  With  a colored  Ethnological  Map  of  the  Turkish  Empire. 
Third  Edition.  12mo,  cloth.  Price  75  cents. 

Russo-Turkisli  Campaigns  of  182S  and  1829.  With  a 

View  of  the  Present  State  of  Affairs  in  the  East.  By  Colonel  Chesney, 
R.  A.,  D.  C.  L.,  F.  R.  S.,  Author  of  the  Expedition  for  the  Survey  of  the 
Rivers  Euphrates  and  Tigris.  With  an  Appendix,  containing  the  Diplo- 
matic Correspondence  of  the  Four  Powrers,  and  the  Secret  Correspondence 
between  the  Russian  and  English  Governments.  1 vol.,  12mo,  cloth ; 
Maps.  Price  $1  00. 

White,  Bed,  and  Black.  Sketches  of  American  Society, 

during  the  Visits  of  their  Guests.  By  Francis  and  Theresa  Pulszky. 
2 vols.,  12mo,  cloth.  Price  $2  00. 

The  Blackwater  Chronicle:  A Narrative  of  an  Expedi- 
tion into  the  Land  of  Canaan,  in  Randolph  County,  Virginia,  a Country 
flowing  with  Wild  Animals,  such  as  Panthers,  Bears,  Wolves,  Elk,  Deer, 
Otter,  Badger,  &c.,  &c.,  with  innumerable  Trout,  by  Five  Adventurous 
Gentlemen,  without  any  Aid  of  Government,  and  solely  by  their  Own  Re- 
sources, in  the  Summer  of  1851.  By  “ The  Clerke  of  Oxenforde^” 
With  Illustrations  from  Life  by  Strother.  12mo,  cloth.  Price  $1  00. 


6 


REDF1ELD*S  PUBLICATIONS. — SCIENCE  AND  ART. 


SCIENCE  AND  ART. 

Griscom  on  Ventilation.  The  Uses  and  Abuses  of  Air; 

showing  its  Influence  in  - Sustaining  Life,  and  Producing  Disease,  with  re- 
marks on  the  Ventilation'  of  Houses,  and  the  best  Methods  of  Securing  a 
Pure  and  Wholesome  Atmosphere  inside  of  Dwellings,  Churches,  Work- 
shops, &c.  By  John  H.  Griscom,  M.  D.  1 vol.,  12mo.  Price  75  cents. 

Bronchitis,  and  Kindred  Diseases.  In  language  adapted 

common  readers.  By  W.  W.  Hall,  M.  D.  1 vol.,  12mo.  Price 

$1  00. 

Bodenhamer  on  the  Diseases  of  the  Rectum.  Practical 

Observations  on  some  of  the  Diseases  of  the  Rectum,  Anus,  and  Continu- 
ous Textures;  giving  their  Nature,  Seat,  Causes,  Symptoms,  Conse- 
quences, and  Prevention;  especially  addressed  to  non-medical  readers. 
By  W.  Bodenhamer,  M.  D.  Second  edition,  with  plates,  &c.  In  1 vol., 
8vo,  cloth.  Price  $2  00. 

Comparative  Physiognomy ; or,  Resemblances  between 

Men  and  Animals.  By  J.  W.  Redfield,  M.  D.  1 vol.,  8vo,  with  sev- 
eral hundred  Illustrations.  Price  $2  00. 

Episodes  of  Insect  Life.  By  Acheta  Domestica.  In 

three  Series: — 1.  Insects  of  Spring.  2.  Insects  of  Summer.  3.  Insects 
of  Autumn.  Beautifully  Illustrated.  Crown  8vo,  cloth,  gilt,  $2  00  each. 
The  same  beautifully  colored  after  Nature,  extra  gilt,  $4  00  each. 

Narratives  of  Sorcery  and  Magic,  from  the  most  Authen- 

tic Sources.  By  Thomas  Wright,  A.  M.,  &c.  1 vol.,  12mo.  Price 

$1  25. 

The  Night -Side  of  Nature  ; or,  Ghosts  and  Ghost-Seers. 

By  Catharine  Crowe.  1 vol.,  12mo.  Price  $1  00. 

Art  and  Industry,  as  represented  in  the  Exhibition  at  the 

Crystal  Palace,  New  York.  Showing  the  Progress  and  State  of  the  vari- 
ous Useful  and  Esthetic  Pursuits.  From  the  “New  York  Tribune.”  Re- 
vised and  Edited  by  Horace  Greeley.  12mo,  cloth,  fine  paper,  $1  00. 
Paper  covers,  50  cents. 

Chapman’s  American  Drawing-Book.  The  American 

Drawing-Book,  intended  for  Schools,  Academies,  and  Self-Instruction. 
By  John  G.  Chapman,  N.  A.  Three  Parts  now  published.  Price 
50  cents  each. 

The  History  and  Poetry  of  Finger-Rings.  By  Charles 

Edwards,  Esq.,  Counsellor-at-Law.  With  Illustrations,  12mo,  cloth. 

Price  $1  00. 


REDFI  ELD’S  PUBLI  CAT  IONS. — BELLES-LETTRES. 


BELLES-LETTRES. 

Revolutionary  Tales,  by  Vm.  Gilmore  Simms,  Esq.  New  and  Re- 
vised Editions,  with  Illustrations  by  Parley. 

The  Partisan  ; A Romance  of  the  Revolution.  12mo, 

cloth.  Price  $1  25. 

Mellicliampe ; A Legend  of  the  Santee.  12mo,  cloth. 

Price  $1  25. 

Katharine  Walton  ; or,  The  Rebel  of  Dorchester.  12mo, 

cloth.  Price  $1  25. 

The  Scout;  or,  The  Black  Riders  of  the  Congaree. 

12mo,  cloth.  Price  $1  25. 

Woodcraft;  or,  The  Hawks  about  the  Dovecote.  12mo, 

clotfi.  Price  $1  25. 

The  Forayers;  or,  The  Raid  of  the  Dog-Days.  A Hew 

Revolutionary  Romance.  12mo,  cloth.  Price  $1  25. 

Eutaw.  A Hew  Revolutionaiy  Romance.  12mo,  cloth. 

Price  $1  25.  [In  Press.] 

Simms’s  Border  Romances  of  the  South,  New  and  Revised  Editions, 
with  Illustrations  by  Parley.  Uniform  with  Simms’s  Revolutionary 
Tales. 

I.  Guy  Rivers.  A Tale  of  Georgia.  12mo,  cloth. 

Price  $1  25. 

II.  Richard  Hurdis.  A Tale  of  Alabama.  12mo,  cloth. 

Price  $1  25. 

III.  Border  Beagles.  A Tale  of  Mississippi.  12mo,  cloth. 

Price  $1  25. 

IV.  Charlemont.  A Tale  of  Kentucky.  12mo,  cloth. 

Price  $1  25.  [In  Press.] 

V.  Beauchampe ; or,  The  Kentucky  Tragedy.  12mo, 

cloth.  Price  $1  25.  [In  Press.] 

VI.  Confession ; or,  The  Blind  Heart.  12mo,  clcth. 

Price  $1  25.  [In  Press.] 

The  Yemassee ; A Romance  of  South  Carolina.  By 

Wm.  Gilmore  Simms,  Esq.  12mo,  cloth.  Price  $1  25. 

Southward,  Ho  ! a Spell  of  Sunshine.  By  Wm.  Gil- 
more Simms,  Esq.  12mo,  cloth.  Price  $\  25. 


8 


repfield’s  publications.— belles-lettres. 


The  Hoctes  Ambrosianse.  By  Professor  Wilson,  J.  G. 

Lockhart,  James  Hogg,  and  Dr.  Maginn.  Edited,  with  Memoirs  and 
Notes,  by  Dr.  R.  Shelton  Mackenzie.  In  5 volumes.  Price  $5  00. 

The  Odoherty  Papers;  forming  the  first  portion  of  the 

Miscellaneous  Writings  of  the  iate  Dr.  Maginn.  With  an  Original 
Memoir,  and  copious  Notes,  bj  Dr.  R.  Shelton  Mackenzie.  2 vols. 
Price  $2  00. 

The  Shakespeare  Papers,  and  the  Homeric  Ballads; 

forming  Yol.  III.  of  the  Miscellaneous  Writings  of  the  late  Dr.  Maginn. 
Edited  by  Dr.  R.  Shelton  Mackenzie.  [In  Press.] 

Bits  of  Blarney.  By  Dr.  R.  Shelton  Mackenzie, 

Editor  of  “ Shed's  Sketches  of  the  Irish  Bar,”  “ Noctes  Ambrosianse,” 
&c.  12mo,  cloth.  Price  $1  00. 

Table  Traits.  By  Dr.  Doran,  Author  of  “Habits  and 

Men,”  &c.  12mo,  cloth.  $1  25. 

Habits  and  Men.  By  Dr.  Doran,  Author  of  “Table 

Traits,”  “ The  Queens  of  England  under  the  House  of  HanoveF.”  12mo, 
Price  $1  00. 

Calavar ; The  Knight  of  the  Conquest.  A Romance  of 

Mexico.  By  the  late  Dr.  Robert  Montgomery  Bird,  Author  of 
“ Nick  of  the  Woods with  Illustrations  by  Darley.  12mo,  cloth.  Price 
$1  25. 

Hick  of  the  Woods,  or  the  Jibbenainosay.  A Tale  of 

Kentucky.  By  the  late  Dr.  Robert  Montgomery  Bird,  Author  of 
“ Calavar,”  “ The  Infidel,”  &c.  New  and  Revised  Edition,  with  Illustra- 
tions by  Darley.  12mo,  cloth.  Price  $1  25. 

The  Pretty  Plate  ; A Hew  and  Beautiful  Juvenile.  By 

John  Vincent.  Illustrated  by  Darley.  1 vol.,  16mo,  cloth,  gilt.  Price 
50  cents;  extra  gilt  edges,  75  cents. 

Vasconselos.  A Romance  of  the  Hew  World.  By 

Frank  Cooper.  12mo,  cloth.  Price  $1  25. 

A Stray  Yankee  in  Texas.  By  Philip  Paxton.  With 

Hlustrations  by  Darley.  Second  Edition.  12mo,  cloth.  Price  $1  25. 

The  Wonderful  Adventures  of  Capt.  Priest.  By  Philip 

Paxton.  With  Illustrations  by  Darley.  12mo,  cloth.  Price  $1  00. 

Western  Characters ; being  Types  of  Border  Life  in  the 

Western  States.  By  J.  L.  M'Connel,  Author  of  “ Talbot  and  Vernon,” 
“The  Glenns,”  &c.,  &c.  With  Six  Illustrations  by  Darley.  12mo,  cloth. 
Price  $1  25. 

Summerfield ; or,  Life  on  a Farm.  By  Day  Kellogg 

Lee.  1 vol.,  12mo.  Price  $1  00. 

The  Master-Builder ; or,  Life  at  a Trade.  By  Day  Kel- 
logg Lee.  1 vol.,  12mo.  Price  $1  00. 

Merrimack ; or,  Life  at  the  Loom.  By  Day  Kellogg 

Lee.  1 vol.,  12mo.  Price  $1  00 


REDFIELD’S  PUBLICATION'S. — BELLES-LETTRES. 


9 


The  Works  of  Edgar  Allan  Poe.  Complete  in  three  vol- 
umes. With  a Portrait;  a Memoir  by  James  Russell  Lowell;  and  an 
Introductory  Essay  by  N.  P.  Willis.  Edited  by  Rufus  W.  Gbiswold 
12mo.  Price  $3  50. 

The  Cavaliers  of  England  ; or,  The  Times  of  the  Revolu- 
tions of  1642  and  1688.  By  Henry  William  Herbert.  1 vol.,  12mo 
Trice  $i  25. 

Knights  of  England,  France,  and  Scotland.  By  Henry 

William  Herbert.  1 vol.,  12mo.  Price  $1  25. 

The  Chevaliers  of  Prance,  from  the  Crusaders  to  the 

Mareschals  of  Louis  XIV.  By  Henry  William  Herbert.  Author 
of  “ The  Cavaliers  of  England,”  “ Cromwell,”  “ The  Brothers,”  &c.,  &c. 
I vol.,  12mo.  Price  $1  25. 

Marmaduke  Wyvil;  An  Historical  Romance  of  1651. 

By  Henry  William  Herbert,  Author  of  “ The  Cavaliers  of  England,” 
&c.,  &c.  Fourteenth  Edition.  Revised  and  Corrected.  Price  $1  25. 

The  Forest.  By  J.  V.  Huntington,  Author  of  “Lady 

Alice,”  “Alban,”  &c.  1 vol.,  12mo.  Second  Edition.  Price  $1  25. 

Alban ; or,  The  History  of  a Young  Puritan.  By  J. 

V.  Huntington.  2 vols.,  12mo,  cloth.  Price  $2  00. 

Isa:  a Pilgrimage.  By  Caroline  Chesebro’.  1 vol., 

12mo,  cloth.  Price  $1  00. 

The  Children  of  Light.  By  Caroline  Chesebro’,  Author 

of  “Isa,  a Pilgrimage,”  “Dream-Land  by  Daylight,”  &c.  &c.  12mo, 

cloth.  Price  $1  00. 

Dream-Land  by  Daylight:  A Panorama  of  Romance. 

By  Caroline  Chesebro’.  illustrated  by  Darley.  1 vol.,  12mo.  Price 
$1  25. 

Clovernook;  or,  Recollections  of  Our  Neighborhood  in 

the  West.  By  Alice  Caret.  Illustrated  by  Darley.  First  and  Second 
Series.  Fourth  Edition.  2 vols.  12mo.  Price  $2  00. 

Hagar ; A Story  of  To-Day.  By  Alice  Carey,  Author 

of  “ Clovernook,”  “Lyra,  and  Other  Poems,”  &c.  1 vol.,  12mo.  Price 

$1  00. 

Cap-Sheaf,  a Fresh  Bundle.  By  Lewis  Myrtle.  1 vol., 

12mo,  cloth.  Price  $1  00. 

The  Youth  of  Jefferson;  or,  A Chronicle  of  College 

Scrapes  at  Williamsburg,  Va.,  1764.  Cloth.  Price  75  cents. 

Tales  and  Traditions  of  Hungary.  By  Theresa  Pulszky. 

With  a Portrait  of  the  Author.  1 vol.  Price  $1  25. 

The  Lion  Skin  and  the  Lover  Hunt.  By  Charles  de 

Bernard.  12mo.  Price  $1  00. 

Easy  Warren  and  his  Cotemporaries:  Sketched  for 

Home  Circles  By  William  Turner  Coggeshall.  Price  $1  00. 


10 


REDFIELD’S  PUBLICATIONS. — BELLES-LETTRES. 


Yon  Have  heard  of  Them  : being  Sketches  of  Statesmen 

and  Politicians,  Painters,  Composers,  Instrumentalists  and  Vocalists,  Au- 
thors and  Authoresses.  By  Q.  With  Portraits  on  Steel  of  Horace  Ver- 
net  and  Julia  Grisi.  12mo,  cloth.  Price  $1  00. 

Satire  and  Satirists.  By  James  IIannay.  12mo,  cloth. 

Price  75  cents. 

Full  Proof  of  the  Ministry.  By  the  Eev.  John  H.  Hor- 
ton. 12mo,  cloth.  Price  75  cents. 

Dickens’s  Little  Folks,  in  a Series  of  18mo  Volumes,  with  Illustrations, 
Neatly  Bound  in  Cloth.  Price  38  cents. 

1.  Little  Hell.  4.  Florence  Dombey. 

2.  Oliver  and  the  Jew  Fagin.  5.  Smike. 

3.  Little  Paul.  6.  The  Child  Wife. 

This  is  a series  of  volumes  which  has  been  undertaken  with  a view  to  supply 
the  want  of  a class  of  books  for  children,  of  a vigorous,  manly  tone,  combined 
with  a plain  and  concise  mode  of  narration.  The  writings  of  Charles  Dickens 
have  been  selected  as  the  basis  of  the  scheme,  on  account  of  the  well-known 
excellence  of  his  portrayal  of  children,  and  the  interests  connected  with  chil- 
dren—qualities  which  have  given  his  volumes  their  strongest  hold  on  the 
hearts  of  parents.  With  this  view  the  career  of  Little  Nell  and  her 
Grandfather,  Oliver,  Little  Paul,  Florence  Dombey,  Smike,  and 
the  Child-Wife,  have  been  detached  from  the  large  mass  of  matter  with 
which  they  were  originally  connected,  and  presented,  in  the  author’s  own  lan- 
guage, to  a new  class  of  readers,  to  whom  the  little,  volume  will,  we  doubt 
not,  be  as  attractive  as  the  larger  originals  have  so  long  proved  to  the  general 
public. 


REDFIELD’S  PUBLICATIONS. — MISCELLANEOUS. 


11 


MISCELLANEOUS. 

The  Works  of  the  Honorable  William  H.  Seward,  with 

a Memoir,  Portrait  and  other  Engravings  on  steel.  3 vols.,  8vo.  Price 
per  volume,  cloth,  $2  50 ; half  calf,  $3  75 ; full  calf,  extra,  $4  50. 

The  Study  of  Words.  By  R.  C.  Trench,  B.  D.,  Professor 

of  Divinity  in  King’s  College,  London.  1 vol.,  12mo.  Price  75  cents. 

On  the  Lessons  in  Proverbs.  By  R.  C.  Trench,  B.  D., 

Author  of  the  “ Study  of  Words.”  12mo,  cloth.  Price  50  cents. 

The  Synonyms  of  the  Hew  Testament.  By  R.  C. 

Trench,  B.  D.,  Author  of  the  “ Study  of  Words,”  “Lessons  in  Prov- 
erbs,” &c.,  &c.  Third  Edition,  Revised  and  Enlarged.  I2mo,  cloth. 
Price  75  cents. 

English,  Past  and  Present.  By  Rev.  Richard  Chenevix 
Trench,  B.  D.  12mo.  Price  75  cents. 

Macaulay’s  Speeches.  Speeches  by  the  Right  Hon.  T. 

B.  Macaulay,  M.  P.,  Author  of  “ The  History  of  England.”  “ Lays  of 
Ancient  Rome,”  &c.,  &c.  2 vols.,,  12mo.  Price  $2  00. 

Meagher’s  Speeches.  Speeches  on  the  Legislative  Inde- 
pendence of  Ireland,  with  Introductory  Notes.  By  Thomas  Francis 
Meagher.  • 1 vol.,  12mo,  cloth.  Portrait.  Price  $1  00. 

Lectures  and  Miscellanies.  By  Henry  James.  1 voL, 

12mo,  cloth.  Price  $1  25. 

Characters  in  the  Gospel,  illustrating  Phases  of  Charac- 
ter at  the  Present  Day.  By  Rev.  E.  H.  Chapin.  1 vol.  12mo.  Price 
50  cents. 

Ballou’s  Review  of  Beecher.  The  Divine  Character 
Vindicated.  A Review  of  the  “ Conflict  of  Ages.”  By  Rev.  Moses 
Ballou.  1 vol.,  12mo,  cloth.  Price  $1  00. 

Maurice’s  Theological  Essays.  Theological  Essays.  By 

Frederick  Denison  Maurice,  M.  A.,  Chaplain  of  Lincoln’s  Inn. 
From  the  Second  London  Edition,  with  New  Preface,  and  other  Addi- 
tions. I vol.,  12mo,  cloth.  Price  $1  00. 

The  Pictorial  Bible ; being  the  Old  and  Hew  Testaments 

according  to  the  Authorized  Version ; Illustrated  with  more  than  One 
Thousand  Engravings,  representing  the  Historical  Events,  after  celebrated 
Pictures  ; the  Landscape  Scenes,  from  Original  Drawings,  or  from  Authen- 
tic Engravings ; and  the  Subjects  of  Natural  History,  Costume,  and  Anti- 
quities, from  the  best  sources.  1 vol.,  4to,  embossed  binding.  Price 
$6  00. 


DATE  DUE 

MAY  -7 

TO 

MAY  ,°r>  i 

368 

DEC  i 

7 1S6S 

JAM 

A Up 

2 5 |QQ4 

> 

MOV  2 | 

GAYLORD 

PRINTED  INU.S  A . 

3WWiiUV 


F YOAKUM,  H.K. 

386 

.Y$6 


Bapst  Library 

Boston  College 
Chestnut  Hill,  Mass.  02167 


